Suchergebnisse

THIS ESSAY IS AN EXAMINATION OF THE ROOTS OF THE MODERN IDEA OF FREEDOM IN BURMA AND ITS ROLE IN THE PRESENT CONTEST BETWEEN THE MILITARY RULERS, WHO DENY THE MODERN VERSION AND, INSTEAD, SEEK TO IMPOSE A PERMANENT DICTATORSHIP DEVOID OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL FREEDOM THROUGH PEACEFUL AND LEGAL MEANS. THE ESSAY EXAMINES THE TWO ROOTS OF THE MODERN IDEA OF FREEDOM: BUDDHISM AND MODERN LIBERAL THOUGHT AND THEIR MERGER TO FORM THE MODERN IDEA. IT CONCLUDES WITH AN EXAMINATION OF THE POLITICAL IDEAS AND WRITING OF DAW AUNG SAN SUU KYI. BASED ON MODERN BURMESE THOUGHT, SHE SPEAKS TO THE PEOPLE IN TERMS THEY UNDERSTAND AND RESPOND TO. IT IS ARGUED THAT SHE, AND NOT HER MILITARY OPPONENTS, DISCUSS ISSUES THAT THE PEOPLE SHARE AND OFFER GOALS THEY PEACEFULLY STRUGGLE TO ACHIEVE.

Political representation is believed to be a tool to enhance the competency of Dalit women. It is also acknowledged as a factor for the socio-political empowerment and advancement of the communities they represent. However, it is always fascinating to explore what political representation meant to them, why and how they could come to represent, and how consequential and substantial their representation was. This article interprets the construction from the narratives that come through one-to-one interviews with 19 Dalit women in Biratnagar Metropolitan City as the research participants on the status, opportunities and challenges of their political representation at the local level. After gathering the narratives, the data is discussed to reach the conclusion that political representation can be a gateway to enhance the leadership potential of Dalit women. The research reveals that political representation is taken as a crucial tool for enhancement of their competency and it can support the empowerment of the community one represents, though there are some issuesto be addressed with due time and efforts. Most of the time, a contextual need overcame a Dalit woman's absence of political awareness to enter politics. Lack of prior experience not only constrained their political mobility and advancement but also, in situations, their male colleagues and the ward 'chairman' intimidated them due to their 'politically inexperienced'background. Forsome others, their own community too was not excited with their election process or their roles at the local government. Higher levels of politicalsocialization and leadership training would be more goal-oriented. This paper contributes to comprehending the contextual rationale and the status of Dalit women's political representation and creates scope for additional scholarly and political discourse.

Three decades ago, it was widely believed by criminologists and policymakers that "nothing works" to reform offenders and that "rehabilitation is dead" as a guiding correctional philosophy. By contrast, today there is a vibrant movement to reaffirm rehabilitation and to implement programs based on the principles of effective intervention. How did this happen? I contend that the saving of rehabilitation was a contingent reality that emerged due to the efforts of a small group of loosely coupled research criminologists. These scholars rejected the "nothing works" professional ideology and instead used rigorous science to show that popular punitive interventions were ineffective, that offenders were not beyond redemption, and that treatment programs rooted in criminological knowledge were capable of meaningfully reducing recidivism. Their story is a reminder that, under certain conditions, the science of criminology is capable of making an important difference in the correctional enterprise, if not far beyond.

The proliferation of the coronavirus has created a global, regional, national, political, societal, economic and commercial crisis. The coronavirus crisis not only can be characterized as a disruptive period of instability, uncertainty, and danger but also can be perceived as a period of accelerated diffusion of digital technologies, micro-level initiatives, and a consideration of established resource-intensive forms. This paper discusses the possible impact of coronavirus pandemic crisis in the short and long term and call for research in many social and technical science fields such as political science, economics, business, management and technology management. By this paper, I intend to foster an exchange of theoretical ideas and empirical research across these topics at JAEBR and other leading journals.

Abstract.  The formal stochastic model of voting should be the theoretical benchmark against which empirical models can be gauged. A standard result in the formal model is the 'mean voter theorem' stating that parties converge to the electoral center. Empirical analysis based on the vote‐maximizing premise, however, invalidates this convergence result. We consider both empirical and formal models that incorporate exogeneous valence terms for the parties. Valence can be regarded as an electorally perceived attribute of each party leader that is independent of the policy position of the party. We show that the mean voter theorem is valid for empirical multinomial logit and probit models of a number of elections in the Netherlands and Britain. To account for the non‐centrist policy positions of parties, we consider a more general formal model where valence is also affected by the behavior of party activists. The results suggest that non‐convergent policy choice by party leaders can be understood as rational, vote‐maximizing calculation by leaders in response to electoral and activist motivations.

This article addresses the issue of organisational learning. The starting point for the analysis is the definition of organisational learning proposed by Levitt and March (1988) in terms of the transformation of an organisation's routines. This definition lead to a focus on the "organisational link" or the way in which individual routines and various learning processes are coordinated, thus assuring a degree of organisational coherence. In comparing the different organisational theories of Simon (1947), March and Simon (1958), Cyert and March (1963) and Nelson and Winter (1982), it is demonstrated that those authors that place primary emphasis on the organisation as an processor of information tend to downplay the importance of the social, relational and political dimensions of organisation behaviour. Recognition of the dual nature of the organisational link and of the importance of political determinants leads to the conclusion that individual processes of learning and inference should to be analytically distinguished from "learning" in the sense of a transformation in the organisation's routines.

The study focuses, in the context of the position of Carpathian Ruthenia in the political system of the First Czechoslovak Republic, on the issue of the parliamentary elections, specifically on the representation of Carpathian Ruthenia in the Czechoslovak National Assembly. Within the issue of the parliamentary election, it highlights particularly the uneven limitations of the rules for election to the National Assembly for Carpathian Ruthenia, putting at disadvantage the easternmost tip of interwar Czechoslovakia in the central legislative body of the country. From the perspective of the political situation, it also summarizes the political stratification of the voters of the easternmost tip of the Czechoslovak Republic of that time, from the perspective of the Carpathian-Ruthenian results of the four parliamentary elections of the First Republic.

"Banks on the Brink explains why some countries are more prone to systemic bank failures than others. We focus on the political decisions that shape the structure of financial markets and the international economic forces that make some countries especially vulnerable to financial instability. We highlight the effects of two variables in combination: foreign capital inflows and financial market structure - specifically, the relative prominence of securities markets versus commercial banking in the domestic financial system. Foreign capital is the fuel for banks' potentially dangerous behavior, whereas banks are more likely to take on excessive risks when operating in a financial system with large securities markets. The study of banking necessarily leads to a focus on politics, but not in the way that many observers might imagine. Bankers themselves have political preferences and may express them publicly, and some banks lobby for favorable public policies and donate to political campaigns and political action committees. But at a deeper level, banks are embedded in financial markets, which themselves reflect an accumulation of government choices. Banks today operate in an environment shaped by these choices, some of which make banks more resilient, others of which make them more prone to crisis."

The present study tested por tions of an expanded Ferris and Judge (1991) framework regarding influence processes in human resources decisions and actions. In particular, the roles of political skill and a particularly efficacious influence tactic, rationality, were examined with respect to their interactive effects on supervisor perceptions and evaluations. Online questionnaires were used to collect data from full-time, non-faculty employees of a large south-eastern US public university. To avoid problems associated with common method variance resulting from same source data, supervisors rated subordinates on outcome measures and subordinates supplied data on predictors. The final sample was comprised of a matched dyadic data set of 291 subordinates and their supervisors. Results indicated support for the hypotheses. Specifically, political skill was found to directly relate to the use of rationality and moderate the positive relationship between rationality and two supervisory perceptions known to affect supervisor ratings of job performance, notably supervisor liking of subordinates and perceived similarity to subordinates. Further, perceptions of liking and similarity were positively related to supervisor ratings of both task performance and two important contextual job performance components. Implications of the results, strengths and limitations of the research, and directions for future research are discussed.

In late 1807, Brazil was still a part of the Portuguese empire. As a consequence of the outbreak of the Peninsular War, the Prince Regent and the court moved to Brazil, an amazing voyage planned as a way of safeguarding Portugal's sovereignty over her vast territories. When the royal ships arrived in Brazil, the first measure to be taken was the decree which opened up Brazilian ports to British commercial vessels, thus putting an end to the old system of exclusive colonial trading between Brazil and Portugal. This was indeed the very first sign of a much larger process of economic liberalisation that was shortly to follow. In this process, a special role was to be played by the science of political economy used as a rationale for economic change and ultimately serving as an instrument for political independence. ; Al final de 1807, Brasil era la joya del imperio portugués. Ante la amenaza de invasión del territorio por parte del ejército napoleónico, y con el objetivo de garantizar el pleno ejercicio de la soberanía política, la corte portuguesa se trasladó a Brasil. La primera acción del Príncipe Regente Don Juan fue decretar la apertura de los puertos brasileños al comercio de las naciones amigas, poniendo fin a un largo periodo de comercio exclusivo colonial entre Brasil y la metrópoli. Gran Bretaña fue la principal beneficiaria de la apertura del comercio brasileño, así como de otras medidas de liberalización económica inspiradas en los principios y doctrinas de la economía política. De esta forma, esta ciencia asumió un papel decisivo en la cimentación de la autonomía económica de la nación brasileña, lo que vendría a afianzar su independencia política en 1822.

Even though the number of summits of heads of state & government has steadily increased since World War II, political science has so far mainly ignored them. Based on the American-Soviet superpower summits, the world economic summits, & the world conferences under the auspices of the United Nations, this article shows that the three mainstream theories of international relations -- neorealism, neoliberal institutionalism & constructivism offer adequate explanations for those summits which fall into their historical context of emergence. The cooperation of states at the highest level & the theories about them are thus "children of their time". 3 Tables, 40 References. Adapted from the source document.