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How can we democratically govern a world of high levels of cross border flows and transnational (inter)dependencies? I offer a new approach that focusses on the horizontal expansion of national demoi and on granting "consociated citizens" voting rights and partisan representation in the parliaments of nation states. The first two sections point to failed attempts to democratize a vertically layered system of governance, and to pitfalls of proposals to strengthen the role of national parliaments in inter- and supranational politics. Afterwards, I turn to the horizontal alternative. In the first major section, I introduce membership principles that provide the groundwork for a horizontal and differentiated expansion of national demoi. I start with pointing to the fact that the spread of multiple citizenship is leading to an emerging system of horizontally overlapping demoi and that we should realize the potential, but also the need to explicitly constitutionalize such a system. Next, I show how fuzzy set theory paves the way to reconceptualize political inclusion in such a way that inclusion can take place in the form of graded membership. Furthermore, in order to transform these conceptual innovations into a normatively adequate reform proposal, I rehabilitate and redefine proportional equality and proportional representation. Finally, I demonstrate how the realignment of the boundary of the kratos and the boundary of the demos of nation states can be organized in a "demoicratic" way that includes two steps: First, representatives of the peoples of two or more nation states sign "joint declarations of interdependence" and recognize each other reciprocally as "consociated peoples and states." Second, individual members of consociated peoples sign "declaration of interest and identification," and thereby register as "consociated citizens" of the other participating nation states. In the second major section, I present electoral principles that make a system of horizontally overlapping transnational democracies feasible and productive for dealing with the challenges of an (inter)dependent world. These principles aim at strengthening "responsible party government," the preeminent form of democratic governance within liberal nation states that is currently threatened by the mutually enforcing trends towards international technocracy and national populism. ; Wie ist das demokratische Regieren einer Welt mit unzähligen transnationalen Verflechtungen und von gegenseitigen und einseitigen Abhängigkeiten möglich? Ich entwickle eine neue Herangehensweise an diese Frage, indem ich die horizontale Expansion nationaler demoi, die Gewährung von Wahlrechten an "konsoziierte Mitbürgerinnen und Mitbürger" und deren parteipolitische Repräsentation in nationalen Parlamenten in den Mittelpunkt stelle. Die ersten beiden Teile des Papers beschäftigen sich mit fehlgeschlagenen Versuchen, ein vertikal geschichtetes Governance-System zu demokratisieren und mit den Fallstricken von Vorschlägen, die Rolle nationaler Parlamente in der inter- und supranationalen Politik zu stärken. Anschließend wende ich mich der horizontalen Alternative zu. Im ersten Part des Hauptteils gehe ich auf die Prinzipien der Mitgliedschaft ein, die die Grundlage für eine horizontale und differenzierte Expansion der nationalen demoi darstellen. Ich beginne mit der Beobachtung, dass die Verbreitung der Doppelbürgerschaft zur Entstehung eines Systems von sich horizontal überlappenden demoi führt und wir dessen Potential, aber auch die Notwendigkeit der Konstitutionalisierung eines solchen Systems, erkennen müssen. Im Anschluss daran zeige ich auf, wie die "fuzzy set theory" den Weg für eine Rekonzeptualisierung politischer Inklusion ebnet, der zufolge Inklusion in Form einer gestaffelten Mitgliedschaft stattfinden kann. Um diese konzeptuellen Neuheiten in einen normativ adäquaten Reformvorschlag zu transformieren, rehabilitiere ich den Begriff der "proportionalen Gleichheit" und führe ein entsprechendes Verständnis von "proportionaler Repräsentation" ein. Danach demonstriere ich, wie der Prozess der Wiederherstellung der Kongruenz zwischen dem kratos und dem demos von Nationalstaaten in einer "demoi-kratischen" Art und Weise organisiert werden kann. Dies beinhaltet zwei Schritte. Erstens: Zwei oder mehr Staaten unterzeichnen und ratifizieren eine "gemeinschaftliche Erklärungen zur Anerkennung ihrer Interdependenz." Im Rahmen dieser Erklärung bieten sie den Angehörigen der beteiligten Staaten die Möglichkeit, sich durch eine individuelle "Interessens- und Identifikationserklärungen" als konsoziative Bürgerinnen und Bürger ihres Staates zu registrieren. Im zweiten Hauptteil gehe ich auf Wahlgrundsätze ein, die ein System von sich horizontal überlappenden Demokratien praktikabel machen und gleichzeitig Anreize dafür liefern, dass die beteiligten Staaten mit den Herausforderungen einer (inter-)dependenten Welt kooperativ umgehen. Diese Prinzipien zielen darauf ab, dass es politischen Parteien wieder möglich ist, gleichzeitig auf Ihre Wählerschaft zu hören und eine verantwortungsvolle und problemlösungsorientierte Politik zu betreiben. Damit könnte wiederum den sich gegenseitig verstärkenden Trends hin zu internationaler Technokratie und nationalem Populismus entgegengewirkt werden.

Esta investigación analiza las distintas facetas que determinaron el desarrollo de la minería fósil en Bolivia, desde 1921 a 2010. Los modelos que implementaron los gobiernos bolivianos para explotar minerales fósiles, oscilaron entre liberales y estatistas, una y otra vez ¿Cómo incidió la política y los problemas técnicos, propiciando la institución de uno y otro?, ¿qué consecuencias desarrollistas y políticas tuvo cada ciclo?, ¿cómo se articularon los aspectos técnicos de la minería fósil y la lucha política en la explotación y comercialización de carburantes? Develando estas preguntas, vinculamos los sujetos de la decisión, al objeto de la decisión, analizando: a) El proceso social tejido en torno a la minería fósil: los actores o sujetos sociales involucrados en la lucha política por imponer un modelo de gestión. b) La minería fósil como ámbito especializado que precisa determinados medios técnicos y económicos, en el marco del contexto geológico boliviano. Se procedió a indagar en los procesos de construcción ideológica del Estado boliviano en sus momentos constitutivos, en las fuentes de su producción y reproducción, para esclarecer el poder que tienen las representaciones instituidas del Estado sobre la cuestión petrolífera. Estudiamos las realidades cotidianas y los contextos estructurales de la lucha política, analizando articulaciones, discursos y posicionamientos entre los distintos actores. Para entender las características materiales del "objeto de la decisión" fue preciso explorar en campos científicos y tecnológicos específicos, bibliografías técnicas sobre geología, medios tecnológicos y costos operativos de la minería y explotación de los hidrocarburos. Al indagar las variables formales inherentes a las disciplinas administrativas, se tomó en cuenta que sus valores no son absolutos. De los sucesivos vaivenes liberales y estatistas de la política energética, cabría inferir la inviabilidad del modelo liberal, en el contexto actual. ; This research analyzes the different facets that determined the development of fossil mining in Bolivia, from 1921 to 2010. The models implemented Bolivian governments to exploit mineral fossils, ranging from liberals and statists, again and again. How politics and technical problems influenced, promoting the institution of either? What developmental and political consequences had each cycle? How the technical aspects of fossil mining and political struggle in the exploitation and marketing of fuels were articulated? Revealing these questions, we link the subject of the decision, the object of the decision, analyzing: a) The social process weaved around the fossil mining: the actors and social subjects involved in the political struggle to impose a management model. b) The fossil mining as a specialized scope that requires certain technical and financial means, in the frame of Bolivian geological context. It proceeded to investigate the processes of ideological construction of the Bolivian State in its founding, the sources of production and reproduction, to clarify the power of the state instituted representations on the petroliferous issue. We study the daily realities and structural contexts of political struggle, analyzing joints, speeches and positions between the different actors. To understand the material characteristics of the "decision subject" was necessary to explore specific scientific and technological fields, technical bibliography on geology, technological means and operational costs of mining and exploitation of hydrocarbons. In the investigation of formal variables inherent to administrative disciplines, it was considered that their values are not absolute. From successive liberal and statist comings and goings of energy policy, one might infer the infeasibility of the liberal model in the current context.

ABSTRACTThe goal of this research was to understood the Optimization of the Role of the 0613 Military District Command (Kodim) Ciamis in Rapid Response of Natural Disasters and Its Implication to Regional Resilience.This research was a descriptive qualitative one. Data collection was conducted by in-depth interview technique to 10 personnel including the Commander, Staff and members of Kodim 0613/Ciamis, along with observation and reference studies to gathered data and then they were qualitatively analyzed. The result of the research provided the answer that Kodim 0613/Ciamis can offer its role in rapid response of natural disasters in Ciamis Regency, West Java. The activities conducted through rapid assessment and determining the status of damaged region and resources, rescue and evacuation of vulnerable groups, providing the basic needs and emergency recovery.A rapid assessment was conducted when a disaster information was received in Ciamis area, by quickly processing the information, rescue or evacuation conducted by Kodim 0613/Ciamis after the disaster occurred and in cooperation with BPBD Ciamis Regency, the provision of basic needs was conducted by Kodim 0613/Ciamis in order to carried out emergency response program, condition recovery conducted by cooperation between TNI, Polri, and local community and government. The success of Kodim 0613/Ciamis in emergency response resulted in positive impact to the social condition in Ciamis Regency, and bolster the resilience of Ciamis Regency that includes resilience in ideology, politics, economy, socio-culture and defense and security.To optimized the role of Kodim 0613/Ciamis in emergency response, therefore a mechanism should be formulated where Commander of Kodim (Dandim) was entrusted with greater role in decision making during emergency. The Regent (Bupati) may appoint Dandim as the Incident Commander (IC), so that Dandim was able to take swift actions in rescuing and evacuating the victims and restoring the damaged region. Kodim 0613/Ciamis could be regarded as the model of emergency response for other regions. ABSTRAKPenelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui Optimalisasi Peran Komando Distrik Militer 0613/Ciamis Dalam Penanganan Tanggap Darurat Bencana Alam Dan Implikasinya Terhadap Ketahanan Wilayah.Penelitian ini merupakan deskriptif kualitatif. Pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan teknik wawancara mendalam, yang dilakukan terhadap 10 orang, yaitu Komandan, Staf dan anggota Kodim 0613/Ciamis, selain itu juga melalui observasi serta studi pustaka untuk diperoleh data lalu dianalisis secara kualitatif. Hasil penelitian ini memberikan jawaban bahwa Kodim 0613/Ciamis dapat berperan maksimal dalam menangani tanggap darurat bencana alam di Kabupaten Ciamis Jawa Barat. Kegiatan dilakukan melalui pengkajian secara cepat dan penentuan status terhadap lokasi kerusakan dan sumber daya, penyelamatan atau evakuasi dan perlindungan kelompok rentan, pemenuhan kebutuhan dasar, serta pemulihan kondisi darurat.Kegiatan pengkajian cepat dilakukan bila ada informasi bencana di wilayah Ciamis, dengan segera informasi tersebut diolah, penyelamatan atau evakuasi dilakukan oleh Kodim 0613/Ciamis setelah terjadi bencana dan bekerjasama dengan BPBD Kabupaten Ciamis, pemenuhan kebutuhan dasar dilakukan oleh Kodim 0613/Ciamis dalam rangka melaksanakan program tanggap darurat bencana, pemulihan kondisi darurat dilakukan kerjasama antara aparat TNI, Polri, dan masyarakat serta pemerintah daerah. Keberhasilan Kodim 0613/Ciamis dalam menangani tanggap darurat memberikan dampak yang positif terhadap situasi kondisi sosial di Kabupaten Ciamis, dan berimplikasi terhadap ketahanan wilayah Kabupaten Ciamis yang meliputi ketahanan idiologi, ketahanan politik, ketahanan ekonomi, ketahanan sosial budaya dan ketahanan pertahanan keamanan.Untuk lebih mengoptimalkan peran dari Kodim 0613/Ciamis dalam menangani tanggap darurat, maka perlu diciptakan mekanisme yaitu Dandim diberikan peran yang lebih besar dalam mengambil tindakan saat tanggap darurat. Bupati dapat menunjuk Komandan Kodim sebagai komandan posko tanggap darurat Incident Commander (IC), sehingga Dandim dapat mengambil tindakan cepat dalam menolong dan mengevakuasi korban serta mengembalikan kondisi lingkungan yang rusak akibat bencana. Kodim 0613/Ciamis dapat dijadikan sebagai model dalam penanganan bencana bagi wilayah lainnya.

Esta investigación analiza las distintas facetas que determinaron el desarrollo de la minería fósil en Bolivia, desde 1921 a 2010. Los modelos que implementaron los gobiernos bolivianos para explotar minerales fósiles, oscilaron entre liberales y estatistas, una y otra vez ¿Cómo incidió la política y los problemas técnicos, propiciando la institución de uno y otro?, ¿qué consecuencias desarrollistas y políticas tuvo cada ciclo?, ¿cómo se articularon los aspectos técnicos de la minería fósil y la lucha política en la explotación y comercialización de carburantes? Develando estas preguntas, vinculamos los sujetos de la decisión, al objeto de la decisión, analizando: a) El proceso social tejido en torno a la minería fósil: los actores o sujetos sociales involucrados en la lucha política por imponer un modelo de gestión. b) La minería fósil como ámbito especializado que precisa determinados medios técnicos y económicos, en el marco del contexto geológico boliviano. Se procedió a indagar en los procesos de construcción ideológica del Estado boliviano en sus momentos constitutivos, en las fuentes de su producción y reproducción, para esclarecer el poder que tienen las representaciones instituidas del Estado sobre la cuestión petrolífera. Estudiamos las realidades cotidianas y los contextos estructurales de la lucha política, analizando articulaciones, discursos y posicionamientos entre los distintos actores. Para entender las características materiales del "objeto de la decisión" fue preciso explorar en campos científicos y tecnológicos específicos, bibliografías técnicas sobre geología, medios tecnológicos y costos operativos de la minería y explotación de los hidrocarburos. Al indagar las variables formales inherentes a las disciplinas administrativas, se tomó en cuenta que sus valores no son absolutos. De los sucesivos vaivenes liberales y estatistas de la política energética, cabría inferir la inviabilidad del modelo liberal, en el contexto actual. This research analyzes the different facets that determined the development of fossil mining in Bolivia, from 1921 to 2010. The models implemented Bolivian governments to exploit mineral fossils, ranging from liberals and statists, again and again. How politics and technical problems influenced, promoting the institution of either? What developmental and political consequences had each cycle? How the technical aspects of fossil mining and political struggle in the exploitation and marketing of fuels were articulated? Revealing these questions, we link the subject of the decision, the object of the decision, analyzing: a) The social process weaved around the fossil mining: the actors and social subjects involved in the political struggle to impose a management model. b) The fossil mining as a specialized scope that requires certain technical and financial means, in the frame of Bolivian geological context. It proceeded to investigate the processes of ideological construction of the Bolivian State in its founding, the sources of production and reproduction, to clarify the power of the state instituted representations on the petroliferous issue. We study the daily realities and structural contexts of political struggle, analyzing joints, speeches and positions between the different actors. To understand the material characteristics of the "decision subject" was necessary to explore specific scientific and technological fields, technical bibliography on geology, technological means and operational costs of mining and exploitation of hydrocarbons. In the investigation of formal variables inherent to administrative disciplines, it was considered that their values are not absolute. From successive liberal and statist comings and goings of energy policy, one might infer the infeasibility of the liberal model in the current context.

Esta investigación analiza las distintas facetas que determinaron el desarrollo de la minería fósil en Bolivia, desde 1921 a 2010. Los modelos que implementaron los gobiernos bolivianos para explotar minerales fósiles, oscilaron entre liberales y estatistas, una y otra vez ¿Cómo incidió la política y los problemas técnicos, propiciando la institución de uno y otro?, ¿qué consecuencias desarrollistas y políticas tuvo cada ciclo?, ¿cómo se articularon los aspectos técnicos de la minería fósil y la lucha política en la explotación y comercialización de carburantes? Develando estas preguntas, vinculamos los sujetos de la decisión, al objeto de la decisión, analizando: a) El proceso social tejido en torno a la minería fósil: los actores o sujetos sociales involucrados en la lucha política por imponer un modelo de gestión. b) La minería fósil como ámbito especializado que precisa determinados medios técnicos y económicos, en el marco del contexto geológico boliviano. Se procedió a indagar en los procesos de construcción ideológica del Estado boliviano en sus momentos constitutivos, en las fuentes de su producción y reproducción, para esclarecer el poder que tienen las representaciones instituidas del Estado sobre la cuestión petrolífera. Estudiamos las realidades cotidianas y los contextos estructurales de la lucha política, analizando articulaciones, discursos y posicionamientos entre los distintos actores. Para entender las características materiales del "objeto de la decisión" fue preciso explorar en campos científicos y tecnológicos específicos, bibliografías técnicas sobre geología, medios tecnológicos y costos operativos de la minería y explotación de los hidrocarburos. Al indagar las variables formales inherentes a las disciplinas administrativas, se tomó en cuenta que sus valores no son absolutos. De los sucesivos vaivenes liberales y estatistas de la política energética, cabría inferir la inviabilidad del modelo liberal, en el contexto actual. ; This research analyzes the different facets that determined the development of fossil mining in Bolivia, from 1921 to 2010. The models implemented Bolivian governments to exploit mineral fossils, ranging from liberals and statists, again and again. How politics and technical problems influenced, promoting the institution of either? What developmental and political consequences had each cycle? How the technical aspects of fossil mining and political struggle in the exploitation and marketing of fuels were articulated? Revealing these questions, we link the subject of the decision, the object of the decision, analyzing: a) The social process weaved around the fossil mining: the actors and social subjects involved in the political struggle to impose a management model. b) The fossil mining as a specialized scope that requires certain technical and financial means, in the frame of Bolivian geological context. It proceeded to investigate the processes of ideological construction of the Bolivian State in its founding, the sources of production and reproduction, to clarify the power of the state instituted representations on the petroliferous issue. We study the daily realities and structural contexts of political struggle, analyzing joints, speeches and positions between the different actors. To understand the material characteristics of the "decision subject" was necessary to explore specific scientific and technological fields, technical bibliography on geology, technological means and operational costs of mining and exploitation of hydrocarbons. In the investigation of formal variables inherent to administrative disciplines, it was considered that their values are not absolute. From successive liberal and statist comings and goings of energy policy, one might infer the infeasibility of the liberal model in the current context.

บทคัดย่อสังคมและวัฒนธรรมของคนในดินแดนเอเชียอาคเนย์มีความเข้มแข็งมาแต่ครั้งบรรพกาลเพราะสามารถเลือกรับปรับเปลี่ยนวัฒนธรรมจากภายนอกให้เหมาะสมกับสภาพสังคม ประเพณี และความเชื่อของตนเองอยู่ตลอดเวลา ตรงกับทฤษฎี Syncretism (การประสานความแตกต่างทางปรัชญาหรือศาสนา) ซึ่งสะท้อนถึงการประนีประนอมเพื่อตอบสนองต่อความต้องการของคนในสังคมทั้งในด้านจิตใจและการดำรงชีวิต หรือแม้แต่ด้านการเมืองการปกครอง กรณีของพุทธศาสนาในล้านนายุครุ่งเรืองระหว่างรัชสมัยพระเจ้าติโลกราชถึงพญาแก้ว (พ.ศ.1984-2068) ก็เช่นกัน เพราะแม้ว่าจะเป็นที่เข้าใจกันมาตลอดว่ามีที่มาจากคตินิกายเถรวาทหนพื้นเมือง และนิกายลังกาวงศ์หนสวนดอกและหนป่าแดง แต่แท้จริงแล้วพุทธศาสนานิกายเถรวาทแบบลังกาวงศ์บนดินแดนล้านนากลับมีลักษณะที่ผสมผสานเอาคติความเชื่อในลัทธิมหายานและนิกายวัชรยานเข้ามาแนบแน่นจนเป็นอันหนึ่งอันเดียวกันไปแล้ว เห็นได้จากพุทธลักษณะของพระพุทธรูปตลอดจนประเพณีและพิธีกรรมที่เกี่ยวข้องงานวิจัยชิ้นนี้ได้พยายามใช้วิธีการศึกษาแบบสหสาขาวิทยาระหว่างศาสตร์ต่างๆ ทั้งทางประวัติศาสตร์พุทธศาสนา และการเปรียบเทียบพุทธลักษณะตลอดจนเทคนิคการสร้างพระพุทธรูประหว่างล้านนา ลังกา และเนปาล-ทิเบต การศึกษากระบวนการปั้นหล่อพระพุทธรูปในปัจจุบันระหว่างช่างทั้ง 3 กลุ่ม การศึกษามหาบุรุษลักษณะในคัมภีร์มหายานและเถรวาท และการศึกษาคติปรัชญาศาสนาตลอดจนประเพณีและพิธีกรรมที่เกี่ยวข้องอันได้แก่พิธีพุทธาภิเษกและคติการบรรจุพระธาตุในองค์พระพุทธรูปจากการศึกษาพบว่าพระพุทธรูปเชียงใหม่ในช่วงยุครุ่งเรืองของล้านนาได้รับเอาประติมานวิทยาของพระพุทธรูปแบบปาละทั้งจากแคว้นเบงกอล พิหาร และแคว้นโอริสสา รวมทั้งประติมานวิทยาของพระพุทธรูปแบบเนปาล-ทิเบตบางประการในคติลัทธิมหายานและนิกายวัชรยานเข้ามาเป็นของตนเอง ซึ่งนอกจากบทบาทของศิลปะปาละที่ปรากฏในพระพุทธรูปหมวดพระพุทธสิหิงค์ที่ทราบกันดีอยู่แล้ว เรายังพบบทบาทศิลปะทิเบตในพระพุทธรูปปางมารวิชัยขัดสมาธิราบแบบเชียงใหม่บางองค์ มหาบุรุษลักษณะหลายประการของพระพุทธรูปล้านนายุครุ่งเรืองก็ตรงกับพระพุทธรูปเนปาล-ทิเบต ขณะเดียวกันพระพุทธรูปสัมฤทธิ์บางองค์ในยุคนี้ก็แสดงให้เห็นร่องรอยประเพณีการบรรจุพระธาตุในอุษณีษะซึ่งสามารถถอดออกจากพระเศียรได้ ประเพณีการบรรจุหัวใจพระเจ้าในพระพุทธรูปล้านนาที่ยังคงปฏิบัติกันอยู่ในปัจจุบันก็สามารถเทียบเคียงได้กับประเพณีรับเนของทิเบตซึ่งต้องมีการบรรจุซุงหรือธารณีและซกชิงหรือต้นไม้แห่งชีวิตในพระพุทธรูป รวมถึงคติการเคารพบูชาพระพุทธรูปทั้งในฐานะอุเทสิกเจดีย์และธรรมเจดีย์ควบคู่กัน พระเจ้าติโลกราชกษัตริย์องค์สำคัญในยุคนี้ยังทรงใช้คติพุทธศาสนุปถัมภกและจักรวรรดิราชาในการแผ่ขยายอำนาจของพระองค์จนสร้างความเข้มแข็งแก่ราชวงศ์มังรายมาจนถึงรัชสมัยพญาแก้ว บันทึกการเดินทางของสงฆ์ทิเบตที่กล่าวถึงสังคมพุทธศาสนาในนครหริภุญไชย และหลักฐานการเดินทางไปนมัสการพระธาตุเจดีย์ที่พุกามของพระเถระเชียงใหม่ในช่วงพุทธศตวรรษที่ 21-22 ย่อมยืนยันถึงบทบาทของคติลัทธิมหายานและนิกายวัชรยานที่เข้ามาผสมผสานกับวัฒนธรรมล้านนา และเส้นทางที่พระสงฆ์ในลัทธินิกายนี้ใช้เดินทางเชื่อมต่อกับดินแดนต่างๆ ได้เป็นอย่างดีคำสำคัญ: 1. พระพุทธรูป. 2. ยุครุ่งเรืองของล้านนา. 3. เถรวาท. 4. มหายาน. 5. วัชรยาน. 6. Syncretism. AbstractThe social and cultural strength of the Southeast Asian region has prevailed since theancient times due to adaptation to the cultures from outside and based on the social condition,customs and beliefs. This corresponds to the syncretism theory (blending philosophical andreligious differences), which reflects the tendency for compromising to suit the needs, inboth social and spiritual terms, as well as the politics and government. The same is true inthe case of Buddhism in Lān Nā in its prosperous period during the reign of Phayā Tilōk tothat of Phayā Kaeo (A.D. 1441-1525) although it was thought to have derived from beliefsof the Theravāda Lankan Sect of Suan Dok and Pa Daeng as well as the Theravāda LocalSect from Haripunchai. In reality the Lankan Theravāda Buddhism in Lān Nā is a blend ofMahāyāna and Vajrayāna beliefs to such an extent that it became one. Evidence can be seenfrom the characteristics of some of the Buddha images and relevant customs. In fact, theLankan Buddhist art was partly derived from the Mahāyāna beliefs in the earlier times.This research is considered to be multi-disciplinary as it involves Buddhist history, acomparison of Buddha image features, construction techniques for Buddha image making ofLān Nā, Sri Lankan, Nepal-Tibetan, a study of the casting process of Buddha images at thepresent time among three schools of artisans, a study on auspicious features of a great man inMahāyāna and Theravāda scriptures as well as beliefs about putting the Buddha relics insidesome Buddha images.This research reveals that that there were some reasons to believe that during thetime when Buddhism was prosperous, Lān Nā had received the Pala style of Buddha imagefromBengal-Bihara, Orissa and Tibet based on Mahāyāna and Vajrayāna beliefs, which makesit difficult to identify the origins. In addition to the well-known characteristics of Phra PhutthaSihing, the role of Tibetan art was also detected in the Māravijaya Buddhist image of theChiang Mai style. Several characteristics of a great man found in La Na style Buddha imagesduring its prosperous era were also found in the Nepal-Tibet Buddha images. At the sametime, some bronze Buddha images of this period also reflect the custom of putting Buddha relics inside the images through usnīsa, the head part, which could be opened. Another similarpractice was placing the Buddha heart inside the Lān Nā Buddha images, which continuesuntil today, which could be related to the Tibetan custom of Rub Gnas where gzung or Srogshing was put inside the Buddha images. This includes the belief about paying respect to theBuddha images as Udesikachedi and Dharmachedi. Phayā Tilōk who was an important kingof that period used the Buddhist tradition of supporting Buddhism and Kingship in expandinghis power, resulting in the strength of the Mangrai Dynasty until the reign of Phayā Kaeo. Arecord of Tibetan monks' journey about the Buddhist society in the City of Haripunchai andevidence of pilgrimages to pay respect to the chedi housing the Buddha relic at Pagan of somerevered monks from Chiang Mai during the 15th and 16th Centuries confirm the role and theroute of the Mahāyāna and Vajrayāna sects that blended into Lān Nā culture very well.Keywords: 1. Buddha Image. 2. Golden Age of Lān Nā. 3. Theravāda. 4. Mahāyāna.5. Vajrayāna. 6. Syncretism.

The monitoring of changing living conditions in St Petersburg was started in 1989. In 1993 the Finance and Economics Committee of the Government of St Petersburg and a team of researchers from the Institute of Sociology at the Russian Academy of Sciences began collaborating in a study of the levels of socio‐economic differentiation among the population and the priorities in city budget policies. A telephone survey scheme was designed based on representative samples (1000–2500 respondents) of the adult population (18 years and over) and controlled by city district distribution, sex, age, social status and housing. This scheme was implemented regularly with 2–3 month intervals between surveys. It was also undertaken for the purpose of reviewing the general orientation of social politics, decisions on budget priorities, new urgent needs and goals, and the diagnosis and short‐term prognosis of trends and policy moves. Detailed and structured information on the living standards of the St Petersburg population is available from the computerized data‐base, reports, and from the city's daily newspaper Nevskoe vremya. The studies have demonstrated that economic differentiation in St Petersburg has grown significantly as a result of current reforms (from a 1 to 4 ratio before 1990 to 1 to 10 by the end of 1996). Analysis of the economic characteristics of the population of St Petersburg has revealed that over the course of the past five years there has been rapid differentiation along new lines. At present, wealth and poverty, rather than shared social and professional attributes, tend to unite or separate people. The level of family and personal income determines consumer behaviour, lifestyle, values, cultural attitudes and even individuals' self‐perception.La surveillance des changements des conditions de vie à Saint Pétersbourg a commencé en 1989. En 1993 le Comité de l'Economie et des Finances du Gouvernement de Saint Pétersbourg et une équipe de chercheurs de l'Institut de Sociologie de l'Académie des Sciences de Russie commencèrent une étude collaborative des niveaux de différenciation socio‐économique dans la population et des priorités de la politique budgétaire de la ville. Un sondage téléphonique fut proposé, fondé sur une section représentative (1000 à 2500 personnes) de la population adulte (de 18 ans et plus) et contrôllée par la distribution des quartiers de la ville, par sexe, âge, statut social et logement. Ce projet fut mis en exécution régulièrement, avec 2 ou 3 mois d'intervalle entre les sondages. Il fut aussi entrepris dans le but d'examiner l'orientation générale des politiques sociales, des décisions quant aux priorités budgétaires, les nouveaux besoins et buts urgents, et le diagnosis et prognosis à court terme des tendances et changements de politique. L'information détaillée structurée concernant les niveaux de vie de la population de Saint Pétersbourg peut être obtenue dans le compte‐rendu de la base des donnés sur l'ordinateur et dans le quotidien de la ville, Nevskoe Vremya. Les recherches ont démontré que le différenciation économique à Saint Pétersbourg a considérablement augmentéà la suite des réformes actuelles (d'une proportion de 1 à 4 avant 1990 à une proportion de 1 à 10 à la fin de 1996). L'analyse des caractéristiques économiques de la population de Saint Péterbourg a révélé qu'il y a eu une rapide différenciation d'un type nouveau au cours des cinq dernières années. A présent ce sont la richesse et la pauvreté, plutôt que les attributs sociaux et professionnels communs, qui ont tendance à unir ou à séparer les gens. Le niveau de revenu personnel et familial détermine le comportment des consommateurs, le style de vie, sens des valeurs, attitudes culturelles et même la perception d'eux‐mêmes qu'ont les individus.

Open letter written to the editor of the Arkansas Alumnus ; 4 ARKANSAS ALUMNUS TWENTY YEARS AGO! Brooks Hays Can't Believe He Has Been Out of School That Long Mr. and Mrs. Hays, Betty Brook [sic] and Steele [photograph caption] Dear Editor: Your letter says "twenty years since graduation". I don't believe you! If you are right, I am an old man. If someone out of school that long had come back for a visit in the year I entered the University, he would have graduated without having heard of William Jennings Bryan. (Check that off; no politics in this letter). Looking back on the twenty years, it seems like a roller coaster ride. The first ten, 1919-29, were whirling dizzy years with no sense of location or direction; and then the depression, with a long descent and a lot of readjustments for all of us. But undimmed by rises and descents is the memory of under-graduate years. I saw the University towers from a Frisco train in September, 1915, and the towers from that day on symbolized the University experience. Marion Prather (whom I met at a Periclean party on December 4, 1915, and married on February 2, 1922), says if I had been Wordsworth, the lines would read: "My heart leaps up when I behold those towers in the sky." We didn't leave Fayetteville often in those days. There were occasional football trains to Fort Smith, but no farther. A Model-T Ford could go from Fayetteville to Mountainberg in five hours, but that was nothing to worry about because no students had Model-T's or any other kind of car. No one had ever heard of radio, or Lindbergh, or Coolidge, and only a few knew that Dr. Brough was planning to run for governor "next summer". Though mostly absorbed with campus affairs, we found time to do as students of every age have done-to dream of conquests to follow graduation. The world, for most of us, was "South of Winslow". Few foresaw the movement into North and East of Arkansas students joining the three million emigrants going out of the South to find better opportunities than could be offered here, but now there is every reason to believe a large number of college men and women will find satisfying careers at home. What can the University do to add to the possibilities? Let me offer a layman's thought regarding educational policy. The entire system of higher education feels the impact of many economic and social changes, and it is apparent that policies and curricula must accordingly be changed. These can and must be changed without impairing teaching standards that have made University of Arkansas graduates skillful in their respective fields. Skill must be accompanied, however, by an awareness of what is taking place in government and social organization. This looks like an exciting enterprise for educators. The new difficulties that confront American democracy require a slight reshaping of educational methods and there is every assurance that it will be accomplished. First, we should have an outright recognition of the fact that the economic system must be made to function for the benefit of the whole population. This involves mental discipline not only to save us from the wild schemes of the Utopians but also to chart the course in democratic fashion for security (Continued on Page 13)

Beijing was transformed from traditional urban to modern urban space after the 1911 Revolution. Although the failure of the monarchy�셲 revival by Yuan Shi-kai (1859-1916) and the rise of warlordism sent Beijing into confusion, the Beijing metropolitan government had carried out the urgent problems of urban building and space reorganization since 1910s. The medical missionaries tried to reach the spatialization of disease and body through the classification of diseases and statistics, but they could not reorganize residential and daily living spaces in late 19th century China. In 1914, the unicipal Council (Jingdu Shizhenggongsuo) remained in charge of the city�셲 public works and shared administrative responsibilities with the Police Board (Jingshi Jingchating). However, the Municipal Council and the Police Board could not advance beyond a rudimentary level of space administration. The spatialization of modern medicine was later tried by John B. Grant (1890-1962) and Huang Zi-fang (1899-1940), professors in the department of preventive medicine of the Peking Union Medical College in the 1920s. Grant and Huang calculated disease through the classification of diseases, life statistics, and the cause of death, and they reorganized urban space through the health district office (Weishengqu Shiwusuo). They established the first health district office in the Inner 1st District in 1925, which took charge of life statistics, health education, environmental health, and administration of childbirth, death, and infectious disease. As a result, the 1st Inner District experienced population growth, the decrease of infant mortality, the strength of body administration, and improvement in health. Beijing (Nothern Capital in Chinese) was called Beiping (Northern Peace in Chinese) from 1368 to 1403, from 1928 to 1937, and from 1945 to 1949, when the Chinese capital was at Nanjing, or �쏶outhern Capital��. The Beiping municipality (1928-1937) supported the health district office for space reorganization, starting in 1928. Dr. Huang Zi-fang was appointed the first director of the health bureau under the Beiping municipality. He practiced his plan of State Medicine (Yixue Guojiahua), focusing on the health district office. The second health district office was established in the 2nd Inner District in 1933, the third in the 3rd Inner District in 1934, and the fourth in the 4th Inner District in 1935. The health administration of the health district office represented the spatialization of modern medicine. The office mobilized medical doctors, nurses, midwives, statistics inspectors, health patrollers, and social welfare workers, and such innovation led to the improvement of health and hygiene in the Inner District of Beiping. After the Sino-Japanese War in 1937, the health district office was no longer expanding to the Outer District. The Japanese occupation authorities kept the existing office and remodeled the Commoner Hospital (Pingmin Yiyuan) as the health district office in the Suburban District. Traditional and folk medicine wielded strong influence over the Outer District, where western medicine was insignificant, relatively speaking. The 5th Outer District especially symbolized Commoner Culture, represented by the Tianqiao District. Tianqiao was the main commercial district in Beijing and had various facilities, such as medical surgeries, restaurants, and performance and entertainment spaces. Tianqiao became the big capital and had much manual industry, theater, and street performance; there was traditionalism in Beijing and locality in provincials. The Beijing municipality that focused on the Municipal Hospital (Shimin Yiyuan) included Western and Chinese medicine in Tianqiao. However, drug selling was the most popular occupation in Tianqiao. Sellers performed street shows and sold cheap and safe drugs to common people. Shamans, pyromancers, drug sellers, and folk medicine men had great power in the Outer District of Beijing. Space control in modern medicine in Beijing was focused in the health demonstration office, which started and developed from the mid-1920s. While the Inner District was expanded into modern medicine, the Outer District experienced the rupture of and resistance to modern medicine in the 1930s and 1940s. The overall control of urban space, including the Inner, Outer, and Suburban Districts, focused on health centers, which were realized after the New China of 1949. ; open

In this presentation, I will address the possibility of an imminent mass extinction of all living beings from planet Earth, and the implications of such a catastrophic event for games studies. The Anthropocene, a term popularized by the end of the 20th century to refer to the geological impact of human beings on planet Earth, assumes a temporal development, a 'before' and 'after' the appearance of humankind. The 'after' period, known as the Post-Anthropocene, is repeatedly claimed by scientists to be approaching within the next few decades, as over-consumption is destroying vital resources of the planet. Allegedly, the sixth mass extinction in the history of our planet is already unfolding, and might determine the disappearance of life from Earth and, as far as we know, from the Universe and beyond (Zylinska 2014; Wark 2015; Haraway 2016; Thacker 2010). Video games have been responding to the arrival of the Post-Anthropocene. In recent years, an increasing number of games appear to capture the fascination and creepiness of a world with no humans. This impending future is not just imagined in fictional settings (e.g. The Legenda of Zelda: Majora's Mask, Nintendo, 2000; Horizon: Zero Dawn, Guerrilla Games, 2017), but within game design. In the last decade an increasing number of video games requiring limited human intervention has been released. Idle games such as Cookie Clicker (Julien Thiennot, 2013) and AdVenture Capitalist (Hyper Hippo Productions, 2014) require an initial input from the player to start, and then keep playing themselves in the background operations of a laptop or smartphone. Virtual environments can be entirely designed by algorithms, as experimented by Hello Games for No Man's Sky (2016). Artificial Intelligence is also used to play games. Screeps, a massive-multiplayer online game, requires players to program an AI that will play the game in their place, and which will 'live within the game even while you are offline' (Screeps Team, 2014). Ghost cars in racing games replace the human actor with a representation of their performance. The same concept is further explored by the Drivatar of the Forza Motorsport series (Microsoft Studios, 2005-2017), which simulates the driving style of the player and competes online against other AI-controlled cars (Bittanti 2015). These are only some of the example that suggest that human beings are becoming peripheral in the act of playing games. The video installation Emissaries, at MoMA PS1, by Ian Cheng (2017), and Twitch streaming of computer-controlled avatars in Grand Theft Auto by Ben Watanabe (San Andreas Deer Cam, 2016; San Andreas Community Cam, 2017) are further investigations in how games could play themselves even after the disappearance of human beings. Drawing on Sonia Fizek's analysis of the concept of interpassivity in digital games (via the work of Robert Pfaller and Slavoj Zizek), and on studies on gamification and self-tracking, I argue that Non-Human Gaming is not necessarily an exception to oppose to 'standard' video games, or a (con)temporary trend (Fizek 2018; Ruffino 2016). The non-human has always been haunting the medium, and studies on interactivity, agency, and player's skills and competences have been providing, so far, a comforting perspective that places the human at the center, or at an equal hierarchical importance than the machine (Giddings 2005; Björk and Juul 2012). Alexander Galloway imagined how machines could take the lead in the process of enacting a video game, creating 'ambience acts' where the game plays itself with no need for the human being to be present (Galloway 2006). Galloway was concerned with the allegories that computer games provide, and the ways in which games mimic the social reality in which we live in. Since 2006, fears of economic, political, social, and geological crises at global level have been prominent. Non-Human gaming can be interpreted as a response to those fears, and put in relation to the rise of self-driving cars, algorithmic trade exchange, and remote warfare, which similarly operate by replacing human beings. In fact, Non-Human Gaming is an adequate response to the disappearance of life from Earth – as it has been imagined, feared, and prophesized by scientists in recent years, and even more insistently since the time of Galloway's contribution. In this talk I will attempt to map the broad category of Non-Human gaming. Roger Caillois, in his early work on mimicry and mythology, was already describing how living beings develop forms of dispersal and waste of energy that cannot be explained through a rationalistic view on evolution and preservation, and which bring the organism closer to its own disappearance and assimilation in the surrounding environment, but are nonetheless defining characteristics of life (Caillois 1934; 1935). My concern is to highlight the weirdness and creepiness, the irony and spoofs, the paradoxes and contradictions of video games made by no one and/or for no one. As Haraway's vision of the cyborg did with cybernetics, Non-Human gaming confuses and complicates the ontologies of digital texts, and could be used to shed light on the situatedness, temporality, and partiality of our knowledge, of both humans and games (Haraway 1991; Kember 2018). Life might be disappearing from Earth at some point, but we are not there yet. We are in-between birth and death, the beginning and the end, and we have always been. Non-Human gaming helps us articulating this space and time in-between, and has the potential to re-route gaming (and game studies) from false myths of agency, interactivity, and instrumentalism (the 'games for' health, education, self-improvement, and so on). Non-human games are companions for earthly survival. BIBLIOGRAPHY Bittanti, M. (2015) Orizzonti di Forza: Fenomenologia della Guida Videoludica, Edizioni Unicopli Björk, S. and Juul, J. (2012) 'Zero-Player Games, or: What We Talk About When We Talk About Players', presented at the Philosophy of Computer Games Conference, Madrid 2012 Caillois, R. (1934) [2014] 'The Praying Mantis: from Biology to Psychoanalysis', in The Edge of Surrealism: A Roger Caillois Reader, Durkham: Duke University Press Caillois, R. (1935) [1984] 'Mimicry and Legendary Psychastenia', in October (31), Cambridge (MA): The MIT Press Fizek, S. (2018) 'Interpassivity and the Joy of Delegated Play'. ToDiGRA Journal (to be published). Galloway, A. (2006) Gaming: Essays on Algorithmic Culture. Minneapolis (MN): University of Minnesota Press. Giddings, S. (2005) Playing with non-humans: digital games as technocultural form. In: Proceedings of DiGRA 2005 Conference: Changing Views - Worlds in Play, Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada, 16-20 June 2005. Haraway, D. J. (1991) Simians, Cyborgs and Women. The Reinvention of Nature. London: Free Association Books. Haraway, D. J. (2016) Staying with the Trouble: Making Kin in the Chthulucene, Duke University Press Kember, S. (2017) 'After the Anthropocene: the photographic for earthly survival?' in Digital Creativity, vol. 28, no. 4, pp. 348-353 Ruffino, P. (2016) 'Games to Live With: Speculations Regarding NikeFuel' in Digital Culture and Society, vol. 2, no. 1, pp. 153-`159 Thacker, E. (2010) After Life, London and Chicago: Chicago University Press Wark, M. (2015) Molecular Red. Theory for the Anthropocence. London: Verso. Zylinska, J. (2014) Minimal Ethics for the Anthropocene. Michigan (MA): Open Humanities Press

Inhaltsangabe: Introduction: 1.1 Motivation and objective of thesis: According to the German government the future German energy mix shall be mainly based on renewable energy sources. Offshore wind energy plays a key role in this new energy strategy and is expected to provide the major share of renewable energy to be produced in Germany in the future. Nevertheless, the German offshore wind energy sector has developed much slower than expected, despite considerable supporting efforts taken by the government. Compared to other European countries, there is only little installed offshore wind energy capacity available in Germany today, but the German legislator's medium-term growth targets for this industry are enormous. In this context, the following two questions are to be asked: Does the German government turn a blind eye to the contradictory development just mentioned and/or is there reason for hope that the German offshore wind energy sector will accelerate and grow much stronger in the future? The purpose of this thesis is to describe the general conditions applicable in Germany, which a project developer or potential investor has to consider when planning an offshore wind park (OWP) in the German exclusive economic zone (EEZ). Furthermore, it analyses specific challenges related to the realisation of such kind of projects, identifies existing problems, and outlines possible solutions where appropriate. In doing so, the following chapters will mainly focus on the political environment for the offshore wind energy industry in Germany, the relevant legal framework applicable when realising an OWP, as well as on the bankability challenges a project developer might be exposed to when trying to secure a debt financing for an OWP project in Germany. Apart from giving a theoretical overview about the main subjects referred to above, this thesis also tries to address recent developments one can observe in practice. Hence, personal interviews have been conducted with experienced practitioners to get a better picture of the current market situation in general and possible future developments, as well as to get a practical insight into the mandatory OWP approval process and the recent perceptions and sentiments of banks involved in the financing of OWP in Germany. 1.2 Structure of thesis: The following Section 2 contains definitions of some key terms used throughout this thesis. Subsequently, a brief illustration of the European and German offshore wind energy market is given to get a better idea of how Germany is currently positioned in this field among its peers. From an OWP investors' point of view, a stable and supporting political environment considerably reduces the political risks related to such kind of projects, which is usually an important pre-condition for major investments in this field. Section 3 deals with the political environment OWP project developers or investors are exposed to in Germany and particularly focuses on Germany's offshore wind energy strategy as well as on the German government's recently introduced new energy concept, which is mainly based on renewable energy sources. In addition, a wise OWP project developer should also be familiar with all relevant legal statutes when planning an OWP and consider all important legal aspects in his project plan accordingly. Section 4 discusses the legal framework applicable in Germany when intending to realise an OWP in the German EEZ. The main focus is laid on the Renewable Energies Act, RE-Act (Erneuerbare-Energien-Gesetz, EEG) and the wind energy priority areas in both the North and the Baltic Sea, which have been defined by the legislator in the course of its spatial planning. Subsequently, this section outlines the mandatory approval process necessary for the realisation of an OWP project, containing, inter alia, references to the relevant legal statutes and a detailed description of each individual approval phase. The investment volume for a German OWP can easily amount to EUR 1 billion (bn) or more and thus normally requires also a sufficient amount of debt to be injected into the project. Hence, it is also of utmost relevance for an OWP project developer to be very well aware what has to be done to arrange for a project structure which is bankable at the end, in order to be able to secure the debt financing needed. Section 5 addresses bankability issues related to the realisation of an OWP in the German EEZ and contains an evaluation of the banks' main financing challenges, an outline of applicable banking standards for OWP projects to be considered by the project developer to secure a successful project placement, as well as a brief description of some peculiarities one should be aware of when it comes to granting or taking collateral over assets located in the German EEZ. Finally, Section 6 concludes with a summary of the main outcomes and results developed throughout this work.Inhaltsverzeichnis:Table of Contents: AbstractI AcknowledgementsII List of FiguresVI List of AbbreviationsVII 1.Introduction1 1.1 Motivation and objective of thesis1 1.2 Structure of thesis2 2.Offshore wind energy in Germany - a pioneer industry in the renewable energy sector3 2.1 Definitions4 2.1.1Renewable energy and wind energy4 2.1.2Offshore wind generator and offshore wind park4 2.1.3Territorial Sea4 2.1.4Exclusive Economic Zone4 2.2The European and German (offshore) wind energy market5 2.2.1(Offshore) wind energy in Europe5 2.2.2(Offshore) wind energy in Germany7 3.The political environment for offshore wind energy in Germany10 3.1Influence of international and European climate policy12 3.1.1Kyoto Protocol12 3.1.2Relevant EU legislation13 3.2Government policy and support in Germany13 3.2.1Germany's offshore wind energy strategy13 3.2.2Germany's overall energy concept before Fukushima14 3.2.3Germany's overall energy concept after Fukushima17 3.3 Chapter summary and outlook20 4.Legal framework and approval process for the construction of OWP in the German EEZ21 4.1Legal framework21 4.1.1Renewable Energies Act21 4.1.2Energy Industry Act29 4.2 Getting approval for the construction of an OWP33 4.2.1Legal basis and main applicable statutes34 4.2.2Phases of the OWP approval process44 4.3Outlook49 4.4Chapter summary53 5.The bankability of OWP projects in Germany54 5.1OWP (project) financing in Germany: major challenges andbankability issues56 5.1.1Wind prognosis56 5.1.2Technology57 5.1.3Installation59 5.1.4Insurance60 5.1.5Grid connection61 5.1.6Operation Maintenance (OM)63 5.1.7Overview of results65 5.2Financing OWP in Germany66 5.2.1Typical banking standards in OWP financings67 5.2.2Project placement68 5.3 Security package69 5.3.1Usual elements of security in OWP project finance70 5.3.2Taking collateral in the German EEZ70 5.4Chapter summary and outlook72 6.Summary74 BibliographyIX AppendixXVITextprobe:Text Sample: Chapter 3., The political environment for offshore wind energy in Germany: An unexperienced investor might wonder what politics have to do with the successful realisation of an OWP, which seems to be a purely commercial project at first glance. However, in practice a positive political environment, i.e. one which is supportive and reliable, is very important for the success of such kind of projects. This is even more so when technologies in their early development stage, such as the offshore wind energy sector, shall be financed with no recourse to the project sponsors (i.e. by the use of a project finance structure). Hence, a positive attitude of politicians towards the subject matter is essential for many reasons: They can put issues on the political agenda which are important for the offshore wind industry or refrain from doing that, they can be supportive when it comes to the identification of new marine offshore wind energy sites or not, they can arrange for an efficient and fast OWP approval process with less bureaucracy or fail to do that, they can pass encouraging legal reforms (e.g. implement adequate fixed feed-in tariffs) or not, and introduce other supplemental measures supporting the development of the industry or just leave it. Therefore, it should be worthwhile for an OWP investor or project developer to spend at least some time to make himself familiar and comfortable with the respective political environment in the course of his project due diligence. With its overall energy policy, the German government aims to secure an affordable and reliable energy supply for the industry and private consumers in Germany, strengthen the economy by the development and use of state-of-the-art renewable energy technologies and consequently implement its climate protection targets (Klimaschutzziele). However, apart from its own national political goals, the German legislator needs also to consider the requirements of applicable existing international and European agreements as a factor in its policy making, such as the Kyoto Protocol or relevant EU legislation, which are briefly introduced in the following Section 3.1. The subsequent Section 3.2 describes in more detail the national strategies and policy measures set by the German government. The development and use of renewable energy technologies in general has been promoted by the legislator already since 1990. However, having been a highly risky and unproven technology, for long time the offshore wind energy sector played only a marginal role despite its huge potential. To specifically push the developments in this field, the German government introduced an offshore wind energy strategy in 2002 (Section 3.2.1). Since then further policy measures have been implemented, which, inter alia, had (significant) influence on the offshore wind industry too. The main cornerstones have been the new energy concept of the German government introduced in September 2010 (Section 3.2.2) as well as the additional governmental measures (Maßnahmenpaket) passed after the disastrous nuclear accident at the Fukushima power plant in Japan in March 2011 (Section 3.2.3). 3.1, Influence of international and European climate policy: 3.1.1, Kyoto Protocol: With the ratification of the internationally applicable Kyoto Protocol to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change ('Kyoto Protocol") passed in 1997, the EU gave a joint binding commitment to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 8% compared to 1990 levels until 2012, which was later distributed between the EU member states by a burden sharing agreement setting the individual reduction target for Germany at 21%. Thus, every EU member state was required to implement adequate measures to be able to comply with its respective emission reduction target. Germany was successful in this respect, by promoting, for example, renewable energy technologies (including the wind energy sector). By the end of 2009, German greenhouse gas emissions had already been reduced by approximately 29% compared to 1990 levels. 3.1.2, Relevant EU legislation, In addition, the EU determined for each member state an individual national target for its respective share of energy from renewable energy sources in gross final energy consumption (Endenergieverbrauch) to be reached until 2020. The individual target for Germany was set at 18%. By the end of 2010, Germany reached a share of about 11%. In order to meet the aforementioned target at the end of this decade, Germany has to continue with taking supportive measures and additional efforts. As we will see in the following section, the constant promotion of renewable energies, and the offshore wind energy sector in particular, is one of the main cornerstones of the German government's energy policy to achieve both compliance with its climate protection and emission reduction goals and a successful implementation of its new energy policy (i.e. the transformation of the existing energy mix mainly based on fossil and nuclear sources into an energy mix with its main focus on renewable sources).

The lobbying has begun in earnest for Louisianans
to continue the equivalent of flushing their tax dollars down the toilet with
Republican Speaker Clay Schexnayder's
HB 562.

Not only would the bill allow the Motion Picture Investors
Tax Credit to continue past fiscal year 2025 it also would make it open-ended,
where it currently has a limit of $150 million issued a year (with $180 million
redeemable in a year). The credit allows for reimbursement of expenses in film
or television production anywhere from 25 to 55 percent of expenses from a base
amount of $50,000 to $300,000 on state income taxes; alternatively, these may act
as a refundable credit at 90 cents to the buck (which is how the vast majority
of the payout occurs given that few beneficiaries principally do business in
the state).

The law requires an analysis every couple of
years, and over the two decades of the credit's existence those have shown it
to be a black hole spending far more taxpayer dollars than what was returned to
state and local governments, costing the state well over a billion dollars. The
latest
returned the typical dismal numbers for fiscal years 2021-22: total tax dollars
collected were about an eleventh of what earnings were generated door, and the
return on investment for the former year was 35 cents and the latter 39 cents,
meaning for FY 2022 every dollar spent saw 61 cents evaporate.

These results largely mirrored another
state-sponsored study that requires fiscal review of sizeable negative-return
tax credits, thereby including this as it has the largest annual expenditures and
losses of the bunch. The law establishing this research had it go back several
years, grouping the results essentially into pre- and post-Wuhan coronavirus
pandemic periods.

In it, the film credit over the two periods
expanded the state economy (return on investment, using a different model) by
about 40 cents to the dollar while returning to the state treasury about a
sixteenth of the tax dollars spent. It did say at least for the roughly $180
million a year spent it generated about
$75 million more in economic activity.

The other report also noted figures that tried to
explain away the bonfire of taxpayer bucks. It claimed around 10,000 jobs were
created – or in the neighborhood of $13,300 per job net taxpayer expenditures –
and generated $1.15 billion to $1.2 billion in economic activity annually.

The latter is a particularly useless statistic. It
tells little because it doesn't investigate alternative uses of the apportioned
tax dollars, either in spending choices by government or by leaving this money
in the hands of people that earned it, that possibly could produce much larger
economic benefits. For example, it could be that a Widget Investors Tax Credit
subsidizing the production of widgets might create more jobs and activity.

Nonetheless, because that's all they have,
supporters repeat such data points ad naseum, and have manufactured
another talking point by surveying
residents about their perceptions of the tax credit. About two-thirds of
respondents say they favor such a credit and a seventh think, out of a list also
including health care, agriculture/seafood, "green" industry, petrochemical,
high tech, none, or oppose tax incentives, that film is the most deserving to
receive incentives.

Again, this is largely useless information from an
instrument designed to advocate rather than get a true sense of the public's
attitudes about the program (don't blame the pollster, who has to follow the
dictates of the funder), by deflecting from concrete reality and realistic
choices. Almost no respondents probably know the cost to taxpayers and 60
percent wastage proportion of the credits and likely would show a far lower
level of support if they did. Instead of asking "Do you favor or oppose tax
incentives to help develop the film industry in Louisiana?" changing the
wording to "Do you favor or oppose tax incentives, which cost $180 million a
year and return only 40 cents on the dollar, to help develop the film industry
in Louisiana?" or changing "When creating tax incentives, which industry in
Louisiana do you believe is most deserving of them?" to "Would you rather give
$180 million a year in tax incentives to filmmakers or health care … higher
education … farmers and fishermen … as a rebate to taxpayers …" etc., answers
to those kinds of questions would be far more revealing and informative.

Legislators must not let themselves distracted or
sweettalked by lobbyists away from the fact that the film tax credit is
corporate welfare blatantly picking a winning industry with the people's money
that could bring much greater benefits to Louisiana if left in people's wallets
and/or applied to pressing state needs far more urgent than making more movies.
Personifying the old adage that a stopped clock is right twice a day, this
squandering of tax dollars is so blatant that even
the Louisiana Budget Project can see through the waste promoted by the film tax
credit.

Nearly a quarter century is enough to have gotten
this industry off the ground without further need of taxpayer subsidies. Kill
HB 562 and let the unnatural life of these end in 2025.

The multilateral development banks (MDBs) emerged as one of the international community's great success stories of the post–World War II era. Set up to address a market failure in long-term capital flows to post-conflict Europe and developing countries, they combined financial heft and technical knowledge for more than five decades to support their borrowing members' investments in post-conflict reconstruction, growth stimulation, and poverty reduction. However, the geo-economic landscape has changed dramatically in this century, and with it the demands and needs of the developing world. Developing countries now make up half of the global economy. The capital market failure that originally motivated the MDBs is less acute. Almost all developing countries now rely primarily on domestic resources to manage public investment, and some of the poorest countries can borrow abroad on their own. Similarly, growth and the globalization of professional expertise on development practice have eroded whatever near-monopoly of advisory services the MDBs once had. At the same time, new challenges call for global collective action and financing of the sort the MDBs are well suited to provide but have been handicapped in doing so effectively. The list goes beyond major financial shocks, where the IMF's role is clear—ranging from climate change, pandemic risk, increasing resistance to antibiotics, and poor management of international migration flows and of displaced and refugee populations. Other areas include the cross-border security and spillovers associated with growing competition for water and other renewable natural resources, and, with climate change, an increase in the frequency and human costs of weather and other shocks in low-income countries that are poorly equipped to respond. These new and urgent challenges—including a restart of the healthy rates of economic growth that are at the heart of the MDBs' contribution to the globally agreed sustainable development goals—have in common disproportionate risks and benefits for the developing world, and a particular need to combine financing, technical and country expertise, and a coordinated international policy response. The MDBs may no longer hold a monopoly on financing, expertise, and coordination, but they remain uniquely suited to combine these assets to deal with new and diverse challenges. In short, if the MDBs no longer existed today, the international community would have to reinvent them. We recommend that the shareholders of the seven major MDBs treat these global challenges not in the incremental and piecemeal manner that has become the habit of the last several decades, but instead as a system for the whole to be more effective than the sum of its parts. The system should hold in common the key principles of transparency, accountability, and sustainability. But specific roles and mandates across the MDBs should vary to recognize their inherent differences in comparative advantage, particularly between the World Bank and the regional MDBs. Recognizing the growing global premium on environmental sustainability in a climate-challenged world, we call on member governments of the World Bank to take the first step in that direction by renaming the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD) as the International Bank for Reconstruction and Sustainable Development (IBRSD)—and to reshape its mission accordingly, toward leadership on issues of the global commons or global public goods that are squarely in the development domain and require a global shareholder base to respond collectively. Shareholders should in turn look to the regional MDBs to take leadership in supporting the new imperative of sustainable development through country and regional operations across all sectors, but particularly in increasing investment in infrastructure that takes into account the logic of low-carbon and climateresilient economies in the developing world. In line with this approach to differentiated roles within an MDB system, the panel makes five recommendations to better realize the MDB system's potential for meeting today's development challenges.

This issue of the RPPP begins with two studies on the role of these informal communities and their influence in other public policy areas. The article by Lujan Menazzi traces the functioning of this public-private articulation during the last military dictatorship in the field of public works. The author identifies the existence of a professional and business community linked to the development of public works and its articulation with the government areas that define budgets and assign works, with a frequent transit of public officials and private entrepreneurs who move from one side to another of the institutional differentiation, it defines a convergence of symbolic and material interests and legitimizes the characterization of this stage as a civic-military dictatorship. The same as in other capitalist societies, business efficiency (cost matrix, productivity, environmental impact, etc.) and proximity, through a variety of formal and informal practices, to the places in the institutional framework where decisions are made of politics, have helped to configure one of the strategic areas of political-corporate power, the rapid growth of business assets and the social prestige of its owners, with diffuse boundaries between public and private interests.Elsa Pereyra presents the case of a group of officials and professionals who, from a community of ideas, technical training and political will, faced the challenges posed by a deep fiscal mess and reduced its impact on the most vulnerable population. His article analyzes the experience of the team that led the Ministry of Economy of the province of Buenos Aires between 1987 and 2007 from the point of view of the construction of analytical, political and technical capacities. To do this, it reconstructs the process that led to the creation of the quasi-currency known as "Patacón", as an example of the type of productions that characterized the performance of this group of officials. The analysis of the ways in which politics and technique were combined in the interventions of the provincial economic team allows the author to compose profiles of state actors more complex than those stylized in the predominant literature in the field of public policies.The following three articles are studies on the policies of care, an issue that in recent years has entered the arena of public policy. Gisela Cánovas Herrera focuses on the debates about the social organization of care, within the framework of welfare studies and the contributions of feminism. Universal Assignment by Child is taken as a case that allows the author to investigate the assumptions related to the role implicitly assigned to women in this social policy and its effects on their participation in the labor market. Erika Van Rompaey examines the concept of quality home care for people in situations of dependency and their different approaches, to reflect on the impact of the material and technical conditions of care offered by the State in the protection of the right to care ; takes as a reference the recent experience of Uruguay, where a new care policy has been designed and implemented, with a provision specifically oriented towards home care. The text of Javier Moro analyzes the performance of the new municipal areas of attention to children and adolescents in the suburbs of Buenos Aires. The author argues that the emphasis on the focus of attention in the domestic-family sphere in detriment of the expansion of a programmatic offer of promotion and access to rights poses a limited and restrictive scope of the transformation stated in the regulations. The article proposes the adoption of a "new architecture" that contemplates the scope of the politics of childhood and adolescence at the local level, the definition of the problem with which these areas work and a territorial view of social policies.Assistance actions aimed at vulnerable population groups (emergency employment plans, conditional transfers of income, specific subsidies) integrated an important part of the social policies of recent years. In addition to the discussion regarding the effectiveness of these actions to address the problems they are aiming at, there were debates about the objective and subjective conditions effectively met by the recipients of the assistance, frequently dyed with discriminatory tonalities. The article by Malena Hopp and Eliana Lijterman reconstructs the arguments and controversies raised about these programs in the target subjects and in workers integrated into labor markets.Juan Pablo Hudson discusses the change in the institutional focus recorded since the change of government in 2015 regarding employment policies aimed at unemployed or precarious employment sectors, highlighting the emphasis on entrepreneurship and individualism, as well as free associativism contrast with the promotion of cooperative formation and the wide-ranging stimulus programs for the popular economy and its most dynamic government actors that took place between 2002 and 2015. Finally Graciela Mingo and Elisa Sarrot focus on the interactions between the State and a variety of actors social and labor issues in the Pro.Cre.Ar plan (2012-2015) in a municipality in the province of Entre Ríos, as an active policy to facilitate access by the middle sectors of society to their own homes; a program that has also suffered cuts and reorientations in recent years. ; El presente número de la RPPP se inicia con dos estudios sobre el papel de estas comunidades informales y su gravitación en otras tantas áreas de política pública. El artículo de Luján Menazzi rastrea el funcionamiento de esta articulación público-privada durante la última dictadura militar en el terreno de la obra pública. La autora identifica la existencia de una comunidad profesional y empresarial vinculada al desarrollo de obras públicas y su articulación con las áreas del gobierno que definen los presupuestos y asignan las obras, con un frecuente tránsito de funcionarios públicos y empresarios privados que se mueven de un lado a otro de la diferenciación institucional, define una convergencia de intereses simbólicos y materiales y legitima la caracterización de esta etapa como dictadura cívico-militar. Lo mismo que en otras sociedades capitalistas, la eficiencia empresarial (matriz de costos, productividad, impacto ambiental, etc.) y la proximidad, a través de una variedad de prácticas formales e informales, a los lugares del entramado institucional donde se toman las decisiones de política, han contribuido a configurar uno de los ámbitos estratégicos del poder político-corporativo, al vertiginoso crecimiento de patrimonios empresariales y al prestigio social de sus titulares, con fronteras difusas entre el interés público y el privado.Elsa Pereyra presenta el caso de un grupo de funcionarios y profesionales que, a partir de una comunidad de ideas, formación técnica y voluntad política enfrentó los desafíos planteados por un profundo desbarajuste fiscal y a reducir su impacto sobre la población más vulnerable. Su artículo analiza la experiencia del equipo que condujo el Ministerio de Economía de la provincia de Buenos Aires entre 1987 y 2007 desde el punto de vista de la construcción de capacidades analíticas, políticas y técnicas. Para ello, reconstruye el proceso que condujo a la creación de la cuasi-moneda conocida como "Patacón", como ejemplo del tipo de producciones que caracterizaron la actuación de ese colectivo de funcionarios. El análisis de los modos en que se combinaron política y técnica en las intervenciones del equipo económico provincial, permite a la autora componer perfiles de actores estatales más complejos que los estilizados en la literatura predominante en el campo de las políticas públicas.Los tres artículos siguientes son estudios sobre las políticas del cuidado, un asunto que en años recientes ha ingresado a la arena de las políticas públicas. Gisela Cánovas Herrera pone el foco en los debates acerca de la organización social del cuidado, en el marco de los estudios del bienestar y los aportes del feminismo. La Asignación Universal por Hijo es tomada como caso que permite a la autora indagar los supuestos relacionados con el rol implícitamente asignado a las mujeres en esta política social y sus efectos sobre su participación en el mercado de trabajo. Erika Van Rompaey examina el concepto de calidad del cuidado en domicilio de personas en situación de dependencia y sus distintos abordajes, para reflexionar sobre el impacto que tienen las condiciones materiales y técnicas de la atención ofrecida por el Estado en la protección del derecho a ser cuidado; toma como referencia la experiencia reciente de Uruguay, donde se ha diseñado e implementado una nueva política de cuidados que cuenta con una prestación orientada específicamente hacia los cuidados en domicilio. El texto de Javier Moro analiza el desempeño de las nuevas áreas municipales de atención a la niñez y adolescencia en el conurbano bonaerense. Sostiene el autor que el énfasis en el eje de atención en el ámbito doméstico-familiar en desmedro de la expansión de una oferta programática de promoción y acceso a derechos plantea un alcance limitado y restrictivo de la transformación declamada en la normativa. El artículo postula la adopción de una "nueva arquitectura" institucional que contemple los alcances de la política de niñez y adolescencia en el nivel local, la definición del problema con la que trabajan estas áreas y una mirada territorial de las políticas sociales.Las acciones de asistencia dirigidas a grupos vulnerables de población (planes de empleo de emergencia, transferencias condicionadas de ingreso, subsidios específicos) integraron una parte importante de las políticas sociales de los años recientes. Además de la discusión respecto de la eficacia de esas acciones para enfrentar las problemáticas a las que apuntan, se registraron debates acerca de las condiciones objetivas y subjetivas efectivamente reunidas por los receptores de la asistencia, frecuentemente teñidos de tonalidades discriminatorias. El artículo de Malena Hopp y Eliana Lijterman reconstruye los argumentos y controversias suscitadas en torno a estos programas en los sujetos destinatarios y en trabajadores integrados a mercados de trabajo.Juan Pablo Hudson discute el cambio del enfoque institucional registrado a partir del cambio de gobierno de 2015 respecto de las políticas de empleo dirigidas a sectores desempleados o de empleo precario, destacando el énfasis en el emprendedorismo y el individualismo, así como en el asociativismo libre por contraste con la promoción de formación de cooperativas y los amplios programas de estímulo a la economía popular y a sus más dinámicos actores de los gobiernos que se sucedieron entre 2002 y 2015. Finalmente Graciela Mingo y Elisa Sarrot enfocan las interacciones entre Estado y una variedad de actores sociales y laborales en el plan Pro.Cre.Ar (2012-2015) en un municipio de la provincia de Entre Ríos, como política activa para facilitar el acceso de sectores medios de la sociedad a la vivienda propia; un programa que también ha sufrido recortes y reorientaciones en los años recientes.

The leaders of the world's largest economies will gather this weekend in New Delhi, India, for the G20 summit. The meeting comes at a complex time for the grouping, which is one of the rare venues where Russian, Chinese, American and European leaders have to rub shoulders each year.India no doubt hopes to boost its profile as a Global South leader by focusing on issues like climate change and global food prices, but this year's summit risks being paralyzed by Russia's war in Ukraine, arguments over which prevented the grouping from agreeing on a joint communique at its 2022 meeting.Further complicating the summit is the fact that Russian President Vladimir Putin and Chinese President Xi Jinping are not planning to attend. Xi's snub has drawn particular attention given increasing tensions between the U.S. and China, which got a rare respite last year when the Chinese leader held a three-hour meeting with U.S. President Joe Biden.Few analysts are better positioned to break down these dynamics than Kishore Mahbubani, Singapore's former ambassador to the United Nations and a distinguished fellow at the Asia Research Institute. After a 30-year career in diplomacy, Mahbubani has emerged as a leading commentator on international affairs with a special focus on Asia and the Global South.RS caught up with Mahbubani over email to get his take on the summit and the shifting geopolitical landscape that will frame it. The following conversation has been lightly edited for length and clarity.RS: What is India hoping to get from the G20 Summit? How does it factor into Prime Minister Narendra Modi's vision for India's role in the world?Mahbubani: The G20 summit is a big deal for PM Modi and his government. He has both domestic and international goals to achieve at this meeting. Domestically, a successful G20 will raise the stature of his government and himself in the build-up to the national elections in 2024. Internationally, PM Modi would like to position India as an emerging world leader. Hence, he will work hard to enhance the voice of the Global South in the G20 summit in India. He will push hard to get the African Union represented as a member.RS: Notably, Chinese President Xi Jinping and Russian President Vladimir Putin have both chosen to forgo this year's event. How will their absence affect the meetings?Mahbubani: Putin's absence is not surprising. He also missed the G20 summit in Bali last year. He is preoccupied with the war in Ukraine. He may also be shunned by other leaders. Hence, it is wise for Putin not to attend. However, if Xi Jinping decides not to participate, it will sadly diminish the significance of the G20 Summit. The most important bilateral relationship in the world is between the U.S. and China. Just before the G20 summit in Bali in November 2022, [Indonesian] President Jokowi invited me to breakfast to discuss the agenda. I told him that the world would thank him if he organized a good meeting between President Joe Biden and President Xi Jinping. He responded to me by saying, "Please don't worry. I've given them the nicest room in Bali for the meeting." This worked. Biden and Xi had a good meeting. The world breathed a sigh of relief. There will not be a similar sigh of relief after the G20 summit in New Delhi.Please let me add here that it is possible that President Xi may have decided not to attend this meeting in New Delhi as he will have another opportunity to meet President Biden in the U.S. for the APEC Summit in November.RS: Biden will be in attendance in New Delhi. Do you have a sense of what the United States is hoping to get from the summit?Mahbubani: The U.S. is courting India ferociously. Paradoxically, the best comparison to make of this courtship is with the ferocious courtship of China by the U.S. to counterbalance the Soviet Union in the 1970s. Today, to counterbalance China, the U.S. is courting India. This is why President Biden is attending the G20 summit in India and skipping the East Asia Summit in Indonesia. Realistically, the U.S. does not expect to get much from the G20 Summit in India. The most successful G20 summit ever was the 2009 meeting in London, when the G20 came together to rescue the U.S. and other Western economies during the global financial crisis. Today, the U.S. economy is doing relatively well. Hence, the U.S. expects little from the G20 summit in New Delhi. Little of substance will emerge from the summit. It may well prove to be, like many G7 meetings, a photo opportunity for the leaders attending it.RS: Do you expect the war in Ukraine to dominate conversation as it has in other international forums? Are you concerned that it will pull attention away from other global issues, like climate change and the ongoing food crisis?Mahbubani: There will be a continuing tension between the leaders of the Global South and the G7 leaders attending the G20 meeting. The Global South would like to focus on their preoccupations, like their ongoing development challenges, including the food crisis. They would also like the G7 leaders to fulfill their commitments to help the Global South fight climate change. By contrast, the G7 leaders would want to focus on the war on Ukraine and try to get a strong statement condemning Russia at the meeting. There will be no meeting of minds between the Global South and G7 leaders. At best, one can expect a compromise which tries to fudge the big differences between the two sides.In many ways, it is fortunate that India is hosting the G20 summit this year. The only major country that enjoys a high level of trust from both the Global South and G7 countries is India. Only India can pull off a compromise solution between the two sides. If India fails, it will show that the gap between the two sides is too big to be bridged. The world will remain divided.RS: The event comes less than a month after BRICS held a much-remarked summit in South Africa, where the group formally invited Saudi Arabia, Iran, the UAE, Ethiopia, Argentina and Egypt to join. BRICS and the G7 each now have seven members of the G20. Do you expect these groups to act as competing blocs in the summit? How does the rise of BRICS change the G20's dynamics?
Mahbubani: Over the past 20 years, the global media, especially the Western media, has paid far more attention to G7 events than to BRICS events. This reflects a major error of judgment. The G7 is a sunset organization. BRICS is a sunrise organization. In 1990, in PPP terms, the combined Gross National Product (GNP) of G7 was more than double that of the BRICS countries. Today, it is less. Equally significantly, 40 countries have applied to join BRICS. There is no similar rush of applications to join the G7. In my book, The Asian 21st Century (which is an open access book), I describe how the world is psychologically preparing for the Asian century. The 88 percent of the world's population who live outside the West understand this reality. The 12 percent who live in the West don't understand this.If the West wishes to pursue a wiser course of action, it should use the forthcoming G20 summit in New Delhi to build new bridges with the Global South. It should also learn to share power by allowing, for example, Global South representatives to run organizations like the IMF and World Bank. Sadly, the West is unlikely to do this. Hence, it will waste the valuable opportunity provided by the G20 summit meeting in New Delhi to build new bridges to the Global South.