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ABTRACTOur doctoral thesis is a critical reading of the traditional intelligibility of the Haitian society which includes it in the relationship where its being is determined by the slave colony. The postcolonial subject is a self-chained subject, self-destructive and not emancipated one, because his subjectivity is produced by the coloniality. Beyond this interpretation, we hypothesize that the Haitian Revolution can be interpreted as a decolonial scene whose repetition can be verified in History and whose radicality can be found in an exigency of emancipating citizenship. Its truth manifests itself in the polemical encounter with the colonial modernity. It becomes the site of an against-imaginary which would bring the detachment of the imaginary of domination and a difficult experience of foundation/beginning which must be analyzed by taking into account the conflictualities. The forgetting of the citizen results of the impossible cross-road between stásis and dêmos against the social order of domination to make actual new rights in the name of equality and emancipation.The doctoral thesis is divided into three parts and nine chapters. The first part studies the othering process of the colonial subject in connection with Western subjectivity, the ambivalent forms of its claims and its self-institution not being able to self-abolition. Thesecond part analyzes the interpretation of the Revolution and the post-colonial forms of domination. The last part finds the memory of a demand of foundation and beginning. It apprehends the relationships between violence, power and conflictualities with the aim of reconfiguration of the post colonial-world.Keywords: social conflicts, Haiti — 1791-1804 (Revolution), emancipation, domination,social reprentations, Haiti ; CONFLICTUALITÉS ET POLITIQUE COMME OUBLI DU CITOYEN (HAITI)Notre thèse part de l'intelligibilité habituelle de la société haïtienne pensée dans un rapport de déterminité avec la colonie. Le sujet postcolonial est un sujet auto-enchaîné, autodestructeur et non émancipé par le fait que sa subjectivité serait produite par la colonialité. Par-delà ce schéma, nous émettons l'hypothèse que la Révolution haïtienne de 1804 peut être pensée comme une scène décoloniale dont la répétition peut être vérifiée dans l'Histoire et la radicalité susceptible de fonder une citoyenneté émancipatrice. Sa vérité se déploie dans une rencontre polémique avec la modernité. Elle devient le site d'un contre-imaginaire qui produit le détachement de l'imaginaire de la domination et une expérience de fondation et de commencement qui doit être étudiée en lien avec les conflictualités. L'oubli du citoyen vient de l'impossible croisement de la stásis et du dêmos contre l'ordre social de domination pour rendre effectifs de nouveaux droits face aux potentats au nom de l'égalité et de l'émancipation. La thèse est divisée en trois parties et neuf chapitres. La première partie traite du procès d'altérisation du sujet colonial en lien avec la subjectivité occidentale, les formes ambivalentes de ses revendications et de son auto-institution sans pouvoir s'auto-abolir. La deuxième aborde la question de l'interprétation de la Révolution et les formes de domination post-coloniale. La dernière partie retrouve la mémoire d'une exigence de fondation et de commencement au regard de l'idée de scène décoloniale porteuse d'une brèche-anarchique. Elle appréhende ensuite les rapports entre violence, pouvoir et conflictualités au regard d'une reconfiguration décoloniale du monde.

In classical times, derision, understood as any message-delivered through gesture, through painting, music, and especially through the spoken word- where the purpose was to bring about laughter, taking as its target something or someone, was all over in the Athenian public space. The laws that governed the usage of language, and thus of derision, were at the time quite lax. Even still, for the temperament of the period, derision constituted an offense and could as a consequence fuel the fire of hate and discord, therefore weakening the social balance. Parrhesia, the concept of freedom of speech, that liberty that all of democratic Athens valued, did not by itself explain this paradoxal situation. It served more than anything to invoke the great political importance of derision. To begin with, it was one of the first lines of defense for political confrontations of weak intensity that flanked the regime of dissention that was the democratic politeia. On the other hand, derision was a critical tool, that the comic poet used to pinpoint the dysfunctions and errors of the democracy before an audience of citizens. It taught the people to better partake of their role in that democracy. At the same time, derision was used to belittle, on a symbolic level, the members of the elite and shallowly comfort the legitimacy of the people in their power. Finally, derision participated in the "fabric" of the community: not only as a normative power, with its refraction at the core of civic institutions increased, but equally as a method of reducing social tensions by letting citizens express themselves in an ephemeral and/or muted way. ; A l'époque classique, la dérision, entendu comme tout message - délivré par le geste, le dessin, la musique et surtout la parole dont le dessein est de susciter le rire en prenant pour cible quelque chose ou quelqu'un, débordait de toute part l'espace civique athénien. Les lois qui encadraient l'usage de la parole, et donc de la dérision, étaient d'ailleurs assez lâches. Pourtant, pour les esprits du temps, la dérision constituait une offense et pouvait par conséquent semer la haine et la discorde et fragiliser l'équilibre social. La parrhèsia, cette liberté de tout dire que la démocratie athénienne valorisait, n'explique pas seule cette situation paradoxale. Il convient surtout d'invoquer l'importance politique capitale de la dérision. En premier lieu, elle était l'une des modalités principe des affrontements politiques de faible intensité qui flanquaient ce régime de dissensus qu'était la démocratie. En outre, la dérision était un outil critique dont le poète comique se servait pour mettre en exergue les dérèglements et les errements du régime démocratique devant un parterre de citoyens. Elle leur apprenait alors à mieux «habiter» cette démocratie. Dans le même temps la dérision était employée pour rabaisser, sur le plan symbolique, les membres de l'élite confortant en creux la légitimité du peuple être le détenteur du pouvoir. La dérision participait enfin à ce «tissage» de la communauté par lequel les Anciens se représentaient le politique : non seulement elle disposait d'un pouvoir normatif que sa réfraction au sein des institutions civiques décuplait, mais elle était également un moyen de réduire les tensions sociales en les laissant s'exprimer sous une forme temporaire et/ou atténuée.

In classical times, derision, understood as any message-delivered through gesture, through painting, music, and especially through the spoken word- where the purpose was to bring about laughter, taking as its target something or someone, was all over in the Athenian public space. The laws that governed the usage of language, and thus of derision, were at the time quite lax. Even still, for the temperament of the period, derision constituted an offense and could as a consequence fuel the fire of hate and discord, therefore weakening the social balance. Parrhesia, the concept of freedom of speech, that liberty that all of democratic Athens valued, did not by itself explain this paradoxal situation. It served more than anything to invoke the great political importance of derision. To begin with, it was one of the first lines of defense for political confrontations of weak intensity that flanked the regime of dissention that was the democratic politeia. On the other hand, derision was a critical tool, that the comic poet used to pinpoint the dysfunctions and errors of the democracy before an audience of citizens. It taught the people to better partake of their role in that democracy. At the same time, derision was used to belittle, on a symbolic level, the members of the elite and shallowly comfort the legitimacy of the people in their power. Finally, derision participated in the "fabric" of the community: not only as a normative power, with its refraction at the core of civic institutions increased, but equally as a method of reducing social tensions by letting citizens express themselves in an ephemeral and/or muted way. ; A l'époque classique, la dérision, entendu comme tout message - délivré par le geste, le dessin, la musique et surtout la parole dont le dessein est de susciter le rire en prenant pour cible quelque chose ou quelqu'un, débordait de toute part l'espace civique athénien. Les lois qui encadraient l'usage de la parole, et donc de la dérision, étaient d'ailleurs assez lâches. Pourtant, pour les esprits du temps, la dérision constituait une offense et pouvait par conséquent semer la haine et la discorde et fragiliser l'équilibre social. La parrhèsia, cette liberté de tout dire que la démocratie athénienne valorisait, n'explique pas seule cette situation paradoxale. Il convient surtout d'invoquer l'importance politique capitale de la dérision. En premier lieu, elle était l'une des modalités principe des affrontements politiques de faible intensité qui flanquaient ce régime de dissensus qu'était la démocratie. En outre, la dérision était un outil critique dont le poète comique se servait pour mettre en exergue les dérèglements et les errements du régime démocratique devant un parterre de citoyens. Elle leur apprenait alors à mieux «habiter» cette démocratie. Dans le même temps la dérision était employée pour rabaisser, sur le plan symbolique, les membres de l'élite confortant en creux la légitimité du peuple être le détenteur du pouvoir. La dérision participait enfin à ce «tissage» de la communauté par lequel les Anciens se représentaient le politique : non seulement elle disposait d'un pouvoir normatif que sa réfraction au sein des institutions civiques décuplait, mais elle était également un moyen de réduire les tensions sociales en les laissant s'exprimer sous une forme temporaire et/ou atténuée.

La medicina alternativa y complementaria es uno de los pilares fundamentales en los sistemas de salud de todo el mundo. Dada su filosofía muchos de estos enfoques son considerados como sistemas médicos complejos que cuentan con una morfología; una dinámica vital; un corpus doctrinario (en el cual se expone el concepto específico de salud y enfermedad); un diagnóstico; y un tratamiento. Este tipo de enfoque hacia ver el concepto salud-enfermedad ha tenido un gran auge y acogida, lo que ha hecho que diferentes organismos políticos, gubernamentales y de educación (OMS, universidades) se vean involucrados en asegurar una adecuada difusión de su práctica dentro de un marco de seguridad y confianza. En diversas partes del mundo existen instituciones que imparten su conocimiento ya sea en educación médica continuada, programas de postgrado y maestría, sin embargo, son muy pocas las instituciones dentro del país que cuentan con una educación brindada al respecto en el pregrado. Dado que la medicina se define como el arte de curar y aliviar el dolor independientemente de la estrategia que se utilice para llegar a este fin, el médico es la persona que ha sido formada para brindar ayuda dentro de un marco académico, ético y legal, donde la única realidad es la que vive cada paciente con un conjunto de signos y síntomas que aquejan y alteran su calidad de vida. Dentro de la autonomía que debe tener cada persona para enfrentar su proceso salud-enfermedad es el paciente quien en últimas escoge su método terapéutico, sin embargo, se expone a un medio donde no siempre se enfrenta a personas idóneas y correctamente capacitadas para tal fin, lo que genera un ambiente de inseguridad e incertidumbre. Lo que se propone con este trabajo es establecer la importancia y necesidad de impartir dentro de la educación médica en pregrado conocimientos básicos acerca de la medicina alternativa, que le permitan al profesional de la salud tener ideas claras sobre ésta, para poder discutir su indicación, dar consejo sobre la efectividad, seguridad y su utilización de una manera adecuada a los pacientes. ; Abstract. Complementary and alternative medicine is one of the fundamental pillars health systems worldwide. Given his philosophy many of these approaches are considered complex medical systems with morphology; a vital dynamic; a doctrinal corpus (which is shown in the specific concept of health and illness); a diagnosis; and treatment. This type of approach to see the health-disease concept has been very boom and welcome, which has made various political organizations, governmental and educational (WHO, universities) become involved in ensure adequate dissemination of their practice within a framework of security and confidence. In various parts of the world there are institutions that impart their knowledge either in continuing medical education and postgraduate programs Masters, however, very few institutions in the country It has a provided about the undergraduate education. Since medicine is defined as the art of healing and relieve pain regardless of the strategy used to achieve this end, the doctor is the person who has been formed to provide assistance within an academic, ethical and legal framework, where the only reality is experienced by each patient with a set of signs and symptoms that affect and alter their quality of life. ; Maestría

El objetivo de esta tesis de maestría, es analizar las dinámicas de distribución del gasto público en Antioquia entre 2004-2011, y así establecer cómo han sido las políticas distributivas con el fin de comprender la calidad de la democracia y las instituciones políticas a nivel subnacional en el sistema político colombiano, dado que se estudian dos períodos de gobiernos de dos partidos políticos diferentes. Asimismo, este trabajo se realiza con base en las propuestas de Pork Barrel y distributive politic en la ciencia política y la economía política anglosajona; su vez, se agrega el análisis cualitativo de fuentes primarias. Para el trabajo, se construyó una base de datos con información electoral, económica, demográfica, política y electoral de los 125 municipios del departamento en la parte cuantitativa, con la utilización de la regresión lineal de mínimos cuadrados ordinarios y modelo Probit para la comprobación de hipótesis; y en lo cualitativo, con datos de las actas de la Asamblea Departamental de Antioquia sobre propuestas de inversión de los Diputados. Los resultados, evidencian la ausencia normativa para la asignación de inversión por cofinanciación, por parte del Gobernador de Antioquia, a los municipios; una relación de superioridad del Ejecutivo con la Asamblea Departamental, sumado a la debilidad institucional regional en relación con las denuncias en los órganos de control y en el control político. Las estrategias distributivas, revelan la asignación presupuestal de inversión del gobernador entre 2004-2007 a los municipios donde perdió las elecciones como un mecanismo para conquistar votantes, y en el período 2008-2011 se invirtió más en los municipios donde el Gobernador ganó las elecciones, como una estrategia de premiar a los electores leales. ; Abstract: The objective of this master thesis is to analyze the dynamics of distribution of public expenditure between 2004-2011 in Antioquia, and to establish the distributive politics in order to understand the quality of democracy and political institutions at the subnational level in the Colombian political system, since two periods of governments of two different political parties are studied. Also, this work is done on the basis of the proposals of pork barrel and distributive politic in the Anglo-Saxon political science and political economy; in turn, the qualitative analysis of primary sources added. For work, it built a database with electoral, economic, demographic, political and electoral information of the 125 municipalities in the department in the quantitative part, with the use of linear regression OLS and Probit model for testing hypothesis; and qualitatively, with details of the minutes of the Departmental Assembly of Antioquia on investment proposals of Deputies. The results demonstrate the absence rules for the allocation of investment financing, by the Governor of Antioquia to municipalities; a relationship of superiority of the Executive with the Departmental Assembly, joined the regional institutional weakness in relation to the allegations in the supervisory institutions and political control. The distributional strategies reveal the investment budget allocation governor between 2004-2007 to the municipalities where they lost the elections as a means to win voters, and in 2008-2011 invested more in municipalities where the governor won the election, as a strategy to reward core voters ; Maestría

This work approaches the dynamics of adaptations and transformations of the evangelic Churches attended by the Brazilian immigrants living in Suriname - country born in a perspective of social and political recognition of ethnic and cultural diversity, crystallized in the apanjhat (ideology which legitimizes the multicultural policies). The first Churches, settled in this country by missionaries sent by evangelic institutions of Brazil, were « God is Love », in 1994, and « Assemblies of God », in 1996. From the 2000s, divisions in « God is Love », new missions came from Brazil and another coming of French Guiana modified this religious field, by revealing new Churches, which, next to both –churches- quoted, are going to form a group of Churches named « Brasyonkerki », term meaning in Surinamese vernacular language, "Brazilians' Churches", addressed essentially to the Brazilians and to use Portuguese as liturgical language. Inserted into a society marked by the ethnic plurality, the transmigration and the zones of gold washing, these Churches adapt themselves, metamorphose and are influenced by the Brazilian immigrants. They are then in a tension between a preference for these immigrants and a universal proselytism of their own. ; Ce travail aborde les dynamiques d'adaptations et de mutations des Églises évangéliques fréquentées par les immigrés brésiliens présents au Suriname – pays né dans une perspective de reconnaissance sociale et politique de la diversité ethnique et culturelle, cristallisée dans l'apanjhat (idéologie qui légitime les politiques multiculturelles). Les premières Églises, installées dans ce pays par des missionnaires envoyés par des institutions évangéliques du Brésil, ont été la Dieu est Amour, en 1994, et l'Assemblée de Dieu, en 1996. À partir des années 2000, des divisions dans la Dieu est Amour, de nouvelles missions venues du Brésil et une autre venue de Guyane française ont modifié ce champ religieux, en faisant apparaître de nouvelles Églises, qui, à côté des deux citées, vont former un groupe d'Églises nommées Brasyonkerki, terme qui, en langue vernaculaire surinamienne, signifie « Églises de Brésiliens », du fait de s'adresser essentiellement aux Brésiliens et d'utiliser le portugais comme langue liturgique. Insérées dans une société marquée par la pluralité ethnique, la transmigration et les zones d'orpaillage, ces Églises s'adaptent, se métamorphosent et sont influencés par les immigrés brésiliens. Elles se trouvent alors dans une tension entre une prédilection pour ces immigrés et le prosélytisme universel qui leur est propre. ; Este trabalho aborda a dinâmica da formação, as adaptações e as mutações das Igrejas evangélicas frequentadas por imigrantes brasileiros no Suriname, país nascido na dinâmica de reconhecimento social e político da diversidade étnica e cultural, cristalizada no apanjhat (ideologia que legitima as suas políticas multiculturais). As primeiras instaladas ali foram a Deus é Amor, em 1994, e a Assembleia de Deus, em 1996, por missionários enviados por instituições evangélicas do Brasil. A partir dos anos 2000, cisões na Deus é Amor, missões vindas do Brasil e uma da Guiana Francesa tumultuaram esse campo religioso, fazendo surgir novas Igrejas, que, junto às duas citadas, formam um grupo de Igrejas denominadas de Brasyonkerki, termo que significa, na língua vernacular surinamesa, "Igrejas de brasileiros" — assim reconhecidas pelos surinameses porque, além de voltadas para brasileiros, utilizam o português como língua litúrgica. Envoltas por um quadro de sociedade plural, transmigração e garimpos de ouro, elas se adaptam, se metamorfoseiam, influenciam e são influenciadas pelos imigrantes brasileiros, e se encontram num dilema entre seu direcionamento a eles e seu proselitismo universalista característico.

The present investigation on "Jürgen Habermas, Eric Weil and civil society political boundaries" is intended to be a "contribution to the reflection on the meaning of citizen political engagement". Indeed, by giving civil society the political vocation of legitimation of the state, the German philosopher and sociologist Jürgen Habermas, posits that speaking in the form of public speaking exercise of reason would be enough to trigger a Communicational Action making the citizen the actor and the recipient of the laws and institutions that govern him. But this achievement does not happen by itself. It depends, according to the French philosopher Eric Weil, of special conditions created by nature and functioning of modern society.The main aim of this investigation which dares a virtual dialogue between the two thinkers, is to show that if the global triumph of the idea of civil society contributes to the acceleration of the advent of a universally administered society within the limits of simple reason, the achievement of the goal remains undermined by the omnipresence of violence and nonsense in contemporary political sphere.Therefore, to get out of this double impasse to which the public exercise of reason is exposed, dialogue between Jürgen Habermas and Eric Weil ends with the primacy of the question of meaning. An outcome which is justified and therefore justifies the citizen political engagement. It is by continuing to act reasonably, non-violently, alone and/or with others for the advent of a Real State, despite the persistence of irrationality, violence and nonsense that the citizen contributes to the renewal of the meaning of its individual and collective existence. ; La présente investigation sur le thème «Jürgen Habermas, Eric Weil et les limites politiques de la société civile» se veut une «contribution à la réflexion sur le sens de l'engagement politique citoyen». En effet, en conférant à la société civile la vocation politique de légitimation de l'Etat, le philosophe et sociologue allemand, Jürgen Habermas, postule que la prise de parole sous forme d'exercice public de la raison suffirait pour enclencher un Agir communicationnel à même de faire du citoyen l'acteur et le destinataire des lois et des institutions qui le gouvernent. Mais cet aboutissement ne va pas de soi. Elle dépend, selon le philosophe français, Eric Weil, de conditions particulières induites par la nature et le fonctionnement de la société moderne. La principale préoccupation de cette investigation qui, ose un dialogue virtuel entre les deux penseurs, est de montrer que, si le triomphe planétaire de l' idée de société civile contribue à l'accélération de l'avènement d'une société universellement administrée dans les limites de la simple raison, l'atteinte de cet objectif reste minée par l'omniprésence de la violence et du non-sens dans la sphère politique contemporaine. Aussi, pour sortir de cette double impasse à laquelle s'expose l'exercice public de la raison, le dialogue entre Jürgen Habermas et Eric Weil s'achève par la primauté de la question du sens. Un aboutissement qui se justifie et justifie par conséquent l'engagement politique citoyen. Car, c'est en continuant à agir de façon raisonnable et non-violente, seul et/ou avec les autres pour l'avènement d'un Etat vrai, malgré la persistance de l'irrationalité, de la violence et du non-sens, que le citoyen contribue au renouvellement du sens de son existence individuelle et collective.

Ko slišimo za pojem korupcija, takoj pomislimo na zlorabo javne službe za doseganje lastnih koristi. Posamezniki in podjetja podkupujejo administrativne uslužbence, da le-ti uredijo zadeve, ki morajo biti rešene. Gre torej za izsiljevanje rent od gospodarskih udeležencev in posledično od ekonomije same izključno za zasebne koristi politikov in uradnikov. Tovrsten pristop k obravnavanju pojava je v zadnjih letih začrtal popolnoma novo smer analiziranja in merjenja korupcije. Korupcija se predstavi v popolnoma novi podobi, v kateri posamezniki, skupine oziroma podjetja vplivajo na formulacijo zakonov, ali celo spreobračajo že oblikovana pravila igre, da bi si s tem zagotovili pomembne ugodnosti. Korupcija je in vedno bo obstajala v svetu, edina razlika je v tem, da se z razvojem družb spreminja, prevzema bolj prefinjene oblike, zaradi katerih jo je težje odkrivati in preprečevati. Vse bolj razsežne in destruktivne posledice, ki jih ima korupcija na gospodarsko rast in družbeno stabilnost, nujno zahtevajo praktične strategije omejevanja korupcije. Problem korupcije se ne omejuje na določeno regijo, kajti z njenimi grožnjami se ubadajo tako razvite države kot tudi države v razvoju in tranzitne države. V postsocialističnih državah so sočasni procesi razvijanja tržne ekonomije, oblikovanja novih političnih in socialnih institucij ter prerazporejanje družbene lastnine ustvarili rodna tla za pojav korupcije. Zaradi kompleksnosti fenomena in predvsem zaradi vse večjega zavedanja, da vzroki za prevzem države presegajo golo neučinkovitost in šibkost državne uprave, je potrebno za razumevanje in odpravljanje state capture razsvetliti problem širših strukturalnih povezav, kot so interna organizacija političnega sistema, odnosi in zveze med ključnimi državnimi institucijami, interakcije med podjetji in državo ter povezave med državo in civilno družbo. ; When we think about corruption, an image quickly comes to mind of abuse of public office for private gains. Individuals and firms are bribing bureaucrats to »get things done«. Behind this view lies an understanding of the state extracting rents from the economy for the exclusive benefit of politicians and bureaucrats. Such an aprroach has had a powerful impact on the way corruption has been analyzed and measured in recent years. Corruption has taken on a new image – that of individuals, groups, or firms manipulating policy formation and even shaping the emerging rules of the game to their own, very substantional advantage. Corruption has always existed across the world and it will never disappear, the difference is that has become more sophisticated and thus more difficult and costly to detect. With the increasing recognition across the globe of the damaging effects of corruption on economic growth and social stability, the demand for practical strategies to reduce corruption has grown dramatically. The problem is not confined to any particular region, and developed, developing and transition countries alike are confronting these challenges. In postcommunist states the simultaneous processes of developing a market economy, designing new political and social institutions and redistributing social assets have created fertile ground for corruption. With regard to complexity of phenomena and with increasing recognition that the roots of state capture extend far beyond weaknesses in the capacity of government, we need to be aware of factors underlying the persistence of corruption that is broader structural relationships, including the internal organization of the political system, relationships among core state institutions, the interactions between the state and firms, and the relationship between the sate and civil society.

Regulatory reforms in the telecommunications sector in Africa and the rest of the world have been necessitated by the convergence of information and communication technology industries. Given the relative newness of the sector in Africa, information and communication technology implementation problems persist. Research in the sector has tended to attribute implementation problems to technological issues. While not contesting this, this paper contends that information and communication technology implementation in Africa warrants a re-evaluation from the perspective of policy making processes. Drawing on two case studies, this paper critically examines the licensing policy option as documented in the Kenya Communications Act and as implemented by the regulator in Kenya. This analysis is situated within public policy frameworks that highlight the function of domestic institutions and patterns of politics as highly critical filters in policy making, thus influencing actor behaviour and impacting on implementation outcomes in the policy making processes. The findings are that policy making and information and communication technology implementation in Kenya are influenced by institutional/policy arrangements and the contextual forces of ideological, political, social and economic interests. This has significant implications for Kenya, particularly as the study reinforces the call for a critical examination of the policy actors and policy choices that govern information and communication technology regulation and implementation. The study findings also have implications for other African countries, in that the study questions the viability of such policy choices for creating information/knowledge societies in Africa. The analysis in this paper is based on document research and fieldwork, and forms part of a wider study on policy options and implementation processes as enacted through the regulation of the telecommunications sector in Kenya. ; Regulatory reforms in the telecommunications sector in Africa and the rest of the world have been necessitated by the convergence of information and communication technology industries. Given the relative newness of the sector in Africa, information and communication technology implementation problems persist. Research in the sector has tended to attribute implementation problems to technological issues. While not contesting this, this paper contends that information and communication technology implementation in Africa warrants a re-evaluation from the perspective of policy making processes. Drawing on two case studies, this paper critically examines the licensing policy option as documented in the Kenya Communications Act and as implemented by the regulator in Kenya. This analysis is situated within public policy frameworks that highlight the function of domestic institutions and patterns of politics as highly critical filters in policy making, thus influencing actor behaviour and impacting on implementation outcomes in the policy making processes. The findings are that policy making and information and communication technology implementation in Kenya are influenced by institutional/policy arrangements and the contextual forces of ideological, political, social and economic interests. This has significant implications for Kenya, particularly as the study reinforces the call for a critical examination of the policy actors and policy choices that govern information and communication technology regulation and implementation. The study findings also have implications for other African countries, in that the study questions the viability of such policy choices for creating information/knowledge societies in Africa. The analysis in this paper is based on document research and fieldwork, and forms part of a wider study on policy options and implementation processes as enacted through the regulation of the telecommunications sector in Kenya.

In classical times, derision, understood as any message-delivered through gesture, through painting, music, and especially through the spoken word- where the purpose was to bring about laughter, taking as its target something or someone, was all over in the Athenian public space. The laws that governed the usage of language, and thus of derision, were at the time quite lax. Even still, for the temperament of the period, derision constituted an offense and could as a consequence fuel the fire of hate and discord, therefore weakening the social balance. Parrhesia, the concept of freedom of speech, that liberty that all of democratic Athens valued, did not by itself explain this paradoxal situation. It served more than anything to invoke the great political importance of derision. To begin with, it was one of the first lines of defense for political confrontations of weak intensity that flanked the regime of dissention that was the democratic politeia. On the other hand, derision was a critical tool, that the comic poet used to pinpoint the dysfunctions and errors of the democracy before an audience of citizens. It taught the people to better partake of their role in that democracy. At the same time, derision was used to belittle, on a symbolic level, the members of the elite and shallowly comfort the legitimacy of the people in their power. Finally, derision participated in the "fabric" of the community: not only as a normative power, with its refraction at the core of civic institutions increased, but equally as a method of reducing social tensions by letting citizens express themselves in an ephemeral and/or muted way. ; A l'époque classique, la dérision, entendu comme tout message - délivré par le geste, le dessin, la musique et surtout la parole dont le dessein est de susciter le rire en prenant pour cible quelque chose ou quelqu'un, débordait de toute part l'espace civique athénien. Les lois qui encadraient l'usage de la parole, et donc de la dérision, étaient d'ailleurs assez lâches. Pourtant, pour les esprits du temps, la dérision constituait une offense et pouvait par conséquent semer la haine et la discorde et fragiliser l'équilibre social. La parrhèsia, cette liberté de tout dire que la démocratie athénienne valorisait, n'explique pas seule cette situation paradoxale. Il convient surtout d'invoquer l'importance politique capitale de la dérision. En premier lieu, elle était l'une des modalités principe des affrontements politiques de faible intensité qui flanquaient ce régime de dissensus qu'était la démocratie. En outre, la dérision était un outil critique dont le poète comique se servait pour mettre en exergue les dérèglements et les errements du régime démocratique devant un parterre de citoyens. Elle leur apprenait alors à mieux «habiter» cette démocratie. Dans le même temps la dérision était employée pour rabaisser, sur le plan symbolique, les membres de l'élite confortant en creux la légitimité du peuple être le détenteur du pouvoir. La dérision participait enfin à ce «tissage» de la communauté par lequel les Anciens se représentaient le politique : non seulement elle disposait d'un pouvoir normatif que sa réfraction au sein des institutions civiques décuplait, mais elle était également un moyen de réduire les tensions sociales en les laissant s'exprimer sous une forme temporaire et/ou atténuée.

This paper reports on the results of an empirical study of public librarians' conception of how public libraries support lifelong learning, as well as the role of information literacy in relation to lifelong learning. Lifelong learning has become essential to all people in today's information society as a result of easy and free access to information. A basic understanding of the concept is 'learning throughout life, either continuously or periodically'. This implies that learning is not restricted to educational institutions, but can also take place in for example the public library. Public libraries thus may play an important role in supporting the learning process not the least because lifelong learning is characterised by the inclusion of informal elements of learning, flexible learning opportunities, and a shift towards selfdirected learning. This self-directed learning promotes active citizenship and employability, thereby enabling people to participate in all spheres of social, political and economic life. Therefore, how do the public librarians conceive the learning responsibility and their own role in supporting lifelong learning? Furthermore, how do public librarians become better at teaching? The study reports on data from 12 interviews of purposely selected public librarians and a large-scale e-mail survey (questionnaire). The e-mail survey contained 28 questions and was sent to all staff members in public libraries in Denmark, and resulted in 986 responses. The results show that the public librarians consider the public library to be an important place for learning. The results also show how the public librarians find that they could become better at teaching and facilitating learning. This could in turn affect the sharing of knowledge and collaboration. ; This paper reports on the results of an empirical study of public librarians' conception of how public libraries support lifelong learning, as well as the role of information literacy in relation to lifelong learning. Lifelong learning has become essential to all people in today's information society as a result of easy and free access to information. A basic understanding of the concept is 'learning throughout life, either continuously or periodically'. This implies that learning is not restricted to educational institutions, but can also take place in for example the public library. Public libraries thus may play an important role in supporting the learning process not the least because lifelong learning is characterised by the inclusion of informal elements of learning, flexible learning opportunities, and a shift towards selfdirected learning. This self-directed learning promotes active citizenship and employability, thereby enabling people to participate in all spheres of social, political and economic life. Therefore, how do the public librarians conceive the learning responsibility and their own role in supporting lifelong learning? Furthermore, how do public librarians become better at teaching? The study reports on data from 12 interviews of purposely selected public librarians and a large-scale e-mail survey (questionnaire). The e-mail survey contained 28 questions and was sent to all staff members in public libraries in Denmark, and resulted in 986 responses. The results show that the public librarians consider the public library to be an important place for learning. The results also show how the public librarians find that they could become better at teaching and facilitating learning. This could in turn affect the sharing of knowledge and collaboration.

El rápido desarrollo del sector aeronáutico en Querétaro permite abordar casos de inversión extranjera directa que resultan en proyectos de innovación. Acuerdos entre agentes gubernamentales e industriales extranjeros y la evolución de programas de financiamiento fomentó la creación de capacidades, alianzas y redes para la innovación. La tesis desarrolla, desde el enfoque de la gestión de la tecnología, estrategias de gerencia y de vinculación con la industria para un mayor desempeño de la investigación con base en valores imperativos de la industria aeronáutica plasmados en la norma AS9100C. Entre 2011 y 2015 se estudiaron diferentes casos que pertenecen al sector aeronáutico de Querétaro: un Centro Público de Investigación (CPI), una Pequeña Y Mediana Empresa (PYME), y una Institución de Estudios Superiores (IES). En cada caso, la participación directa permitió: 1- Implementar un Sistema de Calidad AS9100C en la PYME, 2- Adaptar la escala de niveles de madurez tecnológica avanzada por la NASA para medir el desempeño y el riesgo de la investigación en el CPI, y 3- Desarrollar un modelo de gestión para la IES. La investigación, desarrollada en la presente tesis, reporta las interpretaciones y prácticas de diferentes actores académicos, pequeños emprendedores y directivos, sobre los temas de estandarización, vinculación y desempeño de la investigación. El trabajo realizado muestra métodos gerenciales integrados para generar un alto desempeño en investigación aeronáutica y presenta, de manera prospectiva, las líneas de investigación pertinentes a la industria aeronáutica local. La estrategia gerencial avanzada se compone de métodos de medición del desempeño de la actividad de investigación y de medición del riesgo de la inversión en desarrollo tecnológico con el fomento de valores e incentivos al involucramiento de los académicos en el contexto de la economía del conocimiento. ; The rapid development of the aeronautic sector in Querétaro allows addressing cases that result in innovative projects. Agreements between government and industry foreign agents and the evolution of financing programs fostered building capacity, partnerships and networks for innovation. The thesis develops, from the viewpoint of technology management, direction strategies and networking with the industry for pertinence of research activity. Industry research performance is based on imperative values embodied in the AS9100C aerospace standard. Between 2011 and 2015, different cases belonging to the aeronautic industry of Querétaro were studied: a Public National Research Center, a Small and Medium Enterprise (SME), and a Superior Education Institution. In each case, the direct participation allowed: 1- Implementing an AS9100C based quality system in the SME, 2- Adapting the scale of technology readiness levels from NASA to measure the performance and risk of research and development in the Public National Research Center, and 3- Developing a technology management model for the Superior Education Institution. The research developed in this thesis reports the interpretations and practices of different actors, academicians, small entrepreneurs and top managers on the issues of standardization, networking and research performance. The work carried provides managerial methods for high performance in aeronautics research and presents prospectively research lines relevant to the local industry. The management strategy presented consists of integral methods for measuring performance of research, investment in technological development risk and promotion of values and incentives for involvement of academics in the context of the knowledge economy.

The Argentine Constitution of 1853, like most Latin American constitutions of the nineteenth century, established a central role of the president in the political system. But this system, although potentially democratic, was limiting popular participation. The framers of 1853 believed that the democratization of the regime would occur by Congress, which was designed with representational powers. But what actually happened was different: being the presidency the center of the system, when the democratic reforms of the XXth century took place, a new relationship between the president and the public was established. And so, the presidency has been transformed into something very different from what the founders of Argentine institutions might have thought. The modern, or populist, president has an undisputed electoral power and became the subject of popular representation. And as a result, the president has also become the main agent of change in public policy. In this thesis, we propose to conceptualize the relationship between the president and the public, called "populist presidentialism" as one of the three institutional dimensions of presidential power. This structural transformation of the presidency has also involved a number of changes in the political system. The electoral centrality of the executive power, mainly the presidency, that some institutional processes such as elections, the strategies of new political parties or public opinion beliefs are too oriented towards the presidency, and therefore its centrality is still increasing. The conclusion of this thesis, which opens a research agenda on presidential powers in Latin America, is that the presidential system should not be abandoned, but that the legislator should consider mechanisms to regulate and balance the effects of the populist presidentialism. ; La Constitution argentine de 1853, comme toutes les constitutions de l'Amérique latine du XIXe siècle, a établi un rôle central du président dans le système politique. Mais ce système, bien que potentiellement démocratique, limitait la participation populaire. Les constituants de 1853 croyaient que la démocratisation du régime se produirait par le Congrès, ayant le pouvoir de représentation. Mais ce qui est arrivé était différent: la présidence étant le centre du système, lorsque les réformes démocratiques du XXe siècle se produisent, une relation entre le président et le public a été institué. Et donc, la présidence a été transformée en quelque chose de très différent de ce que les fondateurs des institutions argentines avaient envisagé. Le président moderne, ou populiste, a un pouvoir électoral incontesté et est devenu le sujet de la représentation populaire. Et en conséquence, le président est devenu aussi l'agent principal du changement dans les politiques publiques. Dans cette thèse, nous proposons de conceptualiser la relation entre le président et le public, appelé «présidentialisme populiste» comme l'un des trois dimensions institutionnelles du pouvoir présidentiel. Cette transformation structurelle de la présidence a également impliqué un certain nombre de changements dans le système politique. La centralité électorale de l'exécutif, en particulier la présidence, a fait que des processus institutionnels comme les élections législatives, les stratégies de nouveaux partis politiques ou les interprétations de l'opinion publique soient trop orientées vers la présidence. La centralité de la présidence est donc en augmentation. La conclusion de cette thèse, qui ouvre un programme de recherche, c'est que le système présidentiel ne doit pas être abandonné, mais que le législateur devrait envisager des mécanismes pour réglementer et équilibrer les effets du présidentialisme populiste.

Исследуются трансформация роли системы финансово-промышленных групп Южной Кореи после Азиатского финансового кризиса 1997-1998 гг. вплоть до 2013 г., а также комплекс правительственных посткризисных реформ и его влияние на создание новых тенденций в развитии южнокорейских концернов. Рассматривается влияние финансово-промышленных групп на формирование и реализацию экономического и внутриполитического курса страны, обозначаются новые особенности взаимодействия чеболь с правительственным аппаратом Южной Кореи после Азиатского финансового кризиса 1997-1998 гг. ; The system of financial industrial groups (chaebol) plays a significant role in the economic and political life of South Korea. This system has demonstrated an outstanding ability to adjust to different tendencies on each particular historical stage of the country''s development, effectively responding to new changes and challenges in the world political, economic and social space. This article investigates the historical period starting from 1998 and up to 2013 as well as consistent transformation of chaebol''s role and influence on political and economic life in South Korea during the analyzed period. Various mechanisms used by chaebol to influence the political and economic life of South Korea are pointed out. It is important to mention that the end of the 1990s and the beginning of the 2000s became a special stage not only in the process of development of South Korean chaebol but also in the world economic and political life, because, on the one hand, at that time the global process of integration of the world economic system was progressing at a fast pace. On the other hand, some economic events such as Asian financial crisis of 1997-1998 caused re-estimation of the process of integration in the global society itself. The analyzed period became a prominent stage in the process of chaebol''s development due to the fact that it was the time of the final transformation of chaebol''s mostly passive role into active. Moreover, the significance and influence of chaebol in the political life increased and their connection with the South Korean political elite moved to a new level. Such a change was connected with stabilization and strengthening of the democratic regime in South Korea by the end of the 1990s as well as with sufficient development of democratic institutions which became the reason of transformation of relationships between Korean companies and political leaders. The historical background which prepared the ground for such drastic changes in the role of chaebol in South Korea is also investigated in the article. Special attention is paid to the influence and consequences of the Asian financial crisis of 1997-1998 and, especially, government reforms in the transformation of Korean conglomerates. The after-reform stage in the development of chaebol is specifically emphasized in the article because it was a turning point in the process of companies'' awareness of their possibilities and level of influence and the time when they managed to consolidate their efforts successfully. In fact, during the period following after the Asian financial crisis, the interests of South Korean government and conglomerates diverged considerably for the first time and, thus, chaebol started their active resistance to government reforms. Special attention is paid to the mechanisms of involvement of democratic institutions and mass media in the political activities of chaebol. Also the specific traits of relationships between Korean conglomerates and government at the current stage are pointed out.

В статье проводится исследование применения и развития факторинговых и форфейтинговых операций в России и за рубежом. Опыт использования в отечественной и зарубежной экономике факторинга и форфейтинга показал, что применение факторинга и форфейтинга во внутренней и внешней торговле актуально на сегодняшний день, так как посредством этих операций обеспечивается ускорение движения оборотных средств предприятий, что способствует оздоровлению их финансового состояния. В тоже время непосредственно с учетом современных реалий глобализации рынков, укрупнения производств, данные операции содействуют развитию и укреплению связей между хозяйствующими субъектами. Проведенный анализ законодательной базы продемонстрировал, что недостаточно четко обозначено содержание исследуемых видов расчетов, поэтому для эффективного применения в экономике и предпринимательской деятельности данных видов необходимо обоснование их содержания. Автор статьи указывает на то, что факторинг представляет собой финансовое обслуживание, а не разовые сделки, что требует наличия более четкой законодательно-правовой и экономической основы для осуществления этих операций и управления рисками, связанными с ними. Кредитным учреждениям необходимо обладать достаточным объемом денежных ресурсов, которые позволяли бы осуществлять факторинговые и форфейтинговые операции. Исследование механизма использования форфейтинга в России выявило недостаточный уровень развития форфейтинговых услуг. Сделан вывод о том, что российские финансовые кредитные учреждения не готовы брать на себя инвестиционные риски, связанные с выполнением данных операций. Хотя в странах с развитой рыночной экономикой договор под уступку денежного требования придает торговым отношениям более устойчивый характер. Кроме того, в статье выявлены закономерности и специфические черты факторингового и форфейтингового рынков, указаны причины, сдерживающие их применение экономике и хозяйственной практике. ; The research of application of factoring and forfeiting operations in Russia and abroad is conducted in this article. The experience in the use of factoring and forfeiting in the domestic and foreign economy showed that the application of factoring and forfeiting in the internal and external trade is relevant today, as these operations are provided by the acceleration of the movement of working capital enterprises, which contributes to improvement of their financial condition. At the same time directly from the light of contemporary realities the globalization of markets, consolidation of production, these operations contribute to the development and strengthening of relationships between entities. The conducted analysis of the legal framework has demonstrated that the content of the studied types of calculations is not indicated clearly enough, so it is necessary to justify their content for the efficient use of these types in the economy and business activities. The author of the article points out that factoring is a financial service rather than one-off transaction, which requires a clearer legislative and economic framework for the implementation of those operations and management the risks, associated with them. Credit institutions must have sufficient cash resources that would allow to implement factoring and forfeiting operations. Investigation of the mechanism of using forfeiting in Russia revealed the lack of development of forfeiting services. It was concluded that the Russian financial lending institutions are not ready to take on the investment risks associated with those operations. However, assignment of the claim gives trade relations more stable position in countries with the developed market economy. In addition, regularities and specific features of factoring and forfeiting markets were revealed and the reasons hindering their use in economics and economic practice were provided in this article. Tags: factoring, forfeiting assignment of the claim of monetary funds, bill of exchange, commercial credit, export operations