Suchergebnisse

2018 marks the twentieth anniversary of the Good Friday/Belfast Agreement and the establishment of devolved governance in Northern Ireland. Yet, whilst devolution has largely been held to have positive effects in Scotland and Wales with regards to both women's descriptive and substantive representation, this impact has been less discernible in Northern Ireland. Of the four regions of the United Kingdom, politics in Northern Ireland is arguably the most unfeminised—women have routinely seen lower descriptive representation in the Northern Irish Assembly and policy-making in areas such as reproductive rights lies far behind the rest of the UK. The article explores why politics is so unfeminised in the post-conflict context in Northern Ireland, by looking at efforts to feminise formal politics (especially the various peace/inter-party agreements and attempts to include women in formal politics) and efforts to politicise feminist activism (the work of the women's sector to influence policy-making in the province). It then explores some of the academic explanations as to why the feminisation of politics remains so difficult in Northern Ireland.

Is materialism still relevant to critically think politics? Throughout modernity, the concept of materialism was associated with fatalism and naturalism, when it was not simply dismissed as heresy and atheism. In the nineteenth century, materialism evolved into a central concept of progressive politics, reappearing again in the past decades through renewed Marxist and Spinoza-based approaches, New Materialism, and feminist discourses. This volume inquires these contrasting uses from theoretical and historical perspectives. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

Dissatisfaction with politics and political parties has given rise to a strong antipolitics discourse in Albania. Growing numbers feel unrepresented and see politics and political parties as the source of, rather than the solution to, the country's problems. In this article the author argues that the crisis of representation in Albania does not result simply from the inability of political parties to represent different social groups but from their inability to articulate and constitute them politically. The two major political parties have articulated "the people" against an external threat usually represented by their political opponent. Under these conditions, different social categories such as farmers, urban, rural, rich, and poor were increasingly reduced to moments within "the people" as a whole rather than the starting point from which "the people" were constituted. Therefore, the political process became both conflictual and unrepresentative of different social groups. The less representative political parties became, the more society as a whole and different groups within it defined themselves against political parties and politicians, hence the antipolitics discourse.

"Historically, women have been under-represented in politics. Patriarchal political parties, debilitating customs and discriminatory selection processes, and obstructionist attitudes have generally contributed to the inability of women to enter mainstream political life in a significant way. In Women in Caribbean Politics Cynthia Barrow-Giles and her co-contributors profile 20 of the most influential women in modern Caribbean politics who have struggled and excelled, in spite of the obstacles. Divided into four parts, this volume looks at women who led the struggle for freedom; those who agitated for equal rights and justice in the pre-independence period; postcolonial trailblazers; as well as a group which Cynthia Barrow-Giles refers to as 'Women CEOs.' The profiles cover women from 12 territories, with varying political, ethnic and socio-economic issues. Anyone with an interest in Caribbean Politics or Gender Studies will find Women in Caribbean Politics to be an excellent introduction. For students and teachers, it will be a valuable resource, as it highlights some of the little-known stories of Caribbean women who have set the foundation for, and continue to help to shape the identity of their nations and the region on a whole."--Provided by publisher

Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- list of figures -- preface -- acknowledgements -- part 1 the political and electoral context -- 1 British political culture: an exceptional polity? -- 1.1 Key characteristics -- 1.2 Other significant features -- 1.3 The European and global contexts -- 1.4 Conclusion -- 2 The evolving constitution -- 2.1 Key characteristics -- 2.2 Views of the constitution -- 2.3 Pressures for change -- 2.4 Conclusion -- 3 The electoral system -- 3.1 The current system -- 3.2 Criteria of assessment -- 3.3 The debate about the British electoral system -- 3.4 Conclusion -- 4 Voting participation and behaviour -- 4.1 Two-party politics? -- 4.2 Voter participation -- 4.3 Factors in voting -- 4.4 Influences in voting -- 4.5 Conclusion -- part 2 sources of power, pressure and opinion -- 5 The political parties -- 5.1 Origins and development -- 5.2 Functions and activity -- 5.3 Principles and organisation -- 5.4 Conclusion -- 6 Pressure groups -- 6.1 Some definitions -- 6.2 Classification of groups -- 6.3 Main functions -- 6.4 Organisation and power -- 6.5 Channels of influence -- 6.6 Involvement in policy and decision making -- 6.7 Conclusion -- 7 The media -- 7.1 The current situation -- 7.2 The problems and challenges of the press -- 7.3 The problems and challenges of the electronic media -- 7.4 The media and politics -- 7.5 Conclusion -- 8 Public opinion -- 8.1 The formation of opinion -- 8.2 The sources of opinion -- 8.3 The effects of opinion -- 8.4 Public opinion in context -- 8.5 Conclusion -- part 3 Parliament -- 9 The Monarchy -- 9.1 Powers and functions -- 9.2 Financing the Monarchy -- 9.3 The Monarchy, the media and the public -- 9.4 Conclusion -- 10 The House of Lords -- 10.1 Origins and historical development -- 10.2 Composition -- 10.3 Powers and functions.