Suchergebnisse

Résumé Ainsi que le concept de "l'accord théorique imparfait" de Sunstein le formalise, nul ne peut s'attendre à un accord unanime ou à un raisonnement si unique et complet qu'il conduise à un accords général, même au sein de la plus homogène majorité dans un système démocratique. De même, les relations euro-américaines semblent correspondre à une situation de "désaccord théorique imparfait". Si l'Europe et l'Amérique divergent sur l'usage de la force, l'Irak, la peine de mort ou l'environnement, ils forment une communauté transnationale et ne s'oppose dans le cadre de cette communauté, notamment sur la politique à suivre vis-à-vis de ceux qui n'en font pas partie. La vérité est qu'il n'y a pas de désaccord fondamental entre l'Europe et l'Amérique, en tout cas pas de divergence si profonde qui puisse vérifier une mise en théorie du désaccord qui soit parfaite.

"Cities have led the way to combat climate change by planning and implementing climate mitigation and adaptation policies. These local efforts go beyond national boundaries. Cities are forming transnational networks to enhance their understandings and practices for climate policies. In contrast to national governments that have numerous obstacles to cope with global climate change in the international and national level, cities have become significant international actors in the field of international relations and environmental governance. Global Cities and Climate Change examines the translocal relations of cities that have made an international effort to collectively tackle climate change. Compared to state-centric terms, international or trans-national relations, trans-local relations look at policies, politics, and interactions of local governments in the globalized world. Using multi-methods such as multi-level analysis, comparative case studies, regression analysis and network analysis, Taedong Lee illustrates why some cities participated in transnational climate networks for cities; under what conditions cities internationally cooperate with other cities, with which cities; and which factors influence climate policy performance. An essential read to all those who wish to understand the driving factors for local governments' engagement in global climate governance from a theoretical as well as practical point of view. Lee makes a valuable contribution to the fields of international relations, environmental policies, and urban studies"--

Abstract This paper discusses the emergence of non-state actors involved in developing rules on environmental and social standards in transnational arenas that are outside the control of governments and International Organizations. This work is the result of a field research conducted between January and March 2012 in the main palm producing region of Brazil, located in the state of Pará, encompassing the municipalities of Moju, Tailândia and Acará. It comprises a case study of a palm oil producing company based in the Amazon region. The synergy of this company with governmental policy has projected Brazil's soft power, not through foreign policy and diplomacy but by influencing transnational private regulation with the use of labels and certification schemes recognized by stakeholders engaged in the palm oil global chain. The authors use the academic literature on regulation and private governance to highlight the rise of non-state actors as rule-makers in contemporary international relations.

This article examines the effects of global capitalism and state coordination on the financial behaviour of chaebol (business conglomerates) in South Korea. This study focuses on the evolution from controller to coordinator in the post-developmental South Korean state. In recent times, the Korean government has been studied as the exemplar of the Asian newly industrializing economies (NIEs) based on its ability to control economic development. As civil society pressures outgrew government control in the 1990s, the government's mission shifted from control to coordination – the state sought to accommodate newly emerging or enlarged bargaining domains of key political-economic actors. However, the emergent post-developmental state is buffeted by the growing strength of the private sector, domestically and transnationally. While civil society strived to mobilize mass movements to further social democracy, the neoliberal evolution of capitalist class interests generated institutional configurations favouring the hegemony of finance capital.

Through a case study of a group of Neapolitan political activists incarcerated in Naples after the 1848 Revolution, this article aims to rescue the Italian convicts' experience from its subsidiary status, presenting the prisons as a site of struggle and in particular highlighting the international, European dimension of political imprisonment in the nineteenth century. I argue that together with the exiled, political prisoners also acted as transnational actors of the Risorgimento; they aroused the interest of both public opinion and the world of diplomacy and were perceived as a humanitarian cause. Neapolitan political prisoners became spokespersons of their national and political cause abroad, had a clear agency and exploited European public opinion. This study will thus explore the dynamics of the Risorgimento from a transnational perspective, as well as in relation to British and French imperialistic policies in the Mediterranean, the international de-legitimization of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, and more generally in terms of foreign humanitarian interventions in the nineteenth century and the role of political prisoners. The Neapolitan dungeons were not significantly different from those of other European states; however, they became the target of international diplomacy showing how Naples was considered somewhat in between European and non-European states.

Despite their catastrophic proportions, the Congo Wars have received little attention from international relations scholars. At the heart of these conflicts were alliances between rebel groups and neighboring rulers. What are the origins of such transnational alliances, which have been a major feature of nearly all civil wars in post–Cold War Africa? Recent scholarship on external support for rebel groups does not offer a clear answer, either providing long lists of the goals that state sponsors may have or avoiding the question of motives altogether. A focus on political survival reveals that African rulers form alliances with rebels in nearby states to reduce the threats of rebellions and military coups that the rulers themselves face at home. Transnational alliances serve either to weaken a ruler's domestic enemies by undermining their foreign sponsors or to ensure the continued allegiance of key domestic supporters by providing them with opportunities for enrichment. Case studies of the alliance decisions made in the two Congo Wars by the rulers of Angola, Rwanda, Sudan, Uganda, and Zimbabwe show that their struggles for political survival account for why they sided either with their Congolese counterparts or with Congolese rebels.

"Cities have led the way to combat climate change by planning and implementing climate mitigation and adaptation policies. These local efforts go beyond national boundaries. Cities are forming transnational networks to enhance their understandings and practices for climate policies. In contrast to national governments that have numerous obstacles to cope with global climate change in the international and national level, cities have become significant international actors in the field of international relations and environmental governance. Global Cities and Climate Change examines the translocal relations of cities that have made an international effort to collectively tackle climate change. Compared to state-centric terms, international or trans-national relations, trans-local relations look at policies, politics, and interactions of local governments in the globalized world. Using multi-methods such as multi-level analysis, comparative case studies, regression analysis and network analysis, Taedong Lee illustrates why some cities participated in transnational climate networks for cities; under what conditions cities internationally cooperate with other cities, with which cities; and which factors influence climate policy performance. An essential read to all those who wish to understand the driving factors for local governments' engagement in global climate governance from a theoretical as well as practical point of view. Lee makes a valuable contribution to the fields of international relations, environmental policies, and urban studies"--

There are many religious actors in world politics but only one of them represents more than one billion people, has an historical record as a political actor, is the only religious actor with a special status in the UN, has full diplomatic relations with most states, acts as a norm entrepreneur in the global public sphere and, nevertheless, attracts almost no attention from IR scholars: the Holy See. The Holy See is the pope as a subject of international law. The unique persistence of a monarchical principle in the transformations of world politics can be explained by the many levels the pope can act on: those of the Vatican State, diplomatic relations, and the transnational church. The pope's activities on all these levels constitute a multilayered actorness with increasing influence on the global public sphere. Adapted from source document.