Suchergebnisse

llage Fund Allocation is a policy issued by the government to spur development starting from the periphery, namely building from villages and villages. The hope is that with the Village Fund Allocation disbursed by the central government it can spur development growth and stimulate self-reliance and improve the standard of living of the community at the village or village level. Therefore, this study aims to describe and analyze the implementation of the Village / Village Fund Allocation policy in Sinak Barat District, Puncak Regency, Papua Province. As well as exploring the supporting and inhibiting factors in implementing the policy. Then the research method used is descriptive qualitative with data collection techniques in the form of interviews and observations. Then data analysis includes data reduction, data exposure, and drawing conclusions. The results show that if it is viewed from the aspect of communication and information dissemination has been carried out properly, with communication and coordination in each program agenda of the Village Fund Allocation. In the resource aspect, Sinak Barat District, Puncak Regency has an adequate quantity of resources and meets the sufficiency aspect, but in terms of quality it is still lacking. The disposition runs quite well based on the commitment and involvement of every institution at the village level. Then, the Bureaucratic Structure is based on the authority and responsibility given in accordance with their respective main tasks and functions. Then, the supporting factor is the high enthusiasm of the village community to be involved and participate in implementing the Village Fund Allocation policy. While the inhibiting factor is the problem of conflict which often hinders, because in the event of a conflict, the Village Fund Allocation budget is diverted to resolve the conflict. In addition, part of the budget is also earmarked for sudden health problems to treat people who are sick or dying, so the allocation of village funds for development becomes less effective.

ABSTRACT: Controversial constitutional and institutional reforms voted in May in parliament opened the way for President Gnassingbé to stand for a fourth and fifth term (2020 and 2030) because the law does not apply retroactively. The first local elections since more than 30 years resulted in the victory of the ruling party. Grand expectations of the opposition which had hoped for a fundamental change at least at the grassroots were again dashed. The human rights situation sharply deteriorated due to growing political and social tensions related to the prospects of the head of state running for a fourth term. Islamist terrorist violence spread from Mali to the northern frontier region of Togo. The autonomous deep-water port of Lomé developed as a growth pole and hub for the sub-region. China became the major partner beside the established partners the EU, France and Germany. The informal sector still dominated the economy. Economic freedom remained with the overall status 'mostly unfree'. ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ RÉSUMÉ: Des réformes constitutionnelles et institutionnelles controversées votées en mai au Parlement ont ouvert la voie au président Gnassingbé pour se présenter aux quatrième et cinquième mandats (2020 et 2030) car la loi ne s'applique pas rétroactivement. Les premières élections locales depuis plus de 30 ans ont abouti à la victoire du parti au pouvoir. Les grandes attentes de l'opposition qui avait espéré un changement fondamental au moins à la base ont de nouveau été déçues. La situation des droits de l'homme s'est fortement détériorée en raison des tensions politiques et sociales croissantes, liées aux perspectives d'un quatrième mandat du chef de l'État. La violence terroriste islamiste s'est propagée du Mali à la région frontalière nord du Togo. Le port autonome en eau profonde de Lomé s'est développé comme un pôle de croissance et un hub pour la sous-région. La Chine est devenue le principal ...

This research was motivated by one of the objectives of PKH to create behavioral change and the independence of beneficiary families in accessing social education, health and welfare services. To achieve this change, PKH issued a program called the Family Development Session. Family Development Session is a community learning process to strengthen the increase in knowledge, public understanding of the importance of education, health and financial management for families so that they are free from poverty and can meet the needs of life independently. The purpose of this study is to describe the implementation and identify obstacles in the process of family-based social empowerment (Family Development session) in the district of Tigo Lurah. This study uses a qualitative approach with descriptive research type. Informants in this study were taken using a purposive sampling method. From the results of the study it was concluded that the family-based social empowerment (Family Development Session) of the Harapan family program in the Tigo Lurah sub-district was carried out through three stages, the first stage of awareness raising and behavior formation, the second stage of knowledge transformation, the third stage of capacity building. The obstacles of empowerment found in this research are that there is no good cooperation between the empowerment actors with the local government, no separate budget, lack of facilities and infrastructure and a lack of support from the leaders and the surrounding community.

Austrian Research Association (ÖFG) and the Austrian Science Fund (FWF) under grant P25490.

Is there an economic premium from state independence? We shed light on this question by analysing the unique historical case of the peaceful separation of Serbia and Montenegro in 2006—the last fully recognised internationally state-disintegration on European soil. Using the synthetic control approach, we find that independence for the seceding country (Montenegro) had a sizeable but transitory positive effect, boosting GDP per capita in the period immediately following independence, but with gains slowly evaporating in the longer period—which we attribute to increased vulnerability of the newly independent state to fluctuations in the international economic environment. In contrast, for Serbia, we find no evidence of an independence dividend. While these results are context-specific, the resemblance of Serbia and Montenegro's case with the contemporaneous independence movements in Europe, namely in the realm of policy autonomy pre-separation, provide insights on possible economic outcomes of secessions on the national and supra-national level in Europe.

Max Weber once claimed that the growth of bureaucratic power in late modernity may henceforth render political revolutions impossible. In this article, I stage a conversation between Weber and several of his later interlocuters on the Left. I suggest that the concepts of hegemony (Gramsci), ideology (Althusser), and governmentality(Foucault) can be read, in part, as responses to Weber. These theorists each develop distinct versions of what I call a nominalist theory of power: by starting from the ground up and showing how the state is supported by granular relationships of power that circulate outside its grasp, they hope to discover new modes of resistance and social change. I explore these distinct theories and trace their interconnections. In the end, however, I suggest that nominalist theories of power have inherent limitations and that Weber's initial diagnosis retains important insights.