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AbstractThis article examines how 'urban experience' is objectified and transformed into something that is legible to the state and its experts. It conceptualizes design guidelines as a political technology where bodies of expert knowledge, emplaced in a planning bureaucracy, shape the way the built environment is produced and experienced. Using Singapore as an example of a centralized planning bureaucracy, I analyze how lighting, public art and advertisement signs are targeted to produce a total environment with normative narratives. This article makes two contributions. First, it unpacks the processes that translate different modes of legibility in an attempt to make 'experience' legible for planners. The political efficacy of guidelines and pre‐established bureaucratic boundaries means that planners can only intervene through a series of combinations, mediations and approximations. Thus, legibility proceeds in a way that is akin to 'feeling around'. Second, it foregrounds the 'middle layer of urban governance' that is often ignored in the discipline. Guidelines represent one coordinate in a system of political technologies that is concerned with producing the norm, that substrate of urban production mechanized through a series of repetitions, gradations and classifications.

AbstractThis article presents an overview of rising trends in the study of networked interactions conveyed by social media technologies and the emergence of new meanings associated with social change. In recent years, a healthy amount of studies has focused on ICT uses within collective action, considering social media tools to have become crucial components of many transnational movements and social change projects. Crossing boundaries between social movements theories, political science, and communication studies, literature suggests that 'online activism' and increasingly networked interactions may have transformed the meanings and definitions associated with 'collective action' and 'social change'. To make sense of these meanings, we identify three approaches used by scholars, which focus on (i) the actual networking of actors, (ii) the diffusion of new repertoires and frames through networks, and (iii) making sense of new meanings conveyed within networkedcultures. We conclude by suggesting the need for more comprehensive research to better observe and make sense of how's actors define collective action and how they use social media tools when striving to convey social change.

Territorial borders just like other boundaries are involved in a politics of belonging, a politics of "us" and "them". Border management regimes are thus part of processes of othering. In this article, we use the management of borders and populations in Europe as an empirical example to make a theoretical claim about race. We introduce the notion of the phenotypic other to argue that race is a topological object, an object that is spatially and temporally folded in distributed technologies of governance. To elaborate on these notions, we first examine a number of border management technologies through which both race and Europe are brought into being. More specifically we focus on how various such technologies aimed at monitoring the movement of individuals together with the management of populations have come to play crucial roles in Europe. Different border management regimes, we argue, do not only enact different versions of Europe but also different phenotypic others. We then shift the focus from border regimes to internal practices of governance, examining forensic DNA databanks to unravel articulations of race in the traffic between databases and societies.

This article discusses the relevance of discourse in the analysis of EU foreign policy. Instead of using discourse as a structure, the discursive struggles in meaning production are emphasised. The article argues that the literature trying to make a contribution to the explanation of EU foreign policy has so far overemphasised the positive function of discourses in influencing policies in their substance. In contrast, the article focuses on the delimiting function of discourses in providing the boundaries of the kinds of policies which can be legitimately pursued. From this point of view, important discursive struggles take place exactly about these limits, and it is only through the setting of these limits that identities and norms are provided with clearer meanings. The article illustrates this framework by focusing on the debate about normative power Europe. It argues that an important aspect of this debate which has been missing from the literature so far is that it is indeed engaging in a struggle over what is acceptable as a policy of a normative power and is what not, and that it is therefore engaged in setting the limits of legitimate EU foreign policy.

This article makes a case for investigating the needs of migrant women as transnational mothers, and the sources of social support accessible to them. Much has been written on migrants' homebound commitments and obligations in terms of transnational caregiving, care chains, and the like. Less analysed are the consequences on their personal needs and demands, which are out of synch with the territorially-based social welfare provision of either sending or receiving countries. Building on my fieldwork with Ecuadorian care workers in Italy, I explore migrant women's constructions of their care needs and the limited social support they rely upon in host and home societies, as well as in the 'intermediate space' of their cross-border care practices. Overall, the prospects for their indirect needs for care to emerge as a public issue are contentious and uncertain. By delving into them, though, critical light is shed on the ambivalences and tensions inherent in migrants' practice of care, at many levels: concerning its gendered bases, its elusive boundaries and the overload of affections and expectations which it typically bears.

This paper studies the contextual factors that influence whether invention occurs during work time or leisure time. Leisure time invention, a potentially important but thus far largely unexplored source of employee creativity, refers to invention where the main underlying idea occurs while the employee is away from the workplace. We build on existing theory in the fields of organizational creativity and knowledge recombination, especially work relating context to creativity. The paper's main theoretical contribution is to extend our understanding of the boundaries of employee creativity by adding to the discussion of how access to and exploitation of different types of resources—during work hours or during leisure time—may affect creativity. Based on survey data from more than 3,000 inventions from German employee inventors, we find that leisure time inventions are more frequently observed for conceptually based problems, in cases where interactions with people outside the organization are important for making the invention, and for smaller research and development projects. Our findings also suggest that employee inventions during work time may become more "embedded" in an environment of path-dependent resources than those made during leisure time.

Purpose
– This exploratory article aims to define foresight and consider its use in public management. Impediments to foresight best practices are also discussed.


Design/methodology/approach
– The research is based on the literature, including both primary and secondary sources. Canada serves as a case study to discuss foresight practices.


Findings
– Foresight has the potential to be useful from a governance perspective. Foresight practices, however, are limited by the need to overcome departmental boundaries, political impediments and, arguably, governments' abating policy capacity.


Research limitations/implications
– The purpose of this article is to introduce foresight limiting to an extent the depth of the analysis. Canada is neither a foresight leader nor at the bottom of the list. Conclusions drawn from this case are, despite differing political and administrative contexts, representative of problems faced by many governments in using foresight.


Originality/value
– The field of public management has paid little attention to foresight, though governments do make use of this instrument. This article is one of the first to consider foresight, not from the perspective of the futures field, but from that of the discipline of public management.

This study sought to capture the challenges facing working women in the wake of the late‐2000s recession; we also studied whether and how these challenges varied by race and leadership status. Drawing on qualitative data from 4,388 women employed in 2010 across Michigan (one of the most economically depressed states), we inductively analyzed accounts of the "biggest challenge facing working women." We found that at a time when the workforce was reeling from major economic change, women's occupational difficulties remained largely unchanged. Their top five employment concerns mirrored decades past: work‐life imbalance, pay inequity, gender discrimination, childcare, and the glass ceiling. Emphases varied somewhat by race and leadership, but overall, women's chief concerns cut across these boundaries. We provide an abundance of quotes to bring life to these perspectives, letting the voices of working women be heard. Our findings suggest that the global economic crisis failed to outstrip challenges that working women have confronted for years. We conclude with a call for broad change to better support women (and men) in the workforce—during and after the Great Recession.

This article explores the little-known Singapore Mutiny of 1915 as a case study demonstrating the permeable nature of colonial boundaries in Southeast Asia, and especially the multiple influences at work on colonies in the region outside of their relationships to their respective metropoles. It argues that despite the relative insignificance of the mutiny to larger historical narratives, seemingly local events like this allow a glimpse into the concrete ways larger intercolonial and global connections informed the beliefs and actions of ordinary people. The article begins by exploring the causes of the mutiny and argues that its outbreak cannot be understood without attention to networks and ideologies that crisscrossed the world in 1915, especially with regard to pan-Islamism and radical Indian nationalism. It then explores the responses to the mutiny by a multiplicity of actors, and argues that larger global conditions, alliances, and rivalries fundamentally shaped both official and nonofficial responses to the mutiny, even as they highlighted strong preexisting official networks between colonies and independent nations all over Southeast and East Asia.

In Chicana/o cultural production, upward mobility has often signified cultural betrayal, and representations of middle-class Chicana/os have been largely absent. This essay surveys the historical and sociological reasons for that tendency, arguing that much of Chicana/o cultural production has exhibited anxiety around representations of class. However, Chicana/o texts that portray middle- and upper-class Mexican Americans, especially in the past decade, suggest the emergence of an alternative identity politics. Richard Rodriguez's 1982 memoir, Hunger of Memory, articulates the psychic crisis that can arise when one negates a minority identity in order to identify as middle class. By contrast, The George Lopez Show (2002–7) suggests that Chicanos can ascend to the middle class while still retaining a working-class consciousness. Finally, Michele Serros's young adult novel Honey Blonde Chica (2006) shows how transnational social hierarchies linking the United States and Mexico are also involved in expanding and policing the boundaries of ethnic identity. All three texts dramatize an anxiety about the instability of the class status they represent while also indexing the status of middle-class Mexican Americans in the contemporary Mexican American cultural imagination.

This article makes an inquiry into how the orientation towards consensus shapes the somatechnics of intersex ( Ahmed 2006 , 2007 ; Sullivan 2009a , 2009b ). The article takes its departure in the concept of somatechnics and the theoretical framework of biomedicalisation ( Clarke et al 2003 ), two theoretical perspectives that transgress the standoff between discursive and material approaches and challenge the notion that there is such a thing as pre-discursive, purely material bodies that discourses act upon, pointing towards the fact that 'modes and practices of corporeality are always-already, and without exception, in-relation and in-process' ( Sullivan 2009a ). In order to explore the complexity of the somatechnics of intersex, encompassing networks of organisations, communication channels, alliances, narratives, clinical protocols, surgical interventions, feminist critique and activist resistance, this inquiry tries to situate somatechnical practices by means of exploring local somatechnics of intersex, using the differences and similarities between US and Swedish contexts as a case study. The article also explores how the somatechnics of consensus as expressed within activist organisations sets boundaries for how feminist critique is formulated and enacted.

Abstract
This article examines how the themes employed in citizenship teaching and learning are relevant to understanding the education of welfare professionals in English universities. The academic literature on citizenship education has predominantly focused upon the school curriculum and, consequently, the experiences of children and young people. Nevertheless, the boundaries of citizenship education are contested and the research presented here concerns its applicability to vocational programmes in Higher Education outside of teacher training. We argue that although citizenship education has become more explicit within secondary school classrooms, educators involved in the teaching and training of welfare professionals find themselves caught within a number of dynamics that make it difficult for them to engage directly with the potential value, as well as the pitfalls, of extending a programme of formal citizenship education to their students. Taking a phenomenongraphic approach, we explore how these educators understand citizenship and negotiate the idea of citizenship education within the university context and the wider community within which their students are being trained to practice. In so doing, the limitations and possibilities of extending citizenship teaching and learning to new constituencies are highlighted.

Over the last decade an approach to 19th-century visual culture that focuses on cross-cultural contact and exchange has begun to supplement an earlier model of Orientalist critique focused primarily on the iconographic analysis of European Orientalist tropes and stereotypes. In this essay I engage with these discussions by analyzing what I will call networked objects. Tracking the mobility of art works and artifacts across cultural boundaries and their differing signification in varying sites of reception impels a nuanced understanding of how visual culture has been implicated in these networks of power. Influenced by anthropological debates, my approach focuses on the circulation of images and objects across cultures and within the region, exploring their function at divergent sites. Social networks of artists and patrons facilitated the transplantation of ideas and images, but the meanings of networked objects morphed independently of authorship according to their displacement to new geographic locations. Networked objects were also entangled within patterns of misinterpretation, blockage, and rupture as visual forms were created, reshaped, or productively misinterpreted in the environments into which they were transplanted, thus provoking challenges from the peripheries and divergent forms of indigenous agency.

AbstractThis article questions the assumption that — prior to July 2013 when the Egyptian military removed former President Mursi from power — the Muslim Brotherhood was in the process of implementing an Islamic state that would have involved a reversal of secularization and an upheaval to the status quo in terms of fundamental shifts in institutions and legal categories. Rather, the article argues that the Muslim Brotherhood evolved to embrace secularism of a certain sort-a statism in which it is the state that determines the boundaries of religion and politics. It illustrates this by looking at the role the Muslim Brotherhood envisaged for the Supreme Constitutional Court — and how this relates to the religious scholars of al-Azhar — in the formulation of legislation and in the assessment of whether legislation conforms to Article 2 of the constitution, both the 1971 one and the 2012 one, which was suspended in July 2013. In addition, the article will show how the Muslim Brotherhood has defined the public order with a particular focus on the idea of the Islamic "framework," the rights of non-Muslim minorities, and personal status law.

AbstractThis article presents the findings of a research process undertaken by Child Frontiers to map and assess the child protection systems of five West African countries. It highlights that the primary obstacle to the effective functioning of these systems is the lack of congruence between formal strategies, actual state capabilities and resources, and community values and priorities. The findings are discussed within the context of the emerging global debate about child protection systems. The conclusions demonstrate that policy makers at national, regional and international levels should look beyond transplanting external models to the West African context, but rather adopt long‐term processes to design systems that are culturally appropriate and operational within the boundaries of available and planned resources. Policy makers at all levels should avoid the temptation of 'quick fixes' but, in building and reforming child protection systems in West Africa and beyond, endeavour to promote sustained, government‐led processes that redefine the core principles and foundations of the system. The outcome will be that child protection systems function in an optimal way for children and families.