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In his seminal 1957 book "The Copernican Revolution," Thomas Kuhn writes that Copernicus' "astronomical innovation" was characterized by a "plurality" that "transcends the competence of the individual scholar." Studying the Copernican Revolution, he said, provides an "ideal opportunity to discover how and with what effect the concepts of many different fields are woven into a single fabric of thought."There is a similar plurality of thought present in "How Sanctions Work: Iran and the Impact of Economic Warfare" (Stanford University Press) by Narges Bajoghli, Vali Nasr, Djavad Salehi-Isfahani, and Ali Vaez. Like astronomy, the study of sanctions transcends the competence of the individual scholar. The four authors bring diverse expertise to the task of understanding the workings of sanctions. Bajoghli is a sociologist, Nasr is a political scientist, Salehi-Isfahani is an economist, and Vaez trained as a nuclear physicist before turning towards security issues.Studies on the efficacy of sanctions policies tend to focus on policy design — are they unilateral or multilateral measures, are they are primary or secondary sanctions, and what sectors, entities, or individuals do they target? In these studies, the country imposing sanctions is placed at the center of the system, exerting forces on the sanctioned countries in its orbit. The Copernican aspect of "How Sanctions Work" is its insistence that a true understanding of sanctions efficacy arises not from an analysis of the policies, but rather from an analysis of the society and economy on which they are imposed.Setting out their aim for the book, the authors declare that "policymakers and pundits" inquiring "do sanctions work?" are asking the wrong question. That question fixates on the power of the sanctioning country and has an obvious answer. "When a country with the size and economic power of the United States imposes harsh sanctions on a country, of course they 'work': sanctions create massive disruptions in the everyday lives of citizens, impact the political culture of the targeted state, and induce shocks in the economy."The better question, the authors contend, is "do sanctions work the way they 'should'?" This inquiry puts "behavioral changes in targeted states" at the center of the model. It also allows for a more sensitive examination of how sanctions may harm ordinary people, an insight no doubt furnished by the authors' personal connections to Iran.Until recently, Western policymakers have maintained a dogmatic belief in the efficacy of sanctions despite the fact that they had clearly failed to achieve their intended policy outcomes in most countries on which they had been applied, most notably Cuba, Iran, Iraq, Syria, North Korea, Venezuela, and Russia. But, like St. Augustine, who counseled against trying to understand the workings of the heavens, policymakers committed to sanctions policy felt it was "not necessary to probe into the nature of things."In 2018, the Trump administration unilaterally imposed "maximum pressure" sanctions on Iran, raising new concerns about the abuse of sanctions. But even as many former sanctions practitioners warned about the overuse of economic coercion, it was clear that sanctions would remain a mainstay of U.S. foreign policy. As Dan Drezner has observed, "two decades of war, recession, polarization, and now pandemic have dented American power. Frustrated U.S. presidents are left with fewer arrows in their quiver, and they are quick to reach for the easy, available tools of sanctions."In 2021, spurred by the Trump administration's brazen use of sanctions, which had frustrated allies and provoked adversaries, the Biden administration undertook an interagency review of its sanctions policy with the aim of ensuring that "economic and financial sanctions remain an effective tool of U.S. national security and foreign policy now and in the future." The review set out steps to "modernize sanctions," including by ensuring that sanctions policy is informed by "rigorous economic analysis, technical expertise, and intelligence to ensure that they are the right tool in our national security arsenal to pursue the identified objective." In May 2023, the Treasury Department Office of Foreign Asset Control hired a chief sanctions economist for the first time. Belatedly, policymakers in Washington are beginning to probe into the nature of their sanctions policies.A similar effort to better understand sanctions is also underway in sanctioned countries themselves. Despite the tremendous impact of sanctions on economic and social circumstances in Iran, it is only in the last few years that sanctions have been studied on their own terms. Prominent think tanks in Iran now have dedicated sanctions experts whose task is to understand how U.S. sanctions work and assess the costs borne by Iran's economy.For the analysts in Washington and Tehran newly evaluating sanctions and their effects, How Sanctions Work is a valuable resource. By centering the targeted country in the discussion of sanctions efficacy, Bajoghli, Nasr, Salehi-Isfahani, and Vaez demonstrate what a case study on sanctions should look like. To answer the question of how sanctions should work, it is necessary to describe how they are perceived in the target country.The book's first chapter does not begin with a discussion of what sanctions are, how they are designed, or their economic effects. Instead, we read about Fariba, a retired teacher, who recounts the precarious position she faces in Iran's sanctioned economy. Fariba once "led a solidly middle-class life in Tehran" but now constantly worries about how to get her diminished income to "stretch as far as possible."When in the third chapter we finally turn to the impact of sanctions on Iran's economy, we can interpret the assembled statistics with greater sensitivity. For example, when we read that "between 2011 and 2019, some 9 million people lost their middle-class status and joined the ranks of the lower-middle class and perhaps even the poor," we think back to Fariba and her struggle to make ends meet. This is the formal innovation that makes "How Sanctions Work" an important contribution. The authors are not presenting a great deal of new information, but rather presenting existing research in a new way. The book emerges from a series of research papers commissioned by the authors and published by Johns Hopkins SAIS (I was the author of one of those papers). The book also draws on eighty "long-form oral history interviews," including with Iranian researchers studying sanctions impacts. The authors weave together the findings of these papers and interviews with insights from the growing body of sanctions research, creating a first-of-its-kind cosmology of sanctions—a description of their forces, the bodies acted upon, and the orbits and trajectories altered.Again, a parallel can be drawn between "How Sanctions Work" and Copernicus' "On the Revolutions of the Heavenly Spheres," which Kuhn describes as a "relatively staid, sober, and unrevolutionary work." For Kuhn, the book's significance lies "less in what it says itself than in what it caused others to say. In other words, Copernicus had written a "revolution-making rather than revolutionary text." Kuhn's later scholarship established how the application of new "paradigms" advances scientific knowledge. Without the right paradigm, those who wish to innovate, whether scientists or policymakers, will not even know the right questions to ask."How Sanctions Work" concludes by calling for a paradigm shift in our appraisals of sanctions policy. "With the United States sanctioning larger economies such as Russia, and threatening more punishing sanctions on a country like China, it behooves us all— as scholars, policymakers, and concerned citizens — to critically examine economic sanctions. Put another way, it is time to understand how sanctions really work."
Bu çalışma, Türkiye'nin dış ilişkilerde sosyal, kültürel ve ekonomik kalkınma modellemesini yaygınlaştırarak uluslararası konjonktürde etkililiği'ni artırma hedeflerinde temel amacın ne oranda gerçekleştiğini incelemeye yönelik planlanmıştır. Türkiye'nin daha barışçıl dünya düzeninin inşasında ve korunmasında uluslararası aktör olarak etkililiği'nin ölçümlenmesi amaçlanmıştır. 1980'ler sonrası yeni dünya düzeni arayışlarında, salt bölgesel değil küresel karar verici olma potansiyelini uluslararası ilişkiler aracılığıyla sürekli artırma hedeflerinde Türkiye'nin bu amaçla yürütmekte olduğu çalışmaların son dönemlerde daha da ön plana alınmaya başlandığı görülmektedir. Bilindiği üzere, bugün artık küreselleşme sürecinin aktörlerinden biri olabilmek demokrasi kültürüne sahip olmayı gerekli koşul saymaktadır. Küresel sürecin beraberinde getirdiği yeni demokrasi anlayışı da devletlerarası işbirliğini ve temel özgürlüklere saygıyı esas almaktadır. Hatta küreselleşme sürecinde ekonomik ve siyasal ilişkileri demokrasi ve insan haklarından bağımsız ele almak mümkün olamamaktadır. Dolayısıyla, ekonomik ve siyasal istikrarın ve gelişimin en önemli dayanağını oluşturan demokrasi, küreselleşmenin de en güvenilir altyapısını hazırlamaktadır. Türkiye de, küresel politikalarla istikrarlı bir şekilde demokratik yükselişte etkililiğini artırma gayreti içindedir. Bu ivmenin genel anlamda daha da yükselebilmesi için gereksinim duyulan bilimsel verilere daha sistemli ulaşabilmek adına bu çalışmaya girişilmiştir. Kamu diplomasisine yönelik model oluşturma gayesi taşımaktadır. Metodolojik sınırlama gereği, ülkenin yatırımlarından ve tarihsel bağlarından ötürü Orta Asya'da Kırgızistan özelinde sistematize edilmiştir. Dolayısıyla, bu alanda sistematik bir çalışma olarak büyük önem taşımaktadır. Bu bağlamda, Kırgızistan'da Türkiye algısı nasıl oluşmuştur, ne şekilde inşa edilmiştir sorgulamasına niceliksel istatistiki veriler aracılığıyla ulaşılmaya çalışılmıştır. Genel anlamda, Türkiye ile ilgili olumlu algılamalara ilişkin bulgulara erişilmiş olunmasına rağmen, düzeyin Türkiye'nin Kırgızistan'a yönelik kalkınma yardımları ve yürüttüğü kamu diplomasisi dolayımında olması gereken yükseklikte olmadığı da tespit edilmiş, sonuçtaki öneriler de bu duruma yönelik oluşturulmuştur. ; A state's international communication activity has played a very important role in strengthening its image and respect for the world public opinion. Regardless of the basic goal of a nation, the prestige of the nation, its strong recognition in other words, is sometimes the most important factor for the success of its foreign policy. For this reason, respect in politics for a rational foreign policy is indispensable. In our time when power struggle has come out of a struggle with traditional methods such as pressure and military force and has become a much wider struggle of people, prestige has become a very important weapon. There is no doubt that the main purpose of political and cultural promotion in the international arena is to support the external politics that are motivated. For this reason, it is necessary to treat general and long-term promotion politics as a whole of planned actions to improve the reputation of a country and to improve its overall appearance in the world. When we approach to the subject from the point of view of Turkey, it is important to emphasize that since the establishment of the Republic of Turkey, such activities are carried out within a "peaceful" foreign policy. From the standpoint of foreign policy, Turkey has struggled to be in the breakthroughs that can always be regarded as a political equilibrium, especially in its region. The international system is restructured by communication and information movements. In this sense, public diplomacy has become one of the indispensable elements of international strategic communication management because of the importance of agenda-affecting ability. That is why today, almost every developed and developing state has a goal of progress, the state places great importance on acting towards active public diplomacy in order to create a 'positive image' for them in the eyes of foreign public circles. Diplomacy is the knowledge and art of managing relations between states and these relations meticulously. In its broadest sense, it can be defined as the whole of the independent states, that is, the relations between the basic units of the international system and the methods used. Diplomacy is aimed at meeting the opponents, finding their own ideas and proposals, or finding a common solution. Prior to World War II, diplomacy aimed at states that were the sovereign actors of the purely international system. After World War II, emergence of international organizations and civil society organizations as new actors of international relations and emerging communication technologies seem to have changed traditional diplomacy. The possibilities and opportunities obtained by the production, collection, sorting and distribution of the information by a great deal of breadth, ease and speed have also started to be used in the field of diplomacy. This innovation in communication technologies has brought the issue of not only the states but also the peoples of the states to be subject to diplomatic activities. This changing diplomatic environment brings together the concept of 'soft power'. Joseph Nye's soft power, which was further expanded in 2004 by the Soft Power book published in 1990 with the Bound to Lead book and the literary book, is the attainment of the wishes of a nation in world politics, by observing the countries that admire its values, exemplify it, care for its prosperity and opportunities. It is important not only to force others to change using military threats or economic sanctions, but to create agendas in world politics and to attract them as well. Soft power is to make sure others want the results you want and is to attract people instead of pushing them away. Therefore, soft power is the ability to attract others, to win their hearts and minds. Public diplomacy is also one of the most important elements of fine power today, when international politics is in a pragmatic course towards the soft power from hard power. Public diplomacy has to be seen as the sum of the programs that will support the diffusion of cultural and national values. Besides public diplomacy heals the image in foreign countries. In this study is planned to investigate the main purpose of Turkey in the aim of increasing the effectiveness in international conjuncture by expanding social, cultural and economic development model in foreign relations. It is aimed to measure Turkey's effectiveness as an international actor in the construction and protection of a more peaceful world order. Turkey is aiming to continually increase its potential to become a global decision-maker, not just a regional, in the quest for new world order after the 1980s, through international relations. It is seen that the studies that are being carried out for this purpose have begun to be taken more prominently in recent periods. As it is known, today it is necessary to have a democracy culture to become one of the actors of the globalization process. The new understanding of democracy brought about by the global process is based on respect for interstate cooperation and fundamental freedoms. Even in the process of globalization, economic and political relations can not be handled independently of democracy and human rights. Therefore, democracy, which constitutes the most important basis of economic and political stability and development, is also preparing the most reliable infrastructure of globalization. Turkey is also striving to increase its effectiveness with a stable democratic rise through global policies. This work has been undertaken in order to achieve a more systematic approach to the scientific data needed to increase this rate in general terms. It aims to create a model for public diplomacy. Because of the methodological limitations, it was systematized in Central Asia for Kyrgyzstan, due to the investments and historical ties of the country. Therefore, this field is of great importance as a systematic study. In this context, it has been tried to reach the question of how the perception of Turkey has been formed and how it has been constructed in Kyrgyzstan through quantitative statistical data. In general, it has been found that despite the fact that positive perceptions related to Turkey have been reached, Turkey has not been at the height required for development aid for Kyrgyzstan and the public diplomacy it conducted, and the resulting proposals are aimed at this situation.
Bacillus cereus sensu lato comprises Gram-positive spore-forming bacteria producing toxins associated with foodborne diseases. Three pore-forming enterotoxins, nonhemolytic enterotoxin (Nhe), hemolysin BL (Hbl), and cytotoxin K (CytK), are considered the primary factors in B. cereus sensu lato diarrhea. The aim of this study was to determine the potential risk of enterotoxicity among soil B. cereus sensu lato isolates representing diverse phylogroups and originated from different geographic locations with various climates (Burkina Faso, Kenya, Argentina, Kazakhstan, and Poland). While nheA- and hblA-positive isolates were present among all B. cereus sensu lato populations and distributed across all phylogenetic groups, cytK-2-positive strains predominated in geographic regions with an arid hot climate (Africa) and clustered together on a phylogenetic tree mainly within mesophilic groups III and IV. The highest in vitro cytotoxicity to Caco-2 and HeLa cells was demonstrated by the strains clustered within phylogroups II and IV. Overall, our results suggest that B. cereus sensu lato pathogenicity is a comprehensive process conditioned by many intracellular factors and diverse environmental conditions. ; Izabela Święcicka - izabelas@uwb.edu.pl ; Justyna Drewnowska - Department of Microbiology, Faculty of Biology, University of Bialystok, Bialystok, Poland ; Natalia Stefańska - Department of Microbiology, Faculty of Biology, University of Bialystok, Bialystok, Poland ; Magdalena Czerniecka - Department of Cytobiochemistry, Faculty of Biology, University of Bialystok, Bialystok, Poland; Laboratory of Tissue Culture, Faculty of Biology, University of Bialystok, Bialystok, Poland ; Grzegorz Zambrowski - Laboratory of Applied Microbiology, University of Bialystok, Bialystok, Poland ; Izabela Święcicka - Department of Microbiology, Faculty of Biology, University of Bialystok, Bialystok, Poland; Laboratory of Applied Microbiology, University of Bialystok, Bialystok, Poland ; Mock M, Fouet A. 2001. Anthrax. 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Since 2007 the Mexican Govemment introduced the fight against poverty as a top priority in its agenda,thus increasing the amount of resources allocated to minimize this social condition. Nevertheless, poverty levels in Mexico have increased by 6.56% between 2008 and 2010. Households living under extreme poverty conditions also increased from 11.7 million people in 2008 to 12.8 million people in 2010. Two out of three individuals living under this condition reside in rural areas. The Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO) proposed in 2002 the implementation of a new strategy to fight poverty: the Strategic Project for Food Security (SPFS, Proyecto Estratégico para la Seguridad Alimentaria PESA). This poverty reduction program includes methodological and technical support measures that aim at improving the subsistence, production and income systems of beneficiary communities. In this doctoral thesis I propose to evaluate whether the implementation of the PESA program creates the conditions to decrease poverty levels through the creation and capitalization of human capital, and whether the implementation of this program has a positive and significant influence on the welfare level of beneficiary households. Furthermore, we test for the existence of a return on the program's investments. By evaluating the strategy of the PESA program, we move away from conventional measurements of human capital and we adopt a more holistic approach to evaluate the effectiveness of poverty reduction policies, acknowledging the multidimensional nature of territorial development in which aspects related to the economy, housing, education, healthcare and culture play a central role. To achieve the objective of this thesis a sample of 2,240 households was created, including 1,122 households that participated in the PESA Program and a control group of 1,118 non-beneficiary households residing in the same communities. Variables linked to household's income , schooling, healthcare, as well as demographic factors were used to determine if welfare improvements followed the enrolment in the PESA among beneficiaries, compared to the control group. Additionally,different statistic models (treatment and selection specifications) were proposed to test whether support policies that rely on community involvement, such as PESA, increases different dimensions of welfare related to investment in education and healthcare among beneficiaries. The empirical findings presented in this dissertation support the argument that human capital formation is a key ingredient that contributes to increase well-being levels in marginalized communities. This paper has important implications for how policy makers can match solutions generated by poverty reduction programs with the objective of breaking the intergenerational transmission of poverty via investments in territorial capital. Poverty reduction programs, such as PESA, have proven themselves efficient in narrowing the income inequality gap in deprived communities.The program's methodology and permanent technical support and supervision are key elements that help comba! certain poverty dimensions. These components should be included in ali support programs oriented to the minimization of poverty levels in rural areas. Finally,welfare-enhan cing support programs that seek to comba! poverty should not be restricted and exclusively implemented in regions exposed to severe poverty conditions.On contrary, these policies should be part of the country's development strategy and should be included as a transversal policy in the different settings of the government at top administrative levels. ; Desde el año 2007 el Gobierno Mexicano introdujo la lucha en contra de la pobreza como una prioridad en su agenda. Derivado de ello, montos crecientes de recursos fueron destinados para tratar de minimizar esta condición social. A pesar de lo anterior, los niveles de pobreza en México se han incrementado en 6.56% entre 2008 y 2010. Los niveles de pobreza extrema también se incrementaron de 11.7 millones de personas en 2008 a 12.8 millones en 2010. Dos de cada tres individuos que viven bajo estas condiciones residen en áreas rurales. La Organización para la Alimentación y la Agricultura (FAO) propuso en el 2002 la implementación de una nueva estrategia para combatir la pobreza, el Proyecto Estratégico para la Seguridad Alimentaria (PESA) . Este programa se basa en otorgar apoyo metodológico y técnico buscando mejorar los sistemas de subsistencia, producción e ingreso de las comunidades beneficiarias. En esta tesis doctoral propongo evaluar si la implementación del PESA crea las condiciones para disminuir los niveles de pobreza a través de la creación y capitalización de capital humano, así como si la implementación de este programa tiene una influencia positiva significativa en el nivel de bienestar de sus beneficiarios. Además, examinamos la existencia del retorno en las inversiones del programa. Al evaluar la estrategia del Programa PESA, nos apartamos de la medida convencional de capital humano y adoptamos una aproximación más holística para evaluar la efectividad de las políticas de reducción de la pobreza, reconociendo la naturaleza multidimensional deldesarrollo territorial en la cual,aspectos relacionados a la economía, el hogar, educación, servicios de salud y cultura tienen un papel central. Para alcanzar el objetivo de esta tesis, se creó una muestra de 2,240 individuos, incluyendo 1,122 personas que participaron en el Programa PESA y un grupo control de 1,118 de no beneficiarios que residen en las mismas comunidades. Variables ligadas al ingreso familiar, escolaridad, acceso a servicios de salud así como factores demográficos. se emplearon para determinar si existió mejora en el nivel de bienestar en los beneficiarios del Programa PESA en comparación con el grupo control. Adicionalmente, diferentes modelos estadísticos (tratamiento y datos específicos de selección) se propusieron para probar si las políticas de apoyo que se sustentan en el involucramiento comunitario como el PESA, mejoran diferentes dimensiones de bienestar, relacionadas con la inversión en educación y servicios de salud entre sus beneficiarios. Los hallazgos empíricos presentados en esta disertación sustentan el argumento en el sentido de que la formación de capital humano es un ingrediente clave que contribuye a mejorar los niveles de bienestar en comunidades marginales. Este trabajo tiene implicaciones importantes para que quienes diseñan políticas y programas, puedan conjuntar las soluciones generadas por los programas para reducción de la pobreza, con el objetivo de romper la transmisión intergeneracional de la pobreza a través de inversiones en capitalterritorial. Los programas para la reducción de la pobreza como el PESA, han probado ser eficaces para disminuir la brecha de desigualdad en comunidades pobres. La metodología del programa y el apoyo técnico permanentes, así como la supervisión, son elementos clave que ayudan a combatir algunas dimensiones de la pobreza. Estos componentes deben ser incluidos en todos los programas de apoyo orientados a la minimización de la pobreza en áreas rurales. Finalmente,los programas de apoyo para incrementar el nivel de bienestar que buscan combatir la pobreza, no deben restringirse y ser solamente implementados en regiones en condiciones de pobreza extrema ; por el contrario, estás políticas deben ser parte de la estrategia de desarrollo del país y deben ser incluidas como una politica transversal para las diferentes áreas gubernamentales al más alto nivel administrativo ; Postprint (published version)
Since 2007 the Mexican Govemment introduced the fight against poverty as a top priority in its agenda,thus increasing the amount of resources allocated to minimize this social condition. Nevertheless, poverty levels in Mexico have increased by 6.56% between 2008 and 2010. Households living under extreme poverty conditions also increased from 11.7 million people in 2008 to 12.8 million people in 2010. Two out of three individuals living under this condition reside in rural areas. The Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO) proposed in 2002 the implementation of a new strategy to fight poverty: the Strategic Project for Food Security (SPFS, Proyecto Estratégico para la Seguridad Alimentaria PESA). This poverty reduction program includes methodological and technical support measures that aim at improving the subsistence, production and income systems of beneficiary communities. In this doctoral thesis I propose to evaluate whether the implementation of the PESA program creates the conditions to decrease poverty levels through the creation and capitalization of human capital, and whether the implementation of this program has a positive and significant influence on the welfare level of beneficiary households. Furthermore, we test for the existence of a return on the program's investments. By evaluating the strategy of the PESA program, we move away from conventional measurements of human capital and we adopt a more holistic approach to evaluate the effectiveness of poverty reduction policies, acknowledging the multidimensional nature of territorial development in which aspects related to the economy, housing, education, healthcare and culture play a central role. To achieve the objective of this thesis a sample of 2,240 households was created, including 1,122 households that participated in the PESA Program and a control group of 1,118 non-beneficiary households residing in the same communities. Variables linked to household's income , schooling, healthcare, as well as demographic factors were used to determine if welfare improvements followed the enrolment in the PESA among beneficiaries, compared to the control group. Additionally,different statistic models (treatment and selection specifications) were proposed to test whether support policies that rely on community involvement, such as PESA, increases different dimensions of welfare related to investment in education and healthcare among beneficiaries. The empirical findings presented in this dissertation support the argument that human capital formation is a key ingredient that contributes to increase well-being levels in marginalized communities. This paper has important implications for how policy makers can match solutions generated by poverty reduction programs with the objective of breaking the intergenerational transmission of poverty via investments in territorial capital. Poverty reduction programs, such as PESA, have proven themselves efficient in narrowing the income inequality gap in deprived communities.The program's methodology and permanent technical support and supervision are key elements that help comba! certain poverty dimensions. These components should be included in ali support programs oriented to the minimization of poverty levels in rural areas. Finally,welfare-enhan cing support programs that seek to comba! poverty should not be restricted and exclusively implemented in regions exposed to severe poverty conditions.On contrary, these policies should be part of the country's development strategy and should be included as a transversal policy in the different settings of the government at top administrative levels. ; Desde el año 2007 el Gobierno Mexicano introdujo la lucha en contra de la pobreza como una prioridad en su agenda. Derivado de ello, montos crecientes de recursos fueron destinados para tratar de minimizar esta condición social. A pesar de lo anterior, los niveles de pobreza en México se han incrementado en 6.56% entre 2008 y 2010. Los niveles de pobreza extrema también se incrementaron de 11.7 millones de personas en 2008 a 12.8 millones en 2010. Dos de cada tres individuos que viven bajo estas condiciones residen en áreas rurales. La Organización para la Alimentación y la Agricultura (FAO) propuso en el 2002 la implementación de una nueva estrategia para combatir la pobreza, el Proyecto Estratégico para la Seguridad Alimentaria (PESA) . Este programa se basa en otorgar apoyo metodológico y técnico buscando mejorar los sistemas de subsistencia, producción e ingreso de las comunidades beneficiarias. En esta tesis doctoral propongo evaluar si la implementación del PESA crea las condiciones para disminuir los niveles de pobreza a través de la creación y capitalización de capital humano, así como si la implementación de este programa tiene una influencia positiva significativa en el nivel de bienestar de sus beneficiarios. Además, examinamos la existencia del retorno en las inversiones del programa. Al evaluar la estrategia del Programa PESA, nos apartamos de la medida convencional de capital humano y adoptamos una aproximación más holística para evaluar la efectividad de las políticas de reducción de la pobreza, reconociendo la naturaleza multidimensional deldesarrollo territorial en la cual,aspectos relacionados a la economía, el hogar, educación, servicios de salud y cultura tienen un papel central. Para alcanzar el objetivo de esta tesis, se creó una muestra de 2,240 individuos, incluyendo 1,122 personas que participaron en el Programa PESA y un grupo control de 1,118 de no beneficiarios que residen en las mismas comunidades. Variables ligadas al ingreso familiar, escolaridad, acceso a servicios de salud así como factores demográficos. se emplearon para determinar si existió mejora en el nivel de bienestar en los beneficiarios del Programa PESA en comparación con el grupo control. Adicionalmente, diferentes modelos estadísticos (tratamiento y datos específicos de selección) se propusieron para probar si las políticas de apoyo que se sustentan en el involucramiento comunitario como el PESA, mejoran diferentes dimensiones de bienestar, relacionadas con la inversión en educación y servicios de salud entre sus beneficiarios. Los hallazgos empíricos presentados en esta disertación sustentan el argumento en el sentido de que la formación de capital humano es un ingrediente clave que contribuye a mejorar los niveles de bienestar en comunidades marginales. Este trabajo tiene implicaciones importantes para que quienes diseñan políticas y programas, puedan conjuntar las soluciones generadas por los programas para reducción de la pobreza, con el objetivo de romper la transmisión intergeneracional de la pobreza a través de inversiones en capitalterritorial. Los programas para la reducción de la pobreza como el PESA, han probado ser eficaces para disminuir la brecha de desigualdad en comunidades pobres. La metodología del programa y el apoyo técnico permanentes, así como la supervisión, son elementos clave que ayudan a combatir algunas dimensiones de la pobreza. Estos componentes deben ser incluidos en todos los programas de apoyo orientados a la minimización de la pobreza en áreas rurales. Finalmente,los programas de apoyo para incrementar el nivel de bienestar que buscan combatir la pobreza, no deben restringirse y ser solamente implementados en regiones en condiciones de pobreza extrema ; por el contrario, estás políticas deben ser parte de la estrategia de desarrollo del país y deben ser incluidas como una politica transversal para las diferentes áreas gubernamentales al más alto nivel administrativo ; Postprint (published version)
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After a prolonged period of speculation, conjecture, and anticipation, the contours of a Blue-White coalition poised to challenge the incumbent Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) in Taiwan's 2024 presidential election began to crystallize late last month. In a joint press conference following private negotiations, Eric Chu, the chairman of the Kuomintang (KMT), and Ko Wen-je, the 2024 presidential candidate and chairman of the Taiwan People's Party (TPP) unveiled a united front committing to championing the "third wave of democratic reform" in Taiwan, a clear repudiation of the entrenched winner-takes-all "democratic dictatorship" political culture. Encouragingly for coalition supporters, the KMT and TPP have also confirmed their commitment to collaborate in the legislative elections, with a shared objective of breaking the DPP's legislative majority since 2016. This alliance signifies a robust intent to not only overhaul Taiwan's electoral system but more importantly, also dismantle the nearly decade-long dominance of the DPP over Taiwan's politics. The journey toward forming the Blue-White Coalition has been tumultuous, marked by clear ideological and political disparities between the KMT and the TPP. Although the glue of a strong shared discontent with the governance of DPP has been holding the KMT and TPP together in the prolonged negotiation of joining forces, the delicate dance of ambition and pragmatism underscores the different realities faced by both parties. The storied over-a-century-old KMT desires to retake the presidency, reverse its decline of a decade, and channel its deep-rooted legacy to rekindle its past preeminence. Meanwhile, the four-year-young TPP is striving to expand its influence and establish itself as a revolutionary "third force" that enthralls the younger electorate with pledges to disrupt the entrenched KMT-DPP dominance, thereby necessitating some level of strategic neutrality from close cooperation with KMT. For the young TPP, being able to gain the current popularity is already a remarkable victory; for the KMT, anything short of securing the presidential palace next January would be a failure. As a result, despite both Eric Chu and the KMT presidential candidate Hou Yu-ih have been lobbying for Ko to accept a vice-presidential slot beside Hou, forming a joint president ticket that is led by KMT, with polling continuing to place Ko and Hou neck and neck, Ko is loath to settle for second. For a star politician that is trending upward like Ko, assuming the vice presidency might be valued less than holding on to the "third force" value, which might eventually promise a better chance to win the presidency in future elections. The situation has led observers to continue casting doubts on the likelihood of a Hou-Ko joint ticket, despite the recent breakthrough of negotiations. Terry Gou, founder of the world's largest contract electronics maker Foxconn, has been pursuing his campaign despite being marginalized a bit by the recent progress of the Blue-White coalition. Gou's recent submission of over a million petition signatures — triple the threshold of 289,667 signatures for an independent presidential candidacy — signals some positive momentum that Gou possessed. However, faced with a storm of scrutiny consisting of Foxconn's politically charged tax probe by Beijing — a move seen as China's strategic ploy to express disapproval of Gou's campaign — and the bribery allegations tied to his petitioning process, Terry Gou's resolve to stay in this presidential race is being tested. This situation adds layers of complexity yet flexibility to the potential Blue-White coalition. The difficulty for the KMT and TPP to align in the presidential ticket could pivot the political chessboard toward alternative alliances, such as a Terry Gou endorsement of Ko or Hou after a possible withdrawal from the race. While such scenarios could certainly present a challenge to the DPP candidate Lai Ching-te's presidential bid, the polls suggest they would not be as formidable as a united KMT-TPP ticket with Hou-Ko or Ko-Hou, which according to polls, would achieve an easy victory. If unable to negotiate a joint ticket before the imminent November 24 candidate registration deadline, KMT, TPP, and Terry Gou would likely not be able to thwart Lai's presidential bid, as he continues to outpace each contender. In light of these unfolding developments in Taiwan, it becomes imperative for Washington to fully grasp the ramifications of a potential Taiwanese Blue-White coalition government on the delicate dynamics of the Washington-Beijing-Taipei triangle. A thorough analysis and strategic foresight are required to determine the most appropriate U.S. policy approach in the event of a coalition government materializing in 2024. Given the intricate situations in Ukraine and Israel demanding Washington's attention, the prospect of a Blue-White coalition government in Taiwan could provide a welcome respite to Washington, as both parties have demonstrated a clear willingness to jointly improve cross-strait dialogues after the election. Interestingly, Bonnie Glaser and Joel Wuthnow, eminent U.S. experts on cross-strait relations and China's military affairs, have recently argued that Xi Jinping is not prepared to attack Taiwan due to the political and economic hardships that Xi is facing. Taking cues from their expert analyses, a transition to a Blue-White government in Taiwan in 2024 could indeed also provide a breather for Xi, as it would mitigate the need for Xi to grapple with the challenging decision of military engagement, especially in light of the potential for his adopting a more confrontational stance toward Beijing by Lai Ching-te, a self-claimed "political worker of Taiwan Independence." Amid the current global turmoil, the emergence of a Blue-White coalition in Taiwan could present a unique opportunity for both Washington and Beijing to steer clear of conflict in the Taiwan Strait at least for the next four years. However, the most prominent challenge for a possible Blue-White coalition government to regional security lies precisely in the transition period that it would require. The lack of a historical precedent in Taiwan raises questions about the stability of such coalition governance. Besides, if the KMT and TPP cannot even align smoothly in the election period, how can they cooperate well in a coalition government? In the delicate transition phase, the nascent coalition would need to navigate internal tensions and differing policy priorities, potentially leading to a period of weakened governance. This fragility could inadvertently create openings for Beijing to amplify its influence and infiltration into Taiwanese society, and may well leverage its close ties with the KMT or Ko Wen-je to exploit any discernible fractures that might emerge within the coalition. In light of these unfolding events, it becomes imperative for Washington to deepen its engagement and understanding of both Ko Wen-je and Hou Yu-ih to come to a more reliable judgment on the prospective mutual trust and ideological alignment of a potential Blue-White coalition. The recent visit by Laura Rosenberger, Chairwoman of the American Institute in Taiwan, to Taiwan, where she engaged with leading candidates Lai, Ko, and Hou, underscores this necessity. It is reasonable to believe that the potential of a Blue-White coalition would be a topic of discussion in her confidential conversations with Ko and Hou. Sustaining and intensifying such diplomatic interactions is crucial, as it will reinforce its preparedness for the challenges brought by a Blue-White coalition government. In terms of the ongoing electoral campaign, prudence dictates that Washington should continue to adopt a stance of measured restraint and uphold a balanced posture. This is essential as both potential outcomes — a continuation of the DPP government or the advent of a KMT-TPP coalition — present their distinct sets of pros and cons from the vantage point of U.S. interests in the region.
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A recent musing about Louisiana population loss contains a lot bathos, signifying the difficulty, if not unwillingness, that the state's leftist institutions have in accepting what's plain to everybody else.
Last week, the Baton Rouge Advocate ran a piece about the latest 2023 census numbers, which show most Louisiana parishes lost population. The state as a whole lost over 14,000 people in 2023, bring the total loss from compared to 2015 to nearly 120,000 even as the country as a whole, and most states, grew in numbers. In fact, the state's 0.31 percent loss trailed in percentage terms only New York, and of the seven states that did lose population, four were among the largest blue states, with purple Pennsylvania barely slipping and only West Virigina among red states joining Louisiana.
Only Ascension, Beauregard, Bossier, Calcasieu, De Soto, East Feliciana, Iberville, Lafayette, Livingston, St. Bernard, St. Tammany, Tangipahoa, Vermillion, and West Baton Rouge gained – a few barely – and none over one percent. Metropolitan statistical areas were a mixed bag: energy-intensive areas Lafayette and Lake Charles and northshore Hamond and Slidell-Covington-Mandeville, plus Baton Rouge eked out gains but Shreveport-Bossier City, Monroe, Alexandria, Houma-Bayou Cane-Thibodaux, and New Orleans-Metairie shrunk. In fact, New Orleans led the country in MSA slumping at 1.15 percent, while Houma was fifth worst at 0.85 percent, Alexandria 16th worst at 0.60 percent, Shreveport 36th worst at 0.43 percent, and Monroe 46th worst at 0.34 percent. Hammond's 0.92 percent growth was best in the state and 92nd best nationwide.
Louisiana's rural areas fared even worse than its urban, while overall suburban areas held their own. That 50 parishes lost population flummoxed the Advocate, which went on an extensive expedition in search of explanations why since the 2020 census this had happened.
Natural disasters clearly had a role, but this masked some notable divergences. For example, Lake Charles was coming back from its travails, but Houma wasn't. And obviously a lot of places hadn't had adverse weather events strike them in the past three years.
So, setting aside idiosyncratic elements, it had to be policy, and to her credit Alison Plyer, the longtime chief demographer of New Orleans' Data Center, hit upon that when queried by the reporter. But, as students will tend to do in answering essay questions, they may guess correctly right answer but provide the wrong reasons to explain it.
Plyer fell victim to this in two ways, although one was only a partial bogey. She observed the poorer health statistics reflected by Louisianans compared to almost every other state, which would lead to earlier deaths offsetting births. Set aside, of course, that this is a temporary effect; changes in cohort life spans would influence extremely marginally overall population so long as the birth cohorts remained constant, so an ongoing fall caused by shorter lifespans would make sense only in the context of a sudden drop in life expectancy that isn't occurring (even if a relatively rapid one such as during the Wuhan coronavirus pandemic happens, it also happened elsewhere, so relative change among states would be extremely marginal).
Yet that shouldn't be happening in Louisiana, using the left's assumptions, because Medicaid expansion! Now almost eight years old, that was supposed to provide all sorts of additional health care people were missing to improve their lives. In reality, a large minority of its new clients years ago simply dropped their private insurance (or their employers did it when expansion rolled out) to get a new freebie, so it's not like they didn't have health care insurance already. If, of course, they could access Medicaid, with its limited providers and a lowest common denominator approach that degraded the quality of care. And while you can throw health care at people, you can't make them live healthy lives that would decrease their health care usage. So, for the extra $450 million or so a year Louisiana taxpayers pony up to subsidize other people's health care, there's very little bang for the buck or explanatory power for population loss (if anything, hanging out a new benefit not available in nearly all of the fastest-growing states should attract residents).
But Plyer also made a very ignorant statement. Not her observation that higher educational attainment helps to drive population growth, but that state taxpayer subsidization falling a third since 2008 on a per higher education student basis indicates that Louisiana spent less money on tertiary education. In fact, in fiscal year 2008 $2.766 billion for 201,557 students was budgeted for higher education or $13,723 per student, while in FY 2024 that will be $3.453 billion for 217,618 students or $15,867 per student, an increase of 15.6 percent. The hoary and tired contention that Louisiana has "disinvested" in higher education is an exhausted myth.
Yes, policy is the explanation, but not derived from the blind alleys in the article. It's very simple: the cause is Democrat Gov. John Bel Edwards' big spending, tax raising, benefit boosting (such as Medicaid expansion), social justice pandering regime, insufficiently resisted by a Republican Legislature short on leadership that only deigned to rein in Edwards' worst attempted excesses. It discouraged producers from producing, if not their staying in the state, and encouraged wasteful spending, criminal coddling, and more people jumping on the wagon. It not only led to depopulation, but fewer jobs than when he took office, anemic personal income growth that barely outpaced inflation, crime rates heading higher at an above average pace, and a coarsening culture that pandered to ideological special interests.
And, of course, it was the three central cities with Democrat mayors and solid Democrat majorities on their city councils – New Orleans, Shreveport (although it now has a GOP mayor), and Alexandria – which were among the worst performing local jurisdictions. However, notice how Lafayette and Lake Charles, run by Republicans, bucked the trend.
Those shortcomings are the wages of liberalism and are the kinds of things that drive people away – but leftist institutions aren't going to admit that and will try to find any lame excuse to deflect from that. What's obvious to everybody else they refuse to see, which makes the musings in that article largely irrelevant, if not entirely counterproductive to reversing the state's depopulation trend.
Okoliczności społeczno-historyczne zrodziły silne więzi pomiędzy życiem religijnym Bukowiny a sytuacją polityczną w Austro-Węgrzech na początku XX wieku. Wskazaną analogię potwierdzają materiały publikowane w czasopismach regionalnych, między innymi w "Nowej Bukowinie" («Нова Буковина»), 1912–1914. Analiza większości kwestii religijnych odbywała się przez pryzmat sytuacji społeczno-politycznej w regionie, co potwierdza aktualność kwestii badawczej. Wśród ukraińskich badaczy zagadnień religijnych w kontekście procesów historycznych można wymienić Ałłę Bojko (Алла Бойко), Stepana Kostię (Степан Костя), Marię Rozhiłę (Марія Рожило), Mariana Łozynskiego (Мар'ян Лозинський), Elenę Kanczałabę (Олена Канчалаба), Alionę Ignatuszę (Альона Ігнатуша) oraz innych. Tym niemniej określone wyżej kwestie badawcze potrzebują bardziej dokładnych badań. Problem utworzenia na Bukowinie odrębnej ukraińskiej Cerkwi prawosławnej, niezależnej od Cerkwi rumuńskiej, można określić jednym z najbardziej aktualnych dla mieszkańców Czerniowiec na początku XX wieku. Pozycja miejscowej inteligencji regionalnej otrzymała wsparcie ze strony niektórych miejscowych mediów. W roku 1885 w Czerniowcach powstała ukraińska gazeta "Bukowina". Przez cały okres istnienia (do 1910 roku) wydanie to popierało ideę stworzenia Cerkwi ukraińskiej. Politycy regionu w znacznym stopniu przyczynili się do popularyzacji idei Cerkwi dla Ukraińców, mimo że niektórzy z nich byli grekokatolikami. Między innymi Omelian Popowycz (Омелян Попович), Jerotej Pigulak (Єротей Пігуляк) oraz Stepan Smal-Stocki (Степан Смаль-Стоцький) na łamach "Bukowiny" często podkreślali potrzebę uregulowania kwestii religijnej. Zawirowania polityczne rozproszyły jednak proukraińskie siły patriotyczne. Konflikt między Stepanem Smal-Stockim a Mykołą Wasylko (Микола Василько) doprowadził do zamknięcia "Bukowiny", zaś redakcja podzieliła się. Niektórzy badacze, między innymi Arkadij Żywotko (Аркадій Животко) oraz Myrosław Romaniuk (Мирослав Романюк), określają "Nową Bukowinę" (1912–1914) spadkobiercą idei "Bukowiny". W rzeczywistości była to podjęta przez M. Wasylkę, który opiekował się czasopismem, próba odnowienia poprzedniej gazety, która ze względu na nowy zespół autorów oraz pogorszenie relacji ze Stapanem Smal-Stockim nie przyniosła sukcesu. Pierwszy numer "Nowej Bukowiny" ukazał się 13 stycznia 1912 r. Gazeta została wydrukowana w drukarni Iwana Zacharki (Іван Захарко), wydawcą został Jerotej Pigulak (Єротей Пігуляк), redaktorem odpowiedzialnym Osyp Dik (Осип Дік). Gazeta przetrwała do połowy 1914 r. Niezbyt trwały sukces "Nowej Bukowiny" w zakresie tematyki religijnej wynikał zarówno z naśladowania polityki redakcyjnej "Bukowiny" (1885–1910), jak i ze starań Jeroteja Pigulaka. Wiadomości na tematy religijne w "Nowej Bukowinie", a nawet bohaterowie publikacji wyraźnie przywodzili na myśl materiały i bohaterów z odpowiednich rubryk poprzedniej gazety. W publikacjach czasopisma z lat 1912–1914 odnotowaliśmy 66 różnych informacji o tematyce religijnej. W porównaniu z "Bukowiną" liderem pozostały tematy rumunizacji Cerkwi (25 materiałów), kwestia podziału diecezji prawosławnej (17 publikacji, aktualność wzrosła), "kwestia ukraińska" w kościele (8 materiałów), moskalofilstwo (5 materiałów), religia oraz państwo i polityka (4 materiały), religia na skali światowej (4 materiały), dyskusyjne aspekty religii w mediach (3 materiały). Kwestie religijne na pierwszych stronach "Nowej Bukowiny" były dosyć zróżnicowane tematycznie. Przyczynił się do tego cały szereg czynników społeczno-politycznych, w tym relacje narodowościowe i religijne w kraju, sytuacja polityczna oraz pozycja prawosławnego konsystorza. Analiza koncepcji "Nowej Bukowiny" świadczy o wyraźnym wpływie prekursora, czyli gazety "Bukowina", co można zauważyć także w materiałach na tematy religijne, m.in. w publikacjach o rumunizacji Kościoła prawosławnego. Podstawowy problem dotyczył nie tyle różnorodności wyznaniowej, ile przymusowego wprowadzania przez konsystorz obcego języka i kultury. To w sposób naturalny wywoływało kolejne kwestie, a mianowicie podział diecezji (jako warunek rozwoju Ukraińców na Bukowinie) oraz określenie roli Ukraińców w procesie powstania odrębnego kościoła. Oczywiste jest, że podobne materiały wyglądały jak swoisty apel autorów piszących o ukraińskiej tożsamości narodowej, ponieważ w tym okresie Kościół był traktowany jako jeden z wyznaczników tej tożsamości. ; Social and historical circumstances created close ties between the religious life of Bukovina and the political situation in Austro-Hungary at the beginning of the 20th century. The indicated analogy is confirmed by materials published in regional magazines, including "Nowa Bukovina" ("Нова Буковина"), 1912–1914. Most religious issues were analyzed through the prism of the socio-political situation in the region, which confirms the topicality of the research issue. Ukrainian researchers of religious issues in the context of historical processes include Alla Boyko (Алла Бойко), Stepan Kostia (Степан Костя), Maria Rozhiła (Марія Рожило), Marian Łozynski (Мар'ланян Лаланане Лаланянасалалане (Альона Ігнатуша) and others. Nevertheless, the research issues defined above require more detailed research. The problem of establishing a separate Ukrainian Orthodox Church in Bukovina, independent of the Romanian one, can be called one of the most relevant for the inhabitants of Chernivtsi at the beginning of the 20th century. The position of the local regional intelligentsia received support from some local media. In 1885, the Ukrainian newspaper "Bukovina" was established in Chernivtsi. Throughout its existence (until 1910), this edition supported the idea of creating a Ukrainian church. The politicians of the region largely contributed to the popularization of the idea of the church for Ukrainians, even though some of them were Greek Catholics. Among others, Omelian Popowycz (Омелян Попович), Jerotej Pigulak (Єротей Пігуляк) and Stepan Smal-Stocki (Степан Смаль-Стоцький) often stressed the need to regulate the religious issue in the pages of "Bukovina". However, the political turmoil scattered pro-Ukrainian patriotic forces. The conflict between Stepan Smal-Stocki and Mykola Wasylko (Микола Василько) led to the closure of "Bukovina", and the editors split. Some researchers, including Arkadij Żywotko (Аркадій Животко) and Myrosław Romaniuk (Мирослав Романюк) define "Nowa Bukovina" (1912–1914) as the heir to the idea of "Bukovina". In fact, it was an attempt by M. Wasylek, who looked after the magazine, to renew the previous newspaper, which, due to the new team of authors and the deterioration of relations with Stapan Smal-Stocki, did not bring success. The first issue of "Nowa Bukovina" was published on January 13, 1912. The news-paper was printed in the printing house of Ivan Zacharek (Іван Захарко), the publisher was Jerotej Pigulak (Єротей Пігуляк), and the responsible editor was Osyp Dik (Осип Дік). The newspaper survived until mid-1914. The not very lasting success of "Nowa Bukovina" in the field of religious topics resulted both from imitating the editorial policy of "Bukovina" (1885–1910), and thanks to the efforts of Jerotej Pigulak. The materials on religious topics in Nowa Bukowina, and even the heroes of the publication, were very similar to materials and characters from the relevant columns of the previous newspaper. In the publications of the journal from 1912–1914, we noted 66 different materials on religious topics. Compared to "Bukovina", the leader remained the topics of the Romanianization of the church (25 materials), the issue of the division of the Orthodox diocese (17 publications, the topicality increased), the "Ukrainian question" in the church (8 materials), Muscovy (5 materials), religion, state and politics (4 materials), religion on a global scale (4 materials), controversial aspects of religion in the media (3 materials). Religious issues on the front pages of "Nowa Bukowina" were quite varied thematically. A whole range of socio-political factors contributed to this, including national and religious relations in the country, the political situation and the position of the Orthodox consistory. The analysis of the concept of "Nowa Bukovina" shows a clear influence of the precursor, ie the predecessor – the newspaper "Bukowina", which can also be seen in materials on religious topics, including publications on the Romanianization of the Orthodox Church. The fundamental problem concerned not so much religious diversity as the situation when the consistory forcibly introduced a foreign language and culture. This naturally triggered other topics, namely the division of the diocese (as a necessary agreement for the development of Ukrainians in Bukovina) and the role of Ukrainians in the process of establishing a separate church. It is obvious that similar materials looked like a peculiar appeal of authors writing about Ukrainian national identity, because during this period the church was treated as one of the determinants of identity.
Tämän väitöskirjatutkimuksen keskiössä on valtion ja valtiollisen koulutusjärjestelmän puitteissa harjoitetun kansalaiskasvatuksen keskinäinen suhde murroskautena 1980-2000. 1980-luvun puolivälistä alkaen sekä Venäjällä että Suomessa on koettu merkittäviä valtioon ja kansakuntaan vaikuttaneita yhteiskunnallisia mullistuksia. Neuvostoliiton romahdettua Venäjä on pyrkinyt löytämään uusia tapoja kansallisen yhtenäisyyden ylläpitämiseksi, valtiovallan uudelleen rakentamiseksi ja maan kansainvälisen aseman parantamiseksi. Suomessa puolestaan Euroopan yhdentyminen ja lisääntyvä maahanmuutto ovat asettaneet muutospaineita kansalaisuudelle ja kansalliselle identiteetille. Tästä kontekstista käsin väitöskirjassa kysytään miten peruskoulussa harjoitetun kansalaiskasvatuksen tavoitteet ja sisällöt ovat muuttuneet vastaamaan 1990- ja 2000-lukujen sisä- ja ulkopoliittisia muutoksia. Tutkimuksen tutkimusaineiston muodostavat venäläiset ja suomalaiset koulutuspoliittiset asiakirjat sekä kahden kansainvälisen järjestön - Euroopan Neuvoston ja YK:n kasvatus-, tiede- ja kulttuurijärjestön (UNESCO) - viralliset dokumentit. Historiallisista ja yhteiskuntapoliittisista eroistaan huolimatta sekä Suomi että Venäjä antavat edelleen suuren arvon kansalaisuudelle ja kansalliselle identiteetille. Venäjä on 1990-luvun lopulta lähtien lujittanut kansalaisuuden ja kansallisuuden suhdetta. Valtiovalta korostaa kansalaisten uskollisuutta Venäjän valtiota kohtaan ja alleviivaa tätä kautta keskeistä asemaansa kansalaiskasvatuksen koulutuspolitiikan määrittämisessä. Isänmaallisuuskasvatuksen ohjelmat ovat 2000-luvun alusta lähtien korostaneet alistumista aktiivisen osallistumisen sekä konsensusta mielipiteiden monimuotoisuuden sijaan. Yksilöllisen identiteetin asemasta etusija annetaan kollektiiviselle identiteetille. Suomi on sen sijaan alkanut purkaa valtion ja kansakunnan vahvaa historiallista sidettä ja painottaa yhä selkeämmin kansallisen identiteetin kulttuurista ulottuvuutta. Tämä kulttuurinen käännös on tullut väistämättömäksi Suomen pyrkiessä säilyttämään kansallisen identiteettinsä ja legitimiteettinsä globalisoituvassa maailmassa. Kansalaisuuden ja kansallisuuden vahvan yhteyden purkaminen avaa mahdollisuuden yhdistää uudella tavalla käsitykset kansalaisuudesta ja kansallisesta identiteetistä. Toisaalta tässäkin mallissa kansallinen taso nähdään ytimenä ja muiden tasojen lähtökohtana. ; This doctoral dissertation studies citizenship education policies in Finland and Russia in relation to the supranational citizenship education rhetoric shaped by two large intergovernmental organizations, the Council of Europe (COE) and the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO). The research pursues two broad research aims. First, to understand the supranational agenda of citizenship education, and second, to analyse citizenship education policies in Russia and Finland since the mid 1980s up to 2007, and to compare them to the supranational agenda of citizenship education. The dissertation is concerned with the macro level and thus the research data comprises policy documents issued by the Russian and Finnish state authorities, and the two intergovernmental organisations. The analysis of policy content draws on the rhetorical and policy-as-discourse approaches in order to elucidate the objectives of citizenship education, as well as the arguments employed to justify the proposed objectives throughout the studied period. Individualising comparison enhances the interpretative task of the dissertation, as it increases the visibility of one national context by contrasting it with another, and therefore helps to find adequate explanations to particular policy outcomes. In selecting Russia and Finland as the two national case studies, the dissertation concentrates on countries embedded in different state models and citizenship traditions. The main motivation behind the selection of the COE and UNESCO is to acknowledge and analyse the rising supranational educational governance, which increasingly provides models for and restrictions on actions and policies at national level. The study is particularly interested in the relationship between the state and citizenship education in public schooling at the time of state (re)formation and nation (re)building. Citizenship education is perceived as a means to legitimise and maintain state power unsettled in periods of political changes. Equally, citizenship education offers a prism through which to examine larger processes in a given society, in particular, changes in the relationship between the state, citizenship and nationality, and possible modifications in the meanings of these essential socio-political categories. For the national cases examined in the dissertation the period since the second half of the 1980s has been rich in political changes related to, and leaving their mark on, the state and the nation. Whereas since the collapse of the Soviet regime Russia has striven to find ways to regenerate national cohesion, rebuild statehood and reconsolidate its status in the international arena, Finland has attempted to adjust its national identity and citizenship to European integration and increasing immigration. The analysis of the COE and UNESCO reveals that there is no one modality of citizenship education embraced by the examined supranational actors. On one hand, in clear contrast to the traditional model of citizenship education, they advocate proactive political participation, critical scrutiny of state institutions and action against the state on the basis of universal human rights. They also promote diversity and perceive citizenship as a multilayered concept extending to the local, national, regional and global levels. Instead of linking rights and duties to membership in a territorially demarcated polity of the nation-state, the COE and UNESCO often advocate the notion of human rights and link rights and duties to the global humanity. In this manner, supranational organisations decouple citizenship from nationality and, by doing so, advance the postnationalisation of citizenship. On the other hand, the intergovernmental character of the organisations and their origin embedded in the consolidation of the nation-state system lead to inconsistencies in the agenda and somewhat surprising repetition of the traditional citizenship rhetoric, for instance, in linking society narrowly to the territorially demarcated nation-state. The supranational agenda also continues to emphasise the key role of national governments in implementing citizenship education and therefore still posits the nation-state as a central player in education policy and practice. The Russian case exemplified convergence with the post-national supranational citizenship education rhetoric only during the first half of the 1990s when the new country leaders did not pay serious attention to regenerating national cohesion and building an all-embracing national identity. In this period, preference was given to the de-legitimation of the Soviet type of political education, and slightly later to the development of citizenship education policies stressing citizens´ rights, knowledge of the legislation and lawful conduct for the purpose of building a constitutional state. In terms of national identity, the authorities advocated a vague category of universal human values and encouraged the re-consolidation of sub-state national identities. Toward the end of the 1990s, the contents of citizenship education policies shifted radically. The state has re-emphasised its leading role in defining citizenship education policies with the main objective to craft citizens´ loyalty to the Russian state. The programmes of patriotic education, which appeared in the beginning of the 2000s, prioritise subordination over active participation, consensus over pluralism, duties over rights and collective identity over an individual one. Compared to the mid 1980s, when citizenship education in Finland was premised on the idea that the vitality of the Finnish nation is invariably linked to the sovereignty of the Finnish state, the latest curricula documents stress national culture as the prime source of national integrity. In its return to a predominantly cultural understanding of the nation, Finland exemplifies the debundling of the state and the nation, and nationality and citizenship. The transformation into a Kulturnation is a necessary step to secure Finland´s national being in a globalising world, which transforms and weakens state sovereignty, without putting the legitimacy of the Finnish nation into question. The decoupling of nationality and citizenship opens up the possibility for a multilayered conceptualisation of both citizenship and nationhood. However, the national still constitutes the core, with the sub- and supranational layers as additional ingredients of the emerging citizenship recipe. Despite major differences in their historical and current socio-political contexts, Russia and Finland continue to attach strong value to national identity and national citizenship. However, whereas Russia, since the late 1990s, has moved in the direction of state nationalism and a closer bond between the nation and the state, which preclude any possibility for a multilayered conception of citizenship, Finland has forsaken a previously strong link between the state and the nation and seems to be strengthening its cultural identity in peaceful alliance with Europeanness.
Some socio cultural development phenomenon in Indonesia recently is very contrast with modernity dynamic. A numbers of Islamic group in Indonesia are not become more modern, progressive, tolerance and peaceful, but more become stodgy, conservative, intolerance and radical. The Islamic in Indonesia today, especially in some urban area filled advent with various extreme Islamic organizations that anti paced with religious minority, non-Muslim, other religious sect, others Islamic sect, and other local religious belief. Are those many social cultural phenomenons that very contrast in Muslim majority state shows that Islamic Society become more modern or euphoria to become classic even primitive community? Especially for those, who likes to acts barbarous and violence's. In this essay, I am eager to interpretation this phenomenon by observing community structure, where in the beginning religious community are built as an effort from community to support all individual remain intact and develop in the middle of cultural atmosphere. This community develop in to organization with religious cultural and inequality social aspiration background. And today have developed in to institution and intellectual group that related to educated Muslim middle economic class growth in Indonesia as a whole .I attempt to have dialogist approach on what is happen in the past and what is happen in the present, in to Islamic thought which more less may analyse why this violence phenomenon appears. I am attempt to rewind what is happen in the past, it is impossible that anything might happen without any causes. Taufik Abdullah, Geertz, Kuntowijoyo, Sumanto Al-Qurtuby, Kersten, Nurcholis Madjid, Nico Kaptein, and many others authors are very relevant in perceive this situation. I am also observing the role Islamic intellectual in international arena. I imagine this social phenomenon in form of sketch where Islamic idea still an evolve process. This essay is not meant to prescribe truth to be reconstructed, but to embrace historical fairness that may disclosed. At least in this discourse become initiation to move forward. Like Kersten have suggested, Indonesia Islamic contemporary idea may calls in postmodern stages. He seen Indonesia as unique sites that being mark with struggled to unify norms and value that the sources are from Islam, local culture and international public life' John Bowen (2003),'transforming Indonesia as one major sites in earth to review social diversity, political idea and religious commitment. Meanwhile tradition institution in traditional view may formulate as channel in process of Islamic domestication and Islamic transition or traditions become indigenous channel. In my point of view, diversity will become complement in Indonesia full colour spectrum of community life. Tug, struggle and dispute in Indonesian Islamic idea will continue in the future. It may become good tradition if this dispute not based on prejudice and hostility, but conversely with mutual respect even though disagree with certain pattern of ideas. ; Beberapa fenomena perkembangan sosio budaya di Indonesia akhir-akhir ini sangat kontras dengan dinamika modernitas. Sejumlah kelompok Islam di Indonesia tidak menjadi lebih modern, progresif, toleransi dan damai, namun lebih menjadi kolot, konservatif, intoleransi dan radikal. Islam di Indonesia saat ini, terutama di beberapa daerah perkotaan dipenuhi dengan berbagai organisasi Islam ekstrem yang anti dengan agama minoritas, non-Muslim, sekte agama lainnya, sekte Islam lainnya, dan kepercayaan agama lokal lainnya. Apakah banyaknya fenomena sosial budaya yang sangat kontras di negara berpenduduk mayoritas Muslim menunjukkan bahwa Masyarakat Islam menjadi lebih modern atau euforia untuk menjadi komunitas klasik bahkan primitif? Terutama bagi mereka, yang gemar bertindak biadab dan kekerasan. Dalam esai ini, saya ingin menafsirkan fenomena ini dengan mengamati struktur masyarakat, dimana pada awalnya komunitas religius dibangun sebagai upaya masyarakat untuk mendukung semua individu tetap utuh dan berkembang di tengah suasana budaya. Komunitas ini berkembang menjadi organisasi dengan latar belakang aspirasi sosial budaya dan ketimpangan sosial. Dan saat ini telah berkembang menjadi institusi dan kelompok intelektual yang terkait dengan pertumbuhan kelas ekonomi menengah Muslim terpelajar di Indonesia secara keseluruhan. Saya mencoba untuk memiliki pendekatan dialogis tentang apa yang terjadi di masa lalu dan apa yang terjadi saat ini, dalam pemikiran Islam yang lebih sedikit dapat menganalisis mengapa fenomena kekerasan ini muncul. Saya mencoba untuk mundur apa yang terjadi di masa lalu, tidak mungkin sesuatu terjadi tanpa sebab apapun. Taufik Abdullah, Geertz, Kuntowijoyo, Sumanto Al-Qurtuby, Kersten, Nurcholis Madjid, Nico Kaptein, dan banyak penulis lainnya sangat relevan dalam memahami situasi ini. Saya juga mengamati peran intelektual Islam di kancah internasional. Saya membayangkan fenomena sosial ini berupa sketsa dimana ide Islam masih merupakan proses evolusi. Esai ini tidak dimaksudkan untuk meresepkan kebenaran untuk direkonstruksi, namun untuk merangkul keadilan historis yang mungkin diungkapkan. Paling tidak dalam wacana ini menjadi inisiasi untuk maju. Seperti yang dikemukakan Kersten, gagasan kontemporer Islam Indonesia mungkin akan diputar dalam tahap postmodern. Dia melihat Indonesia sebagai situs unik yang ditandai dengan berjuang untuk menyatukan norma dan nilai bahwa sumbernya berasal dari Islam, budaya lokal dan kehidupan publik internasional 'John Bowen (2003),' mengubah Indonesia sebagai satu lokasi utama di bumi untuk meninjau keragaman sosial, ide politik dan komitmen religius. Sementara itu lembaga tradisi dalam pandangan tradisional dapat merumuskan sebagai saluran dalam proses domestikasi Islam dan transisi atau tradisi Islam menjadi saluran adat. Dalam pandangan saya, keragaman akan menjadi pelengkap di Indonesia spektrum warna kehidupan masyarakat yang penuh. Tug, perjuangan dan perselisihan dalam gagasan Islam Indonesia akan terus berlanjut di masa depan. Ini mungkin menjadi tradisi yang baik jika perselisihan ini tidak didasarkan pada prasangka dan permusuhan, tapi sebaliknya dengan saling menghormati meski tidak setuju dengan pola ide tertentu.
這項研究探討信息科技在中國的技術政治。研究試圖書寫電子計算機作為一種新的電子信息科技在中國早期設置過程的技術政治社會史,並在理論層面上尝试构建一個拓展了的「技術、社會、與勞動」的進路。源於冷戰的地緣政治結構,不像韓國、台灣、或香港等其他亞洲國家和地區 ,在1980年代改革開放以前,中國大陸的計算機工業已經經歷了近30年(1955-1984)連續且激進的獨立發展。特別需要指出的是,中國社會主義時代的計算機發展不僅僅是爲了滿足冷戰中的國防需要和技術民族主義意識形態下社會動員的需要,同時高度嵌入了有關階級政治和技術哲學的社會主義「社會實驗」當中。而隨著文革群眾運動的終結和中國的「改革開放」,鄧小平為首的國家決策層爲了回應來自外部的壓力和來自社會主義內部的危機,用實用主義的技術發展觀取代了社會主義的技術民主實踐。1984年,隨著阿尔文.托夫勒(Alvin Toffler)的《第三次浪潮》(The Third Wave)風靡中國大陸,革命中國的計算機工業和技術政策逐步被隨新自由主義全球化而來的「信息社會」和「矽谷模式」所取代。 ; 作為一個技術和文化的雙重物件,電子計算機及其衍生科技(臺式計算機、筆記本電腦、智慧手機、平板電腦等)是理解當代資本主義生產、消費、與勞動關係的指標性科技。然而在社會主義中國的革命現代化進程中,它卻曾經一度拐入了一條另類的發展路徑。中國的信息化(informationalization)或曰計算機化(computerization)過程中的技術路線鬥爭和轉型是如何發生的,這一進程與中國「從毛到鄧」的獨特現代化道路之間是怎樣的關係?時至今日,批判的傳播研究對這段歷史依然所知甚少。本文試圖重訪這個歷史轉折,探查計算機在中國的早期技術政治史。通過追蹤關鍵的歷史事件、人物、思潮、和政策,論文試圖探尋冷戰架構下東西方技術政治之間的交鋒,如何在被計算機仲介的生產與勞動關係中顯影。從這個「閃回」中得到的知識,有助我們將對今日中國信息產業和信息勞動的理解,重新納入中國革命現代性的潮起潮落之中。 ; This paper traces the political and social history for the installation process of digital technology in China, in order to shed light on the ways in which computer interacted with the transformation of Chinese socialism. Due to geopolitical structure of the Cold War, unlike other East Asian countries, before 1980s China had developed its independent computer industry for more than 30 years. This development was not just under the rubric of techno-nationalism, which mainly helps to fulfill military and national defense aims, but also embedded into proletariat political debates. Maoist China developed a dialectical approach to technology, in which the most powerful productive power is the revolutionary proletariat class per se, not the machine or technology. So the process of socialist technology development, like the process of socialist culture and arts development is also a dialectical process, which must follow mass line to not just develop productive force, but also transform production relations and create socialist subjectivity. Instead, the post-Mao leadership under Deng Xiaoping responded to external Cold War pressures and the profound internal crises of ...
Nicole Commerçon,Maurice Garden,Bernard Lepetit, Marcel Roncayolo ; THIS THESIS WILL ATTEMPT TO turn SPACE, usually A PRETEXTUAL DIMENSION OF HISTORICAL ANALYSIS, INTO AN OBJECT OF ANALYSIS. THIS ATTEMPT AT A HISTORY OF SPACE TAKES SHAPE about A FRENCH CITY, LYON, AND COVERS THE NINETEENTH CENTURY IN ITS BROADEST SENSE, FROM 1789 TO 1914. THE AIM IS TO MAKE A SOCIETY SPEAK OF A CITY, RATHER THAN HAVE A CITY SPEAK OF A SOCIETY, AS IT DID IN THE 'FIFTIES AND 'SIXTIES WHEN THE CITY WAS MERELY THE SITE OF HISTORICAL RESEARCH. THIS HISTORY OF SPACE UNFOLDS ON THREE LEVELS. First, THE CITY IS considered as THE MILIEU IN WHICH THE LIVES OF ITS INHABITANTS ARE SITUATED. FOR THIS REASON THEY MAKE THAT SPACE THEIR OWN IN DIVERSE WAYS. THEY GIVE IT NAMES, THEY DIVIDE IT UP, THEY SEARCH FOR POINTS OF REFERENCE : IN A WORD, THEY elaborate A MENTAL MAP OF THE CITY. FURTHERMORE, CERTAIN MONUMENTS AND SPACES ARE ENDOWED WITH MEANINGS. THESE MEANINGS IN TURN SIGNIFY VALUES, AND THUS 'MORAL REGIONS' ARE CONSTITUTED. THIS IS ILLUSTRATED BY DETAILED ANALYSIS OF TWO EXAMPLES, THE CROIX-ROUSSE AND FOURVIERE. SECOND, SPACE IS A TERRAIN IN WHICH STATE POWER IS EXERCISED. IN ORDER TO UNDERSTAND THE COMPLEX RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN POWER AND SPACE SOME OF THE MOST IMPORTANT MEANS OF MARKING OUT THE CITY ARE DISCUSSED-STREET PLANS, COMMUNAL BRODERS, POLICE DISTRICTS FOR EXAMPLE. POWER ALSO ACTS ON THE CITY. THERE FORE, IN THE MANNER OF TRADITIONAL URBAN HISTORY, NINETEENTH CENTURY CONCEPTS OF TOWN PLANNING ARE EXAMINED (CENTRALITY, NETWORKS, COMMUNICATIONS), ALONG WITH THEIR ADAPTATION TO CONDITIONS IN LYON. THIRD, space is tranfomed into a territory by the agency of the inahbitants, who porduce confliciting definitions of what is means to belong. The last volume of this thesis is an attempt to grasp the vitality of this construction of a sense of belonging, what was and is still called the 'lyonese spirit', thourgh a painstaking reconstitution of the themes, mechanics and impact of this social representation of the locality. ; Ce travail de thèse d'histoire est voué aux études urbaines: on y retrouvera donc sans surprise les influences des travaux menés sur le phénomène urbain par les géographes, les sociologues ou les ethnologues. Entrepris avec l'idée de placer l'espace au centre de l'analyse, il se propose de faire parler de la ville par les individus et les groupes qui l'habitent. L'espace urbain n'y est donc pas prétexte à une analyse centrée sur les groupes sociaux ou les forces économiques, mais le sujet même du travail. Cette perspective se développe sur trois axes. LE MILIEU Tout d'abord une exploration rétrospective des espaces et des lieux de Lyon dans leurs usages et significations pour ceux qui habitaient ou visitaient la ville au XIX° siècle. Les usages: il ne s'agit pas dans cette perspective de travail de savoir combien de Lyonnais allaient prier à Notre Dame de Fourvière ou se promenaient le long du fleuve. Notre emploi du mot "usage" va plus dans le sens d'une utilisation des lieux et des espaces en tant que chemins, limites et points de repères. Il s'agit de retrouver une manière de connaître et de maîtriser la ville à travers les circuits de déplacement. Les récits de promenade, inclus dans les romans, les souvenirs ou les descriptions permettent de se livrer à une étude rétrospective des moyens employés pour se repérer dans la ville. Selon le statut social de l'auteur se lit une plus ou moins grande facilité à penser l'espace en termes de réseau, de plan d'ensemble, condition nécessaire pour une évolution souple et indifférenciée qu'on se situe en milieu connu ou inconnu. On remarque aussi des différences dans la nature des points de repère: Si Fourvière est un repère universellement répandu, à partir duquel on peut "tirer un cap", le repérage sur les cours d'eau semble nécessiter cette maîtrise de la géométrie, de l'espace en deux dimensions des plans où la notion de réseau l'emporte sur celle de trajet. La ville n'est pas accessible à tous de la même façon dés son abord matériel: le simple fait de s'y déplacer facilement nécessite un apprentissage, et même une instruction. Quant aux frontières intérieures qui la traversent et marquent des différences géographiques ("de l'autre côté de l'eau") mais surtout sociales (entre quartier chic des Brotteaux et quartier populeux de La Guillotière), elles doivent aussi être apprises pour éviter des transgressions toujours hasardeuses. Mais l'usage des lieux et des espaces c'est aussi leur utilisation comme symboles, comme signes. Monuments et quartiers sont réinvestis de significations que le recours aux sources imprimées permet de retrouver tant dans leurs manifestations que dans leurs motivations. Le sens social des lieux n'est pas entièrement contenu dans leur fonction, ni dans leur aspect matériel. A des titres divers, des lieux comme la Place Bellecour, l'Hôtel de Ville, Saint Martin d'Ainay, Saint Nizier ou la cathédrale Saint Jean sont mis en avant dans les guides touristiques ou dans les nombreuses descriptions de villes. Notre Dame de Fourvière est un de ces lieux clés chargé de livrer au visiteur la vérité de la ville. Tout y concourt: la basilique est à la fois un point de vue sur la ville et de grâce divine. L' observatoire panoramique, placé à la base de son clocher ou au sommet d'une de ses tours, est ainsi le lieu d'une révélation tant matérielle que spirituelle. Les auteurs qui la décrivent solidement ancrée dans les ruines du forum de Trajan, sur une colline baignée du sang des martyrs chrétiens, l'érigent ainsi en point clé de la suture avec le passé où s'opère la rencontre avec le glorieux temps des martyrs. L'évêché et les laïcs lyonnais, et notamment sous l'épiscopat du cardinal Bonald, surent utiliser toutes ces possibilités pour promouvoir le culte marial et la chapelle de Fourvière dans un siècle qui est marqué par le renouveau de la dévotion à la Vierge. Les quartiers et les espaces sont eux aussi mis en scène dans des processus semblables où leur signification sociale, idéelle, l'emporte sur leur simple configuration matérielle. Faute de place nous ne ferons qu'évoquer quelques antagonismes célèbres comme ceux des couples Ainay/Les Brotteaux, Fourvière/La Croix-Rousse, Rhône/Saône. Le second de ces couples a été plus particulièrement décomposé ici pour montrer l'ampleur du travail social qui donne leur sens à ces lieux célèbres, montagne mystique et montagne du travail. L'histoire de ces antagonismes, comme celle du sens social qu'ont pu revêtir les différents quartiers de Lyon, ses monuments ou ses rues, permet de mieux comprendre le poids passé et présent de certains points de cette ville. L'histoire des lieux n'est pas seulement celle de leur construction ou de leur fonction, et l'examen des significations sociales qu'ils ont pu revêtir fait du plus banal d'entre eux un véritable "lieu de mémoire". LE TERRAIN L'espace d'une ville n'est pas uniquement le terrain où cheminent ses habitants et ses visiteurs, et qu'ils remplissent de sens dans leurs discours. C'est aussi, pour des institutions diverses, l'enjeu d'un pouvoir. A travers les modes de gestion de cet espace se lisent l'importance financière, économique et politique de Lyon pour tous les gouvernements qui se succèdent au delà du va-et-vient des régimes. Tous sont aux prises avec ce problème que constitue Lyon, immense agglomération d'individus, de capitaux et de produits, et vont s'efforcer de contrôler cette force par des procédés différents mais tous marqués par la peur d'un mouvement centrifuge de cet organe vital du pays. Le poids de l'épisode de la sécession de 1793 (renforcé par les épisodes de 1817, 1831, 1834, 1849, 1870) est ici déterminant dans l'ancrage d'habitudes de méfiance, tant du côté gouvernemental que du côté local, qui pèsent peut-être encore lourdement sur les rapports Paris-Lyon de notre époque. Cette approche gestionnaire de l'espace lyonnais nous montre aussi des forces de police qui ont du mal à imaginer puis à établir un quadrillage rationnel de la ville, ou une Eglise catholique qui par contre est toujours la première à intervenir sur les nouvelles agglomérations de population ouvrière, dans La Croix-Rousse des années 40 ou sur la rive gauche du Rhône dans les années 60-70. Après des études sur les manières de concevoir la ville et l'espace urbain au XIX° siècle (concepts de centralité, de réseau, de circulation), ce travail dispose des sources nécessaires pour suivre les adaptations locales de ces conceptions, dans la gestion de cet espace, tant par l'étude des découpages administratifs que des raisonnements qui président aux grands projets d'aménagement urbain. L'espace est une des dimensions physiques incontournables de la vie humaine, et la manière dont les institutions le conçoivent et le manipulent est révélatrice de leurs conceptions globales du monde. Lyon est ici le cas d'étude d'une quête plus large sur l'appréhension de l'espace urbain, dont les modalités se modifient au XIX°. LE TERRITOIRE J'insisterai plus sur le troisième axe de ce travail, celui qui consiste en une approche "identitaire" de l'espace lyonnais. C'est grâce au croisement de toutes les sources que peuvent se lire les différentes figures qu'ont pris (et parfois gardé) l'"âme lyonnaise" ou le "caractère lyonnais". Si on les décline de manière légèrement différente selon qu'on s'appelle Paul SAUZET président de la chambre des députés sous Louis-Philippe, Edouard AYNARD catholique libéral, Justin GODART ou Edouard HERRIOT républicains radicaux, on en admet partout l'existence et la spécificité. Dans une lignée intellectuelle qui unit Hippocrate, Montesquieu et Hippolyte Taine, l'homme est vu comme étroitement soumis à des déterminismes dont les plus forts sont ceux de l'espace et du climat. La logique des "tempéraments", des "caractères" et des "constitutions" l'emporte lorsqu'il s'agit d'expliquer des faits sociaux, d'analyser des situations complexes. Différences sociales et culturelles sont alors figées en des stéréotypes d'une efficacité redoutable. Dans un XIX° siècle où s'affirment l'unité biologique de l'espèce humaine, l'unité politique de la France et des Français, où se crée un marché économique national, où la société d'ordres établis cède définitivement la place à une société de classes en mouvement, un mouvement de définition d'identités spécifiques se met en place à plusieurs échelles, en particulier à celle des nations. Il se développe aussi au sein du pays, en opposition à un Paris omniprésent, dans le cadre des entités qu'ont été les provinces (l'"invention" du Breton, notamment dans les romans d'Emile SOUVESTRE reste un morceau d'anthologie littéraire du XIX° ) où que sont devenues les départements. Si l'on en juge par le cas de Lyon, les villes semblent elles aussi très riches en la matière. Un monde littéraire actif, une histoire marquée de particularisme, un mouvement décentralisateur vivace assis sur une culture ancienne de l'indépendance politique , une ville qui s'accroît de nouveaux habitants et de nouveaux territoires, une inquiétude certaine des élites urbaines face à des troubles sociaux importants, une remise en cause des suprématies économiques (Lyon cesse d'être le haut lieu du négoce français au détriment de Marseille, la soierie est concurrencée de plus en plus vivement), telles sont les causes qui sont au coeur de l'histoire de la définition d'un territoire lyonnais. La tentative humaine d'adoucir, de saisir, d'expliquer la complexité d'un réel sans cesse en mouvement aboutit à la production d'un discours qui fige la ville dans un reflet rassurant et l'érige en espace hermétique et impénétrable à l'autre. Foi, amour du travail et de l'ordre sont les vertus dominantes de la belle âme lyonnaise dans ce discours qui est par intérêt, facilité, désespoir, obligation ou intelligence, accepté par l'écrasante majorité de ceux qui parlent de Lyon, qu'ils fassent partie ou non des cercles producteurs de ce discours, qu'ils soient liés ou non à la ville. Travail social de tous les instants pour affirmer la spécificité, la construction de l'image de Lyon s'est nourrie de tout: des événements (querelles littéraires avec Paris, oppositions politiques à la capitale), des formules d'auteurs (les fameuses deux collines de MICHELET) et des traditions populaires (Guignol) en les vidant de ce qu'ils pouvaient avoir de socialement corrosif ou encore des faits climatiques (le brouillard, utilisé par tous comme un symbole, voire une cause, de l'opacité du caractère local). Le résultat: une "âme", une essence posée comme éternelle, une image qui prétend être portrait et qui est devenue une norme de conduite. Les traits de cette âme, les lieux dans la ville où elle s'incarne, les mécanismes de sa formation et de sa diffusion, ses fondements et ses fonctions, voilà le point peut-être le plus actuel de ce travail qui veut aller à la rencontre de l'identité lyonnaise. Sans la considérer ni comme un pur reflet de la réalité, ni comme un trucage de celle-ci à l'usage de quelques uns, mais comme un fait de culture et de société, une réponse à des demandes et à des anxiétés.
Nicole Commerçon,Maurice Garden,Bernard Lepetit, Marcel Roncayolo ; THIS THESIS WILL ATTEMPT TO turn SPACE, usually A PRETEXTUAL DIMENSION OF HISTORICAL ANALYSIS, INTO AN OBJECT OF ANALYSIS. THIS ATTEMPT AT A HISTORY OF SPACE TAKES SHAPE about A FRENCH CITY, LYON, AND COVERS THE NINETEENTH CENTURY IN ITS BROADEST SENSE, FROM 1789 TO 1914. THE AIM IS TO MAKE A SOCIETY SPEAK OF A CITY, RATHER THAN HAVE A CITY SPEAK OF A SOCIETY, AS IT DID IN THE 'FIFTIES AND 'SIXTIES WHEN THE CITY WAS MERELY THE SITE OF HISTORICAL RESEARCH. THIS HISTORY OF SPACE UNFOLDS ON THREE LEVELS. First, THE CITY IS considered as THE MILIEU IN WHICH THE LIVES OF ITS INHABITANTS ARE SITUATED. FOR THIS REASON THEY MAKE THAT SPACE THEIR OWN IN DIVERSE WAYS. THEY GIVE IT NAMES, THEY DIVIDE IT UP, THEY SEARCH FOR POINTS OF REFERENCE : IN A WORD, THEY elaborate A MENTAL MAP OF THE CITY. FURTHERMORE, CERTAIN MONUMENTS AND SPACES ARE ENDOWED WITH MEANINGS. THESE MEANINGS IN TURN SIGNIFY VALUES, AND THUS 'MORAL REGIONS' ARE CONSTITUTED. THIS IS ILLUSTRATED BY DETAILED ANALYSIS OF TWO EXAMPLES, THE CROIX-ROUSSE AND FOURVIERE. SECOND, SPACE IS A TERRAIN IN WHICH STATE POWER IS EXERCISED. IN ORDER TO UNDERSTAND THE COMPLEX RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN POWER AND SPACE SOME OF THE MOST IMPORTANT MEANS OF MARKING OUT THE CITY ARE DISCUSSED-STREET PLANS, COMMUNAL BRODERS, POLICE DISTRICTS FOR EXAMPLE. POWER ALSO ACTS ON THE CITY. THERE FORE, IN THE MANNER OF TRADITIONAL URBAN HISTORY, NINETEENTH CENTURY CONCEPTS OF TOWN PLANNING ARE EXAMINED (CENTRALITY, NETWORKS, COMMUNICATIONS), ALONG WITH THEIR ADAPTATION TO CONDITIONS IN LYON. THIRD, space is tranfomed into a territory by the agency of the inahbitants, who porduce confliciting definitions of what is means to belong. The last volume of this thesis is an attempt to grasp the vitality of this construction of a sense of belonging, what was and is still called the 'lyonese spirit', thourgh a painstaking reconstitution of the themes, mechanics and impact of this social representation of the locality. ; Ce travail de thèse d'histoire est voué aux études urbaines: on y retrouvera donc sans surprise les influences des travaux menés sur le phénomène urbain par les géographes, les sociologues ou les ethnologues. Entrepris avec l'idée de placer l'espace au centre de l'analyse, il se propose de faire parler de la ville par les individus et les groupes qui l'habitent. L'espace urbain n'y est donc pas prétexte à une analyse centrée sur les groupes sociaux ou les forces économiques, mais le sujet même du travail. Cette perspective se développe sur trois axes. LE MILIEU Tout d'abord une exploration rétrospective des espaces et des lieux de Lyon dans leurs usages et significations pour ceux qui habitaient ou visitaient la ville au XIX° siècle. Les usages: il ne s'agit pas dans cette perspective de travail de savoir combien de Lyonnais allaient prier à Notre Dame de Fourvière ou se promenaient le long du fleuve. Notre emploi du mot "usage" va plus dans le sens d'une utilisation des lieux et des espaces en tant que chemins, limites et points de repères. Il s'agit de retrouver une manière de connaître et de maîtriser la ville à travers les circuits de déplacement. Les récits de promenade, inclus dans les romans, les souvenirs ou les descriptions permettent de se livrer à une étude rétrospective des moyens employés pour se repérer dans la ville. Selon le statut social de l'auteur se lit une plus ou moins grande facilité à penser l'espace en termes de réseau, de plan d'ensemble, condition nécessaire pour une évolution souple et indifférenciée qu'on se situe en milieu connu ou inconnu. On remarque aussi des différences dans la nature des points de repère: Si Fourvière est un repère universellement répandu, à partir duquel on peut "tirer un cap", le repérage sur les cours d'eau semble nécessiter cette maîtrise de la géométrie, de l'espace en deux dimensions des plans où la notion de réseau l'emporte sur celle de trajet. La ville n'est pas accessible à tous de la même façon dés son abord matériel: le simple fait de s'y déplacer facilement nécessite un apprentissage, et même une instruction. Quant aux frontières intérieures qui la traversent et marquent des différences géographiques ("de l'autre côté de l'eau") mais surtout sociales (entre quartier chic des Brotteaux et quartier populeux de La Guillotière), elles doivent aussi être apprises pour éviter des transgressions toujours hasardeuses. Mais l'usage des lieux et des espaces c'est aussi leur utilisation comme symboles, comme signes. Monuments et quartiers sont réinvestis de significations que le recours aux sources imprimées permet de retrouver tant dans leurs manifestations que dans leurs motivations. Le sens social des lieux n'est pas entièrement contenu dans leur fonction, ni dans leur aspect matériel. A des titres divers, des lieux comme la Place Bellecour, l'Hôtel de Ville, Saint Martin d'Ainay, Saint Nizier ou la cathédrale Saint Jean sont mis en avant dans les guides touristiques ou dans les nombreuses descriptions de villes. Notre Dame de Fourvière est un de ces lieux clés chargé de livrer au visiteur la vérité de la ville. Tout y concourt: la basilique est à la fois un point de vue sur la ville et de grâce divine. L' observatoire panoramique, placé à la base de son clocher ou au sommet d'une de ses tours, est ainsi le lieu d'une révélation tant matérielle que spirituelle. Les auteurs qui la décrivent solidement ancrée dans les ruines du forum de Trajan, sur une colline baignée du sang des martyrs chrétiens, l'érigent ainsi en point clé de la suture avec le passé où s'opère la rencontre avec le glorieux temps des martyrs. L'évêché et les laïcs lyonnais, et notamment sous l'épiscopat du cardinal Bonald, surent utiliser toutes ces possibilités pour promouvoir le culte marial et la chapelle de Fourvière dans un siècle qui est marqué par le renouveau de la dévotion à la Vierge. Les quartiers et les espaces sont eux aussi mis en scène dans des processus semblables où leur signification sociale, idéelle, l'emporte sur leur simple configuration matérielle. Faute de place nous ne ferons qu'évoquer quelques antagonismes célèbres comme ceux des couples Ainay/Les Brotteaux, Fourvière/La Croix-Rousse, Rhône/Saône. Le second de ces couples a été plus particulièrement décomposé ici pour montrer l'ampleur du travail social qui donne leur sens à ces lieux célèbres, montagne mystique et montagne du travail. L'histoire de ces antagonismes, comme celle du sens social qu'ont pu revêtir les différents quartiers de Lyon, ses monuments ou ses rues, permet de mieux comprendre le poids passé et présent de certains points de cette ville. L'histoire des lieux n'est pas seulement celle de leur construction ou de leur fonction, et l'examen des significations sociales qu'ils ont pu revêtir fait du plus banal d'entre eux un véritable "lieu de mémoire". LE TERRAIN L'espace d'une ville n'est pas uniquement le terrain où cheminent ses habitants et ses visiteurs, et qu'ils remplissent de sens dans leurs discours. C'est aussi, pour des institutions diverses, l'enjeu d'un pouvoir. A travers les modes de gestion de cet espace se lisent l'importance financière, économique et politique de Lyon pour tous les gouvernements qui se succèdent au delà du va-et-vient des régimes. Tous sont aux prises avec ce problème que constitue Lyon, immense agglomération d'individus, de capitaux et de produits, et vont s'efforcer de contrôler cette force par des procédés différents mais tous marqués par la peur d'un mouvement centrifuge de cet organe vital du pays. Le poids de l'épisode de la sécession de 1793 (renforcé par les épisodes de 1817, 1831, 1834, 1849, 1870) est ici déterminant dans l'ancrage d'habitudes de méfiance, tant du côté gouvernemental que du côté local, qui pèsent peut-être encore lourdement sur les rapports Paris-Lyon de notre époque. Cette approche gestionnaire de l'espace lyonnais nous montre aussi des forces de police qui ont du mal à imaginer puis à établir un quadrillage rationnel de la ville, ou une Eglise catholique qui par contre est toujours la première à intervenir sur les nouvelles agglomérations de population ouvrière, dans La Croix-Rousse des années 40 ou sur la rive gauche du Rhône dans les années 60-70. Après des études sur les manières de concevoir la ville et l'espace urbain au XIX° siècle (concepts de centralité, de réseau, de circulation), ce travail dispose des sources nécessaires pour suivre les adaptations locales de ces conceptions, dans la gestion de cet espace, tant par l'étude des découpages administratifs que des raisonnements qui président aux grands projets d'aménagement urbain. L'espace est une des dimensions physiques incontournables de la vie humaine, et la manière dont les institutions le conçoivent et le manipulent est révélatrice de leurs conceptions globales du monde. Lyon est ici le cas d'étude d'une quête plus large sur l'appréhension de l'espace urbain, dont les modalités se modifient au XIX°. LE TERRITOIRE J'insisterai plus sur le troisième axe de ce travail, celui qui consiste en une approche "identitaire" de l'espace lyonnais. C'est grâce au croisement de toutes les sources que peuvent se lire les différentes figures qu'ont pris (et parfois gardé) l'"âme lyonnaise" ou le "caractère lyonnais". Si on les décline de manière légèrement différente selon qu'on s'appelle Paul SAUZET président de la chambre des députés sous Louis-Philippe, Edouard AYNARD catholique libéral, Justin GODART ou Edouard HERRIOT républicains radicaux, on en admet partout l'existence et la spécificité. Dans une lignée intellectuelle qui unit Hippocrate, Montesquieu et Hippolyte Taine, l'homme est vu comme étroitement soumis à des déterminismes dont les plus forts sont ceux de l'espace et du climat. La logique des "tempéraments", des "caractères" et des "constitutions" l'emporte lorsqu'il s'agit d'expliquer des faits sociaux, d'analyser des situations complexes. Différences sociales et culturelles sont alors figées en des stéréotypes d'une efficacité redoutable. Dans un XIX° siècle où s'affirment l'unité biologique de l'espèce humaine, l'unité politique de la France et des Français, où se crée un marché économique national, où la société d'ordres établis cède définitivement la place à une société de classes en mouvement, un mouvement de définition d'identités spécifiques se met en place à plusieurs échelles, en particulier à celle des nations. Il se développe aussi au sein du pays, en opposition à un Paris omniprésent, dans le cadre des entités qu'ont été les provinces (l'"invention" du Breton, notamment dans les romans d'Emile SOUVESTRE reste un morceau d'anthologie littéraire du XIX° ) où que sont devenues les départements. Si l'on en juge par le cas de Lyon, les villes semblent elles aussi très riches en la matière. Un monde littéraire actif, une histoire marquée de particularisme, un mouvement décentralisateur vivace assis sur une culture ancienne de l'indépendance politique , une ville qui s'accroît de nouveaux habitants et de nouveaux territoires, une inquiétude certaine des élites urbaines face à des troubles sociaux importants, une remise en cause des suprématies économiques (Lyon cesse d'être le haut lieu du négoce français au détriment de Marseille, la soierie est concurrencée de plus en plus vivement), telles sont les causes qui sont au coeur de l'histoire de la définition d'un territoire lyonnais. La tentative humaine d'adoucir, de saisir, d'expliquer la complexité d'un réel sans cesse en mouvement aboutit à la production d'un discours qui fige la ville dans un reflet rassurant et l'érige en espace hermétique et impénétrable à l'autre. Foi, amour du travail et de l'ordre sont les vertus dominantes de la belle âme lyonnaise dans ce discours qui est par intérêt, facilité, désespoir, obligation ou intelligence, accepté par l'écrasante majorité de ceux qui parlent de Lyon, qu'ils fassent partie ou non des cercles producteurs de ce discours, qu'ils soient liés ou non à la ville. Travail social de tous les instants pour affirmer la spécificité, la construction de l'image de Lyon s'est nourrie de tout: des événements (querelles littéraires avec Paris, oppositions politiques à la capitale), des formules d'auteurs (les fameuses deux collines de MICHELET) et des traditions populaires (Guignol) en les vidant de ce qu'ils pouvaient avoir de socialement corrosif ou encore des faits climatiques (le brouillard, utilisé par tous comme un symbole, voire une cause, de l'opacité du caractère local). Le résultat: une "âme", une essence posée comme éternelle, une image qui prétend être portrait et qui est devenue une norme de conduite. Les traits de cette âme, les lieux dans la ville où elle s'incarne, les mécanismes de sa formation et de sa diffusion, ses fondements et ses fonctions, voilà le point peut-être le plus actuel de ce travail qui veut aller à la rencontre de l'identité lyonnaise. Sans la considérer ni comme un pur reflet de la réalité, ni comme un trucage de celle-ci à l'usage de quelques uns, mais comme un fait de culture et de société, une réponse à des demandes et à des anxiétés.
La papa es uno de los alimentos más importantes a nivel mundial, especialmente para Suramérica donde se reporta su origen. Existen las papas nativas, las cuales se reconocen por su diversidad de texturas, colores y sabores. Este importante recurso genético ha sido conservado y cultivado por habitantes de la Zona Andina durante muchos años. En Colombia, las papas nativas son cultivadas y comercializadas principalmente en los departamentos de Cundinamarca, Boyacá y Nariño. Sin embargo, existen algunos limitantes que dificultan su posicionamiento a nivel comercial; dentro de los cuales se destacan el desconocimiento sobre su existencia, baja disponibilidad de semilla certificada, índices bajos de rendimiento y productividad, presencia de fitopatógenos por su propagación vegetativa, la falta de tecnología y herramientas que fortalezcan su producción y la inexistencia de programas locales enfocados a su investigación y asistencia técnica. Por lo anterior, se estableció una alianza triple hélice entre la universidad, empresa y Estado, con el fin de obtener materiales tradicionales de papa limpios, caracterizados con descriptores etnobotánicos, agronómicos, nutricionales y moleculares, enfocados hacia la obtención de individuos élite para su promoción agroeconómica. Esta caracterización se logró gracias a la implementación metodológica de dos líneas estratégicas, que se enmarcaron desde el trabajo continuo en laboratorio y en campo, mediante el establecimiento de parcelas experimentales, hasta la interacción con la comunidad para la divulgación y la apropación social del conocimiento. Como resultados se obtuvieron protocolos efectivos para lograr materiales limpios de genotipos ancestrales de papa, mediante la técnica de cultivo de tejidos in vitro . El material propagado fue examinado por medio de técnicas microbiológicas para la detección de hongos, bacterias y virus. Con lo anterior se aseguró la entrega de materiales limpios de papa nativa a los agricultores de los municipios de Ventaquemada y Chiscas, en el departamento de Boyacá. Adicionalmente, la micropropagación aseguró la caracterización molecular y la conservación in vitro de germoplasma de morfotipos nativos de papa del departamento. En el componente molecular, se logró establecer las relaciones genéticas entre los genotipos de papa nativa cultivadas en Boyacá. Esta información será base fundamental para el establecimiento de individuos potenciales parentales en programas de mejoramiento genético a nivel departamental. En el componente de campo se logró determinar el rendimiento de cada genotipo de papa bajo las condiciones de dos localidades, encontrando que algunos de ellos presentan mejor desarrollo y producción dependiendo de su adaptación al ambiente de la localidad evaluada. También se logró determinar los parámetros nutricionales de los materiales de papa nativos evaluados. Esta información le permitirá al agricultor impulsar la comercialización de productos en fresco e industrializados, con características organolépticas únicas en el mercado regional y nacional. El establecimiento de las siembras y la caracterización de los genotipos también crea un hito importante en la identificación morfológica de los materiales locales. La descripción botánica como la flor, la disposición de las hojas, el color del tallo, la coloración en el tubérculo y la forma de crecimiento, son caracteres universales que permitirán la diferenciación de estos materiales por parte de la comunidad. La apropiación social del conocimiento y la intervención de profesionales en las diferentes áreas y disciplinas, permitió el uso eficiente de la información, dando lugar a la generación de nuevos conocimientos de amplio impacto. Así mismo este libro de investigación muestra la experiencia exitosa de la vinculación de los actores sociales en la divulgación, generación y promoción de contenido científico, como herramienta de alto impacto en favor de la promoción y fomento de materiales nativos de papa. Es importante resaltar que, este libro cuenta con códigos QR a través de los cuales el lector podrá tener acceso directo al documental titulado: "Los Colores y Sabores de mi Tierra" , así como a tres cápsulas explicativas y complementarias a los contenidos del libro, integrando el estudio científico y los saberes tradicionales de las comunidades, propiciando la transferencia de tecnologías, en beneficio de los productores y del territorio. ; The potato is one of the most important foods worldwide, especially in South America where it originated. Within the potato genotypes, native potatoes are included, which are recognized for their diversity of textures, colors and flavors. This important genetic resource has been conserved and cultivated by the inhabitants of the Andean zone for many years. In Colombia, the native genotypes are cultivated and commercialized mainly in the departments of Cundinamarca, Boyacá and Nariño. However, there are some limitations that hinder its positioning at a commercial level. Among which stand out the lack of knowledge about its existence, low availability of certified seed, low rates of yield and productivity, the presence of phytopathogens due to its vegetative propagation, the lack of technology and tools to strengthen its production and the absence of focused local programs to your research and technical assistance. Therefore, a "triple helix" alliance was established between the university, private company and government in order to obtain clean traditional potato plants, characterized with ethnobotanical, agronomic, nutritional and molecular descriptors, focused on obtaining elite individuals for its agroeconomic promotion. This characterization was achieved thanks to the methodological implementation of two strategic lines, which ranged from continuous work in the laboratory and in the field through the establishment of experimental plots, to interaction with the community for the dissemination and social appropriation of knowledge. As results, effective protocols were developed to obtain clean plants of ancestral potato genotypes, using the in vitro tissue culture technique. The propagated plants were examined by microbiological techniques for the detection of fungi, bacteria and viruses. With the above, the delivery of clean native potato vitroplants to farmers in the municipalities of Ventaquemada and Chiscas in the department of Boyacá was ensured. Additionally, micropropagation ensured the molecular characterization and in vitro conservation of germplasm of native potato morphotypes of the department. In the molecular component, it was possible to establish the genetic relationships between the native potato genotypes cultivated in the department of Boyacá. This information will be the fundamental basis for the establishment of potential parental individuals in genetic improvement programs at the departmental level. In the field component, it was possible to determine the performance of each potato genotype under the conditions of two localities, finding that some of them present better development and production depending on their adaptation to the environment of the evaluated locality. It was also possible to determine the nutritional parameters of the evaluated native potato tubers. This information will allow the farmer to promote the commercialization of fresh and industrialized products, with unique organoleptic characteristics in the regional and national market. The seeding and characterization of the genotypes also creates an important milestone in the morphological identification of local genotypes. The botanical description of the flower, the arrangement of the leaves, the color of the stem, the coloration in the tuber and the plant habit are universal characters that will allow the differentiation of these plants by the community. The social appropriation of knowledge and the intervention of professionals in the different areas and disciplines, allowed the efficient use of information, giving rise to the generation of new knowledge of wide impact. Likewise, this research book shows the successful experience of linking social actors in the dissemination, generation and promotion of scientific content as a high-impact tool in favor of the promotion and encouragement of native potato genotypes. It is important to note that this book has QR codes where the reader can have direct access to the documentary entitled: "The colors and flavors of my land", as well as three explanatory and complementary capsules to the contents of the book, integrating the scientific study, the traditional knowledge of the communities, promoting the transfer of technologies for the benefit of the producers and the territory.
This issue becomes a new opportunity for the national and international scientific community to judge the outcome of each of these proposals. In 2019, we will be celebrating 43 years of publishing and hope that you will continue to accompany us as readers and collaborators of our scientific journal "Cuadernos de Administración". The content of each of these eight articles is the sole responsibility of their authors.In this issue, the first article is entitled "Critical Success Factors in Implementing IT in MSMEs", presents the results of a quantitative study that sought to determine the critical success factors that influence the level of implementation of information technologies within micro and small businesses in the region of northeastern Mexico. "Knowledge management from the organizational culture in call centers in Manizales", is the title of the second article, which shows the results of a descriptive and correlational qualitative research on knowledge management in BPO companies in the city of Manizales, Colombia. The third article "Cultural hybridization in three Colombian indigenous productive organizations" is a qualitative research in three IPOs of the Nasa ethnic group in Colombia; in the end, it presents the results and conclusions of the research process and also some limits of thereto. "Mud, value and welfare. An economic estimation of the impact in the Anchicayá river basin", is the fourth article in this issue of the journal Cuadernos de Administración; its authors present their economic assessment of the environmental impact in projects implemented in territories of the Colombian Pacific Coast.The fifth article is called "Effect of trading on the profitability and solvency of Colombian banks", which discusses the business models adopted by Colombian banking. With the analysis of data panel, they study the effect of diversification of Colombian commercial banks' revenues on profitability and financial solvency, between 2005 and 2014. "Real Returns of Private Pension Funds in Colombia" is the title of the sixth article, related to the performance of the private pension system in Colombia, Individual Benefit Plans Covered by Pooled Contributions, where the returns generated by daily transactions of pension funds from 1995 to December 2016 are analyzed from a database. The authors use the methodology established by the Financial Superintendence of Colombia (SFC) to calculate returns, determining the net profitability of explicit administration costs that the affiliate must bear and adjustment for inflation. The following article is the result of a literature review related to family businesses and socio-emotional wealth, entitled "Diversification of the family business in emerging countries from the perspective of socio-emotional wealth". The authors identify the relevant aspects studied in relation to the diversification of the family business. The reflection is aimed at establishing the influence that family objectives exert on business decision-making."The instruments of public policy. A transdisciplinary look", is the title of the last article in this issue. The authors present the systematization of public policy instruments, disciplines such as public law, public sector economics and political science, especially public policy.The publication of the number 63 of Cuadernos de Administración by the Faculty of Administration Sciences of the Universidad del Valle, allows us to continue consolidating ourselves as a means of disseminating scientific knowledge in our field. Since the first issue in 1976, we have tried to publish, on a continuous basis, different types of scientific research articles, of review or reflection, by national and international authors who have relied on us to spread their knowledge. To each and every one of them, to our authors, to our arbitrators, to the members of the Editorial and Scientific Committees, but especially to you, our readers, we want to thank you for allowing us to continue generating through digitization a greater impact on the sciences of administration. ; Este número se convierte en una nueva oportunidad para que la comunidad científica nacional e internacional, juzgue el resultado de cada una de estas propuestas. En el año 2019, estaremos cumpliendo 43 años de publicación y esperamos que nos sigan acompañando como lectores y colaboradores de nuestra revista científica "Cuadernos de Administración". El contenido de cada uno de estos ocho artículos es responsabilidad exclusiva de sus autores. En este número, el primer artículo tiene por título "Factores Críticos de Éxito en la implementación de TI en la MIPYME", presenta los resultados de una investigación cuantitativa donde buscaban determinar los factores críticos de éxito que influyen en el nivel de implementación de las tecnologías de la información dentro de la micro y pequeña empresa en la región noreste de México. "Gestión de conocimiento desde la cultura organizacional en centros de llamadas de Manizales", es el título del segundo artículo, muestra los resultados de una investigación cualitativa de tipo descriptiva y correlacional, sobre la gestión de conocimiento en empresas BPO de la ciudad de Manizales, Colombia. El tercer artículo "Hibridación cultural en tres organizaciones productivas colombianas", es una investigación cualitativa en tres OPI de la etnia Nasa en Colombia; al final, presenta los resultados y las conclusiones del proceso de indagación ytambién algunos límites de la investigación. "Lodo, valor y bienestar. Una estimación económica del impacto en la cuenca del río Anchicayá", es el cuarto artículo del presente número de la revista Cuadernos de Administración; sus autores presentan la valoración económica del impacto ambiental, en proyectos implementados en territorios de la costa pacífica colombiana. El quinto artículo se denomina "Efecto del trading en la rentabilidad y la solvencia de los bancos colombianos", donde discuten sobre los modelos bancarios adoptados por la banca colombiana. Con el análisis de datos panel estudian el efecto que tiene la diversificación de los ingresos de los bancos comerciales colombianos sobre la rentabilidad y la solvencia financiera, entre 2005 y 2014. "Retornos reales de los Fondos Privados de Pensiones en Colombia", es el título del sexto artículo, relacionado con el desempeño del sistema privado de pensiones en Colombia, Régimen de Ahorro Individual con Solidaridad (RAIs), donde se evalúan los rendimientos generados desde una base de datos de movimientos diarios de los fondos de pensiones desde 1995 hasta diciembre de 2016. Los autores usan la metodología establecida por la Superintendencia Financiera de Colombia (SFC) para el cálculo de rentabilidades, se determina la rentabilidad neta de costos de administración explícitos que debe asumir el afiliado y de ajuste por inflación. El siguiente artículo es fruto de una revisión de literatura relacionada con empresas familiares y la riqueza socioemocional, que lleva por título "La diversificación del negocio familiar en países emergentes, desde la perspectiva de la riqueza socioemocional. Revisión de la literatura". Los autores identifican los aspectos relevantes estudiados en relación con la diversificación de la empresa familiar. La reflexión está orientada en establecer la influencia que ejercen los objetivos familiares en la toma de decisiones empresariales. "Los instrumentos de política pública. Una mirada transdisciplinar", es el título del último artículo de este número. Los autores presentan la sistematización de instrumentos de política pública, disciplinas como el derecho público, la economía del sector público y las ciencias políticas, en especial las políticas públicas. La publicación del número 63 de Cuadernos de Administración de la Facultad de Ciencias de la Administración de la Universidad del Valle, permite continuar consolidándonos como un medio de divulgación del conocimiento científico en el área. Desde el primer número en el año 1976, hemos intentado publicar de manera continua, diferentes tipos de artículos científicos de investigación, revisión o reflexión, de autores nacionales e internacionales que han confiado en nosotros para difundir su conocimiento. A todos y cada uno de ellos, a nuestros autores, a nuestros árbitros, a los miembros de los comités Editorial y Científico, pero en especial a ustedes, nuestros lectores, queremos agradecerles por permitirnos seguir llegando por medio de la digitalización a generar un mayor impacto en las ciencias de la administración.