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Extant literature concludes that corruption may have a devastating effect on economic growth and institutional trust in transitional democracies, but scholars remain divided on how malfeasance influences political behavior. In this article, we explore the likelihood of a mobilization effect of corruption in a post-communist setting. We argue that the indicators used in previous scholarship on corruption vary in important ways and may affect citizen incentives for participation differently. In particular, we hypothesize and then assess whether actual experience with bribery, perceptions of widespread corruption, and concerns about increase of corruption in the future encourage individuals to engage in different sets of activities. Original data from a 2014 post-election survey in Hungary are used for empirical tests of several regression models. Our findings suggest that the type of corruption assessment is important for the specific political activity in which a citizen would engage.

Party identification has been thought to provide the central organizing element for political belief systems. This article makes the contrasting case that core values concerning equality and government intervention versus individualism and free enterprise are fundamental orientations that can themselves shape partisanship. The authors evaluate these arguments in the British case using a validated multiple-item measure of core values, using ordered latent class models to estimate reciprocal effects with partisanship on panel data from the British Household Panel Study, 1991–2007. The findings demonstrate that core values are more stable than partisanship and have far stronger cross-lagged effects on partisanship than vice versa in both polarized and depolarized political contexts, for younger and older respondents, and for those with differing levels of educational attainment and income, thus demonstrating their general utility as decision-making heuristics.

This article investigates how and why political knowledge varies among young children. The data of the empirical analyses are adapted from the German study "Learning to Live Democracy" and consists of a three-wave panel of 431 young children who were interviewed at the beginning and at the end of their first school year, as well as at the end of their fourth school year. The empirical results show that political knowledge among young children is not equally distributed. Girls, children from Turkish families and/or those from areas with a low socioeconomic status show a tendency to be less politically knowledgeable than boys, children from native German families and/or those from areas with a higher socioeconomic status. These differences do not disappear during the first years in school.

This article discusses the political dynamic of agenda-setting in the subfield of international nuclear co-operation, within an analytical framework that integrates the literature on international co-operation in science and technology, international nuclear co-operation, and foreign policy analysis. It presents the emblematic case of Argentine-Brazilian co-operation about the construction of two multipurpose reactors, whose process of decision-making has been disputed by officials, technological firms, managers, and nuclear scientists. It also underlines that economic and commercial motivations prevail in the process of international co-operation. ; Fil: Malacalza, Bernabé Héctor. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de Quilmes; Argentina

The developing countries' need to reschedule their external debts is as much a consequence of the political weakness of their governments vis-a-vis their own societies and the international environment as it is a consequence of unfavorable structural changes in the international financial system. This study's original contribution is to treat the differentials in the political strengths of debtor governments as explicit variables in analyzing the probability of LDCs having to reschedule their external debt, rather than to treat political factors as residuals to an economic explanation. (Abstract amended)

This book breaks new ground in the way we think about international relations theory. Kees van der Pijl argues that by making the "nation-state" the focus of international relations, the discipline has become Euro-centric and a-historical. Theories of imperialism and historic civilisations, and their relation to world order, have been discarded. With more than half the world's population living in cities, with unprecedented levels of migration, global politics is present on every street corner. The "international" is no longer only a balance of power among states, but includes tribal relations making a comeback in various ways. Outlining a new approach to IR theory, the book makes a case for a re-reading of world history in terms of foreign relations, and shows what it reveals about both our past and our future.

AbstractThis paper conceptualizes political competences at the system level of capabilities to function as "legitimation capacity" in a policy context. It identifies trust in the political, social, economic, and security spheres as the key element driving this capacity. Trust ensures that state actions and institutions are perceived as legitimate and receive public support, which in turn allows political skills to be exercised, preventing political or institutional decay and policy ineffectiveness. Conceptualization of legitimation capacity as comprising trust across political, social, economic, and security dimensions offers a useful framework for analyzing and estimating a government's capacity in different policy spheres. It provides a practical tool for estimating any deficiencies in legitimation capacity that a government may face. While governments may be endowed with different levels of legitimate capacity when they first attain office, they may over time work on building up capacity by focusing on the spheres in which they may be lacking. Conversely, they may lose legitimacy if their efforts in these areas are counter-productive.

"This book explores the modern role that digital media plays within community engagement and political development. This book discusses real-world case studies in various regions of the world on how the internet is affecting government agendas and promoting the voice of the community"--

Like many other major European media corporations, the Danish Broadcasting Corporation (DR) has begun the digitisation of its audio-visual archives. This transformation from analogue to digital archives raises a number of questions regarding the archive-specific character, history and
content of the broadcast material. Furthermore, the digitisation process renders visible a number of problems. This includes possible access for researchers, general availability of the content and permission to present archival material in the public domain, problems all related to intellectual
property rights. The article will present the historical broadcast archive from a cultural historical and media policy perspective, suggesting that the cultural heritage of state-owned audio-visual archives remains a contested area due not only to the existing copyright laws but to aspects
of historical contextualisation as well. The article presents this perspective through a case study consisting of 48 radio programmes all related to the clearing of the children's playground Byggeren in Copenhagen in May 1980. The case study underlines the complicated institutional and
cultural political implications in which the historic audio-visual source material is situated.

Resumen:El origen de la historiografía moderna es inseparable de su uso público. La Historia es una disciplina que, entre otras funciones sociales y educativas, ha contribuido a conformar la visión sobre la identidad social y política de las naciones. Pero tiene otras posibilidades más profundas, que es la formación de ciudadanos con una conciencia de pertenencia a un mundo amplio y multicultural y con espíritu crítico que le permita ejercer su derechos y deberes ciudadanos con plena conciencia. Desde su origen como materia escolar a la actualidad ha experimentado una importante transformación.Abstract:The origin of modern historiography is inseparable from public use. History is a discipline that, among other educational and social functions, has helped to shape the vision of social and political identity of nations. But there are other ways deeper, which is the formation of citizens with a sense of belonging to the world wide, multicultural and critical spirit to exercise its rights and civic duties conscientiously. From its origin as a school subject has now undergone a major transformation.

A review essay on two vols of a book by Michel Foucault: Histoire de la sexualite: Vol 2: L'usage des plaisirs, & Vol 3: Le Souci de soi ([The History of Sexuality: Vol 2: The Use of Pleasures, & Vol 3: Care of the Self], Paris: Gallimard, 1984 [see listing in IRPS No. 43]). The Use of Pleasures & the Care of the Self are analyzed in the context of Foucault's reformulated project, sympathetically noting his shift from a view of the intellectual as a "tool box" for social movements to one that emphasizes intellectual activity as a form of askesis or modificatory testing of oneself. Four possible criticisms of his approach are raised, concerning his conceptualization of the subject & of modernity, as well as his treatment of the question of normative foundations & of political activity. In general, it is argued that while his shift from an emphasis on a notion of the body & its rebellions to the field of ethics is a productive one, his residual skepticism prevents the full potential of such a shift from being realized. AA

Oppgaven tar for seg problemene rundt "doble samiske stemmer". Dette begrepet berører det faktumet at den samiske minoriteten i Norge (avhengig av definisjon) har en ekstra valgkanal gjennom sin egen institusjon, sametinget, som kommer på toppen av de ordinære demokratiske valgkanalene de har som nordmenn. Det settes søkelys på hvilke problemer dette kan skape for demokratiet i Norge. Kan den ekstra innflytelsen samene har fått rettferdiggjøres, er det fornuftig at de har rett til å stemme "dobbelt"? Politisk teori rundt minoritetsrettigheter vil bli gjennomgått for å se nærmere på dette. Konteksten berører altså samene i Norge, en minoritet som forfatteren vil hevde, generelt sett, er gått integrert i Norge. Ulike forhold rundt samene i Norge vil bli sett på. En generell påstand som vil bli sett på er om retten til å stemme dobbelt kan føre til økt splittelse mellom samene og det norske storsamfunnet. Oppgaven vil ha et noe futuristisk preg; sametinget har i dag ikke noen særlig makt, men dette forventes å endres. Noen scenarioer for fremtiden vil bli studert. Men oppgaven vil ikke bare se på problemer som kan oppstå, men også hva slags tiltak som kan gjennomføres for å møte disse. Disse kan være av både prinsipiell og pragmatisk art. Vel så viktig vil det være å teste hvor stort problemet kan tenkes å bli, er det mer ev prinsipiell karakter?

This concise book examines the decline and erosion of UMNO as a dominant political party of Malaysia through the perspective of Ibn Khaldun's theory of asabiyyah and umran. It uses the qualitative method of data collection from Ibn Khaldun's original works. After discussing Ibn Khaldun's theory of asabiyyah and umran, UMNOs umranic contributions and erosion of Malay asabiyyah are discussed in detail. The research outlines how asabiyyah led to UMNOs rise to prominence, gain of political power, bringing of progress and development of Malaysia to an umranic stage before it started to decline and erode in concordance with the five stages of Ibn Khaldun's theory of rise and fall of civilizations. This book highlights that early leaders of UMNO played significant role in fostering group feeling and solidarity of the Malays (asabiyyah). Asabiyyah was the engine that propelled UMNO to transform the Malays and Malaysia to an umranic society. In conclusion, the later leaders of UMNO contributed to weakening of the Malay asabiyyah and the fall of UMNO from power in the 14th General Elections in 2018. The process of UMNOs decline and erosion of political power is primarily caused by the leaders failures and shortcomings. The author, a Malaysian lawyer and long-standing Minister in the Prime Minister's Department, Minister of Justice, Minister of Defence, Minister of Foreign Affairs, and Minister of Home Affairs in the Barisan Nasional in Malaysia, concludes with the recommendation that for UMNO to be relevant again in the current political landscape, it must initiate new and serious approaches and initiatives to change itself and must focus on good governance and rule of law in a multi-ethnic Malaysian society. Relevant to scholars and practitioners in political science, sociology, and Islamic studies, this book is a landmark commentary on contemporary Malaysian politics, drawing from the author's own experience as a member of parliament in his various ministerial positions over three decades.

This policy paper studies external economic differentiation – that is, the various forms of third-country access to the European Single Market. It analyses their accountability mechanisms and evaluates their effectiveness – defined as the capacity to foster long-term economic integration and cooperation – as well as their potential effects on the EU's political unity. The paper identifies three key problems with existing external economic differentiation: overly static agreements, complex and fragmented institutional frameworks, and imbalances between rights and obligations in relation to the Single Market. Based on these findings, the policy paper highlights the importance of continuous market homogeneity for the effectiveness of external economic differentiation. Agreements that allow for the dynamic integration of the evolving EU acquis, that include mechanisms for its uniform interpretation and implementation and that are based on unified, simple and clear governance frameworks better achieve such homogeneity. In addition, agreements that are adaptable to evolving objectives and tailored to the size of individual third countries are more effective. The analysis of accountability mechanisms shows room for improvement in their deepening and extension to additional third countries. In terms of political unity, centrifugal forces can be contained through an adequate balance of rights and obligations in Single Market access.