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Sustainable urban water management is an increasingly important socio-political objective, however implementation remains ad hoc. While numerous tools and technologies have been developed to achieve sustainable urban water management, significant socio-institutional barriers remain. These impediments include, among others, institutional fragmentation, poor political leadership and technological lock-in. Exacerbated by a lack of theory and conceptual frameworks to link sustainable urban water management principles with on-ground execution, these barriers contribute to low levels of system-wide implementation capacity. Institutional capacity building is advocated in the sustainable urban water literature as a strategy to facilitate implementation; however, institutional capacity building has limited ability to provide an overview of regime operation, considered critical for enabling system-wide change. Focusing on processes, actor agency and institutions, the field of governance studies provides a useful perspective for understanding holistic regime operation and change. Yet the environmental governance literature remains contested; many scholars support a network or market governance approach while others advocate for hybrid approaches. Moreover, the governance systems needed for enabling sustainable urban water management have been given limited attention. Therefore, the purpose of this thesis is to develop a guiding framework for sustainable urban water governance. Through an emergent research design, systematically drawing on the perspectives of scholars and leading Australian urban water sustainability practitioners, likely attributes of a sustainable urban water management regime were identified. The attributes were focused through the lens of individual, organisational, inter-organisational relationships, and administrative and regulatory regime components. A comparison of the scholarly and practitioner perspectives, together with governance, regime and institutional literatures, explored which governance modes are most likely to enable sustainable urban water management. Overall, this investigation revealed a suite of likely sustainable urban water management regime attributes that are substantially different from traditional and contemporary practice highlighting the considerable regime change required to enable sustainable urban water management. The scholars supported a network governance approach, similar to current adaptive governance and conceptual scholarly urban water management projections, with interdependent actor relations and largely informal administrative arrangements. In comparison, the practitioners advocated hybrid governance arrangements comprising hierarchical and network modes, including a formal administrative framework, with mutually dependent and interconnected actor relationships to facilitate implementation of site specific sustainable urban water management solutions. Both scholars and practitioners supported using a variety of policy instruments, including market governance instruments. The outcomes of this investigation suggest the hybrid governance approach supported by practitioners extends current scholarship by providing detailed information on regime attributes and operation, which can provide insight for practical implementation of network governance approaches which are supported in current urban water management and adaptive governance literature. Additionally, the hybrid approach offers suggestions for successfully integrating the three ideal governance modes and reducing potential tension among the modes. In practice, the proposed framework could be used to design capacity building programs and policy initiatives drawing on mixed governance approaches. To extend this research and improve insight into regime operation and governance dynamics, future research testing the tentative sustainable urban water governance framework in other locations is required.

1. In the circumstances of the overgrowth signs the scientific-technical revolution the following events in essential way are influencing the activities of public administration : 1° the establishing, under thepressure of the technical progress and specialization, of the big economic units ; 2° the acceleration of the processus of urbanization ; 3° the increasing threat of the biological environment and the appearance of newpossibilities for its protection; and 4° the leveling of differences between the living standards of the population in town and in countryside. In that situation the socialist state has first of all to develop its organizationalfunctions.2. The organizational functions of the socialist state are implemenied above all by the supreme and local representative organs of the state authority and by the subordinated to them organs of the state administration. In the result of this organizational activity the scope of civic rights is extending. The state apparatus therefore is responsible for calling into being and for activities of the public institutions and facilities being used by the citizens at their choice. The regulating role (dirigism) of the state has hence respect more to these public institutions and facilities, and it is addressed more seldom directly to the citizens. That takes place especially in the sphere of the administration of national economy, the organization of technical public services as well as the services rendering administration.3. The social and economic assumptions of the socialist system are putting into effect by the organizational activities of the state apparatus. One of the fundamental features of this system is to gain the conscioussupport of the overwhelming majority of the society for actions of the socialist state and to consolidate this support. Such support is possible to reach only by the development of the democratic principles of thestate activities. The democratic institutions are established by the law, and the law is one of instruments of the realization of the political tasks of the socialist society being organized into the state. The state apparatus' function is to embody in action the tasks established by the law. And this therefore makes the role of the state apparatus very important as welt as provides to the necessity of permanent improvement of this apparatus.4. The social and economic plans create the substantial basis for the state administration activities. In the both national and local plans, voted by representative organs of the state authority, there are determined theeconomic and social tasks as welt as the aims concerning in advancement of the living standards of the population. In the state enterprises plans are voted by the organs of the workers' self-government. The principles of socialist democracy and democratic centralism are reflected in the procedure of planning.5. The processus of the administration in the contemporary state becomes more and more complicated. This processus demands an improvement of th social nature, but not of the technocratic one. And that improvement, realized in conformity with the social necessities, is safeguarded by the fact that the state machinery in the socialist country is inspired and vivified by the political leadership of the working class' party.

Political Da'wah at the Islamic boarding school (pesantren) is an interesting theme that needs to be discussed. Many people have a perception that Islamic boarding school and Political Da'wah are separated from each other. The purpose of this study was to analyze the efforts of Hasyim Asy'ari Islamic Boarding School in embed political da'wah to students and the role of caregivers in applying political da'wah towards students and the community. This research was conducted with a historical qualitative approach. The results of this study are, Islamic Boarding School Hasyim Asy'ari in an effort to embed Political Da'wah to students by (1) learning about leadership and politics in pesantren, (2) conducting leadership training, (3) applying political culture. In addition, the role of caregivers (pengasuh) in carrying out Political Da'wah to students (santri) is seen in religious teaching by embedding spiritual, moral and social values as a provision for students to face social life. The role of caregivers in carrying out political da'wah to the public is by serving as an official in the government, caregivers are able to provide knowledge to the public about the importance of politics and the political system of the country, the role of government in making policies, and participation in political activities (balanced between rights and obligations as citizens), so that the public is aware of the importance of politics and is able to choose leaders who are competent and trustworthy. Dakwah Politik yang di lakukan di pondok pesantren menjadi tema menarik yang perlu dibahas karena banyak orang memiliki persepsi bahwa pondok pesantren dan dakwah politik memiliki sekat yang tidak mampu disatukan. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah melakukan analisis terhadap upaya Pondok Pesantren Hasyim Asy'ari dalam penanaman dakwah politik kepada santri serta peran pengasuh dalam menerapkan dakwah politik kepada santri dan masyarakat. Penelitian ini dilakukan dengan pendekatan kualitattif historis. Hasil kajian ini membuktikan bahwa, Pondok Pesantren Hasyim Asy'ari dalam upaya penanaman dakwah politik kepada santri dengan cara (1) melakukan pembelajaran tentang kepemimpinan dan politik di pesantren, (2) mengadakan pelatihan kepemimpinan, (3) menerapkan budaya politik. Selain itu, peranan pengasuh dalam melakukan dakwah politik kepada santri dapat dilihat dalam mengajarkan pendidikan agama dengan menanamkan nilai-nilai spiritual, moral dan sosial kemasyarakatan sebagai bekal santri dalam menghadapi kehidupan bermasyarakat. Adapun peranan pegasuh dalam melakukan dakwah politik kepada masyarakat yaitu dengan mengabdikan diri sebagai pejabat di pemerintahan, pengasuh mampu memberikan pengetahuan kepada masyarakat tentang pentingnya politik dan sistem politik negara, peran pemerintah dalam membuat kebijakan, serta pasrtisipasi dalam kegiatan politik (seimbang antara hak dan kewajiban sebagai warga negara), sehingga masyarakat sadar akan pentingnya politik dan mampu memilih pemimpin yang kompeten dan amanah.

1st lines: The China of Xi Jing Ping is on course to become the first economic power of the world, overtaking the US around 2040 according to their own previsions. In parallel, Chinese leadership is massively investing in the upgrading and development of its army and fosters its political influence all over the globe, mostly through investments and political pressure. In many public occasions, Chinese leaders have expressed the view that the balance of power and influence was coming back to normal. The old state of China had been the most developed part of the world including many technical advances and sophisticated government more or less until the 12th century. The rise of Europe was explained by the success of the first capitalism of merchants, the cities, economic innovation and the slow making of the nation state. Seen from China, this cycle of extraordinary events, centuries of domination of Europe, then the US, is drawing to a close. Back to normal. China will become the centre of the world. The silk road initiative bears testimony of this attempt at global influence. In the eyes of Chinese leaders, therefore, the future capital or most prestigious city of the world should also be in China, hence the project of developing Jing-Jin-Ji, the urban region around Beijing as the most advanced urban region in the world that should attract flux of investments, visitors and radiate Chinese power.Beijing has come a long way. During the Maoist period, Chinese leaders tried to limit urbanization and demographic growth and all the emphasis was on industrialization and the making of the socialist city. With the coming age of market reforms pioneered under Deng Xiaoping, liberalization reforms paved the way for the stunning acceleration of urbanization, including in Beijing. Chinese cities were very much planned but as elsewhere, planning was only part of the story and planning failures were numerous. In the last fifteen years, the Chinese government has implemented a voluntarist regional policy aiming both at ...

The most important variable in a decision making situation is the role of information. On the strength of information received, choice between competing alternatives is made. One decision making situation that receives intense scrutiny, and is a subject of much debate is the passage of bills into laws. Legislative decisions are arrived at in a highly charged political environment. This paper explores the role of information and informants in the legislators' institutional and environmental arena, and the personal characteristics of the legislators that influence the decision making process. The proceedings of the 89th Illinois General Assembly was observed and the data analyzed from the perspective of the legislators and lobbyists. The study reveals that the structural aspects of the legislative environment play a significant factor in influencing the lawmakers' decisions. Legislators rely most on insider sources of information with peer influence playing the most important role. Legislators turn to colleagues, specifically, committee members for knowledgeable and trusted information. Legislators select information that is congruent with their experiences, belief system and attitudes. Personal attributes together with colleagues who validate those ideologies held by the legislator, thus, becomes the contributing factor in influencing legislative strategies. Politically relevant information, that is information received from constituents, media, and leadership is also utilized. These agents have the power to influence the political goals of the elected officials. Source valence is, therefore, relatively high in the legislative environment. Policy information is not extensively sought by the legislators as the credibility of the source is transferred to the message. Lobbyists, however, have a personal stake in the passage of a particular piece of legislation. They seek and provide thorough information. Lobbyists view themselves as an influencing force promoting legislation, while lawmakers view lobbyists as only informational providers. Decision making in the legislative environment is a complex activity. The flow of information is multidirectional, and the manner in which legislators make decisions is conditional on the individual legislator's personal attributes, the institutional characteristics, and the environmental factors.

Historically, traditional public schools have been microcosms of the broader neighborhoods in which they are embedded. These schools reflect the race, class and cultural backgrounds of the local community where they are situated. However, over the past three decades, traditional public schools have been implicated in the rise of educational privatization and market-based approaches to education reform and urban restructuring. In order to respond to threats posed by privatization, teachers and administrators, especially those serving students of color and low-income students, must understand and be able to respond to the contextual idiosyncrasies and nuances that manifest inside the school building. Neighborhood conditions do profoundly impact the teaching and learning environment of schools. Educators attempting to transform those schools should take into account those conditions and seek to connect school change strategies to those conditions. Utilizing the scholarship on community engagement in urban contexts as an empirical and intellectual springboard, this qualitative case study seeks to first understand the social, political and cultural dynamics that have shaped the neighborhood and schooling contexts through the perspectives of multiple stakeholder groups. To do so, this study explores the perceptions of educators – teachers, administrators, and staff—in one urban high school regarding the out-of-school factors that impact the teaching and learning environment and explore how they engage the community in their approach to school reform that is linked to those factors. Drawing from critical race theory and critical urban theory, this study demonstrates how educators contend with the out-of-school factors of poverty, student and family homelessness and market forces to embark on school reform that is directly connected to these challenges and engages local community residents in the process.

It has become the conventional wisdom that the transition from authoritarian rule to a more democratic form of government in Myanmar was due to the efforts of Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy, the pressures applied against the military regime by Western democracies and belated recognition by the ruling generals that Myanmar could not continue down the path of political and economic isolation. This narrative suits many of the key actors in this drama, but it denies independent agency to the most important player of all, namely the country's armed forces. The paradigm shift which has occurred in the country's political landscape over the past decade can more accurately be described as the result of a long-term plan drawn up by Myanmar's military leadership, which surrendered absolute power in a calculated move to advance its own agenda through the controlled transition to a "disciplined democracy". (Contemp Southeast Asia/GIGA)

Sometimes, people engaged in politics actively refuse to speak for anyone but themselves. These unrepresentative claims multiply in social movements in times of crisis. During the French Yellow Vest movement of 2018–2019, such unrepresentative claims were routinely made by Yellow Vest leaders, to the point of being a condition for having a leadership position in the movement. By making these unrepresentative claims, they declined any representative mandate, asserting their freedom from any instituted influence. However, by claiming to speak only for themselves, they also selected the aspects of their identity they performed. This allowed them to embody the people sharing this identity, recalling the medieval repraesentatio identitatis, but in a way adjusted to today's greater personalization of politics. Drawing on this movement and on other examples of unrepresentative claims, we can delineate three broad ideal-types of identities that may be put forward by unrepresentative claims: generality, particularity, and individuality.

Research on civil war mobilization emphasizes armed group recruitment tactics and individual motivations to fight, but does not explore how individuals come to perceive the threat involved in civil war. Drawing on eight months of fieldwork with participants and nonparticipants in the Georgian-Abkhaz war of 1992–93, this article argues that social structures, within which individuals are embedded, provide access to information critical for mobilization decisions by collectively framing threat. Threat framing filters from national through local leadership, to be consolidated and acted on within quotidian networks. Depending on how the threat is perceived—whether toward the self or the collectivity at its different levels—individuals adopt self- to other-regarding roles, from fleeing to fighting on behalf of the collectivity, even if it is a weaker actor in the war. This analysis sheds light on how the social framing of threat shapes mobilization trajectories and how normative and instrumental motivations interact in civil war.

The Office of Economic Opportunity was established, under the leadership of Sargent Shriver, to fight President Johnson's War on Poverty as part of the Great Society program. Between 1964 and 1968, two intellectual communities vied for supremacy within that office. In the early years, a group of intellectual radicals drew inspiration from social psychology and gave their support to the controversial community action programs that drew criticism from the Senate, Congress, local governments, and Democratic Party insiders. Over time, a second community, built upon the values and insights associated with the Office of Research, Plans, Programs, Evaluation, brought the evaluation perspective of RAND to government spending and gradually began to dominate. This essay examines the internal and external pressures of the period and uses the insights of Randall Collins, Michael Farrell, and J. B. Morrell and G. L. Geison to explain why one intellectual community flourished while the other declined.

Changing U.S. attitudes toward new technologies are examined, as are explanations of such changes. We hypothesize that increased concern with the risks of new technologies by certain elite groups is partly a surrogate for underlying ideological criticisms of U.S. society. The question of risk is examined within the framework of the debate over nuclear energy. Studies of various leadership groups are used to demonstrate the ideological component of risk assessment. Studies of scientists' and journalists' attitudes, media coverage of nuclear energy, and public perception of scientists' views suggest both that journalists' ideologies influence their coverage of nuclear energy and that media coverage of the issue is partly responsible for public misperceptions of the views of scientists. We conclude with a discussion of the historical development of the environmental movement in the 1960s and 1970s and the relation of this movement to the public's declining support for nuclear energy.

The great game of politics was played throughout this session. The players, holding poor hands and distracted by thoughts of the new deal that was to come, faced a difficult situation. The presence of 158 members retired by the voters in the November elections gave a cast of uncertainty and unreality to the assembly. Deducting the six vacancies in the House, 219 Democrats confronted 209 Republicans, and in the Senate the count stood 48 Republicans to 47 Democrats. The Farmer-Laborites had one spokesman in each chamber. Here was a Congress, divided in control, weakened by the presence of repudiated representatives, and under the discredited leadership of a defeated president, but nevertheless faced with perplexing problems of national and world import arising in a highly critical period. The necessities of the time called for cooperative planning and swift, united action, but the exigencies of politics suggested procrastination and obstruction. And the latter considerations prevailed.

Almost no one seems to understand the Marxist-Leninist foundations of Hugo Chavez's political thought. It becomes evident, however, in the general vision of his "Bolivarian Revolution." The abbreviated concept is to destroy the old foreign-dominated (U.S. dominated) political and economic systems in the Americas, to take power, and to create a socialist, nationalistic, and "popular" (direct) democracy in Venezuela that would sooner or later extend throughout the Western Hemisphere. Despite the fact that the notion of the use of force (compulsion) is never completely separated from the Leninist concept of destroying any bourgeois opposition, Chavez's revolutionary vision will not be achieved through a conventional military war of maneuver and attrition, or a traditional insurgency. According to Lenin and Chavez, a "new society" will only be created by a gradual, systematic, compulsory application of agitation and propaganda (i.e., agit-prop). That long-term effort is aimed at exporting instability and generating public opinion in favor of a "revolution" and against the bourgeois system. Thus, the contemporary asymmetric revolutionary warfare challenge is rooted in the concept that the North American (U.S.) "Empire" and its bourgeois political friends in Latin America are not doing what is right for the people, and that the socialist Bolivarian philosophy and leadership will. This may not be a traditional national security problem for the United States and other targeted countries, and it may not be perceived to be as lethal as conventional conflict, but that does not diminish the cruel reality of compulsion

Introduction : Amdo, Empire, and the United Front -- Amdo at the Edge of Empire -- If You Kill the County Head, How Will I Explain it to the Communist Party? -- Becoming Masters of their Own Home (Under the Leadership of the Party) -- Establishing a Foundation Among the Masses -- High Tide on the High Plateau -- Tibetans Do the Housework, But Han are the Masters -- Reaching the Sky in a Single Step : the Amdo Rebellion -- Empty Stomachs and Unforgivable Crimes -- Conclusion : Amdo and the End of Empire?