This doctoral dissertation evaluated the use of sustainable biomass sources (agri-food waste and residues, and industry streams) in anaerobic digestion with the goal of replacing maize silage in a large-scale biogas production and investigated alternative pathways of biogas utilisation incorporated in energy systems operating with high share of renewable energy sources. The methods applied in the research included elements of chemical and mechanical engineering in order to create a holistic approach that could be applicable to various biogas plant cases. Experimental investigations showed the biogas yield of residue lignocellulosic biomass of 0.192-0.275 Nm3/kgTS, and bulk food waste of 0.252-0.566 Nm3/kgTS. Meat and bone meal and wastewater sludge were shown to be co-substrates with antagonistic effect in biogas production, however they increased the reaction rate of overall degradation. Pyrolysis of digestate showed lower energy requirements and higher biochar yield (38%) compared to direct pyrolysis of lignocellulosic biomass (24%). The gate fee business model for receiving biodegradable waste and the implementation of new technologies, namely biogas upgrading, are the most likely options for biogas plants in the future. A robust mathematical model of power-to-gas integration showed that the installation of 18 MWel of wind and 9 MWel of photovoltaics with an additional import of 16 GWhel from the grid could produce 36 GWh of renewable methane which could be economically competitive with natural gas if the feedstock gate fee in the proposed system was -120 €/t. Geospatial availability of an energy potential of biogas production from examined feedstocks, combined with Life Cycle Assessment of the alternative biogas utilisation pathways created the synergistic effects in terms of reduced environmental burdens by 4-36 times compared to the current operation. Based on the applied methods and outcomes of the doctoral thesis, the research hypothesis "Applying holistic approach on biogas plants, both on the production and utilisation side, can increase economic profitability and environmental benefits over current subsidised operation" was tested and confirmed. The economic feasibility of biogas plants after exiting subsidy schemes will include the implementation of the gate fee business model for substrates, new investments in biomass pretreatment lines, increase of on-site biogas storage capacity and additional investments in renewable methane production system, primarily biomethane. Environmental burdens of such actions will be reduced through a contribution of biowaste management on urban and rural level, combined with the utilization of biogas for production of biomethane as a replacement to natural gas. ; Biomasa je obnovljiv izvor energije (OIE) te ima važnu ulogu u diverzifikaciji opskrbe energijom u Europskoj Uniji (EU) [1]. Ona doprinosi ravnoteži ugljikovog dioksida (CO2), stvaranju radnih mjesta, smanjenju emisija stakleničkih plinova (eng. Greenhouse gas, GHG) te osiguravanju dostupnosti resursa i njihovom ekonomičnom gospodarenju [2]. U Republici Hrvatskoj biomasa je definirana prema Zakonu o obnovljivim izvorima energije i visokoučinkovitoj kogeneraciji kao "biorazgradivi dio proizvoda, otpada i ostataka biološkog podrijetla iz poljoprivrede (uključujući tvari biljnoga i životinjskoga podrijetla), šumarstva i srodnih proizvodnih djelatnosti, uključujući ribarstvo i akvakulturu, kao i biorazgradivi dio industrijskoga i komunalnog otpada" [3]. Biomasa se može direktno koristiti kao gorivo za dobivanje energije (npr. drvna biomasa u kotlovima), ili se može biokemijskim, kemijskim, ili termokemijskim postupcima pretvoriti u materijal dodane vrijednosti – biogorivo, čime se postiže njezina šira primjenjivost u energetske svrhe [4]. Biogoriva prve generacije dobivena iz prehrambenih usjeva kao uzgojene biomase [5] naišla su na neodobravanje znanstvene zajednice i šire javnosti, primarno zbog korištenja obradivih površina za njihov uzgoj. Napredna biogoriva (druge i treće generacije [5]) proizvedena su iz biomase koja nije kompetitivna s proizvodnjom hrane, a u nju spada otpadna biomasa iz kućanstva i industrije, poljoprivredni ostatci, neprehrambeni usjevi te alge. Ova doktorska disertacija stavlja fokus na korištenje biomase u procesu anaerobne razgradnje za dobivanje bioplina. Cilj istraživanja je ostvariti sinergijski učinak između ekonomičnog korištenja otpadne biomase i proizvodnje energije u sustavima s velikim udjelom OIE kako bi se postiglo smanjenje utjecaja na okoliš u usporedbi s trenutnom praksom u bioplinskim postrojenjima koja uključuje korištenje kukuruzne silaže i proizvodnju električne energije uz zajamčenu otkupnu cijenu. Mjesto nastanka, tip biomase, te njezine količine bitan su faktor za strateško pozicioniranje novih bioplinskih postrojenja, te za planiranje novih lanaca opskrbe sirovinama u postojećim postrojenjima. Geografski informacijski sustav (eng. Geographic Information System, GIS) [6] prepoznat je kao vrijedan alat za mapiranje potencijala izvora biomase, kao i određivanje transportnih udaljenosti od mjesta nastanka biomase do postrojenja. GIS analiza na razini EU pokazala je ukupni energetski potencijal za proizvodnju bioplina iz poljoprivrednih ostataka i životinjske gnojovke na godišnjoj razini jednak 0.7 EJ (oko 195 TWh) [7], što je dvostruko više nego proizvodnja bioplina iz tih supstrata ostvarena u 2016 godini u EU. Primjenom GIS alata na lokalnoj razini u Grčkoj, Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama i Finskoj pokazano je da ekonomski prihvatljive transportne udaljenosti za supstrate mogu varirati između 10 i 40 km [8–10]. Povećanjem radijusa raspoloživosti biomase povećava se i kapacitet postrojenja čime je moguće ostvariti veću proizvodnju obnovljive energije, no istovremeno stvara se dodatan teret na okoliš, kako je još uvijek većina biomase transportirana teretnim vozilima na fosilna goriva [10]. Ono što također treba uzeti u obzir prilikom procjene korištenja biomase u bioplinskom postrojenju je njezina tržišna vrijednost, odnosno plaća li bioplinsko postrojenje za biomasu, ili dobiva naknadu za njezino gospodarenje (eng. Gate fee, GF). U postojećim okvirima proizvodnje bioplina, cijena kukuruzne silaže je između 15 i 40 € po toni sirovine [11], dok alternativni izvori biomase (npr. miješani komunalni biootpad i otpadna hrana) postižu GF u iznosu od -60 do 0 €/tona [11]. Nakon što biomasa uđe u prostor bioplinskog postrojenja, potrebno ju je adekvatno pripremiti za proces anaerobne razgradnje. U tu svrhu mogu se koristiti metode predobrade koje se služe termičkim, mehaničkim, kemijskim ili biološkim postupcima (ili nekim njihovim kombinacijama) [12]. Metode predobrade služe kako bi potaknule proces razgradnje kompleksnih polimernih molekula prisutnih u organskoj tvari, čime se postiže viša konverzija biomase u bioplin [13]. Uspješnost razgradnje biomase te proizvodnje bioplina, kao i stabilnost u procesu određuju se eksperimentalnim mjerenjima, pri čemu se prate procesne varijable kao što su sadržaj suhe tvari (eng. Dry Matter, DM, ili Total Solids, TS), proizvodnja i sastav bioplina, pH, koncentracija hlapljivih masnih kiselina (eng. Volatile Fatty Acids, VFA), ukupni anorganski ugljik (eng. Total Inorganic Carbon, TIC), prisutnost amonijakalnog dušika (eng. Ammonium-nitrogen, NH4-N), koncentracija soli, teških metala i ostalo [14]. Na temelju vrijednosti navedenih procesnih varijabli operatori bioplinskih postrojenja znaju odvija li se proces unutar dozvoljenih vrijednosti te kako reagirati ukoliko je primijećena nestabilnost u procesu. Eksperimentalni podatci također služe za modeliranje kinetike anaerobne razgradnje [15] pri čemu se ovisnosti o kompleksnosti ulaznih podataka i traženih rezultata mogu primijeniti razni kinetički modeli [16–18]. Složeniji modeli zahtijevaju veći broj ulaznih podataka, ali također daju i detaljniji uvid u mehanizam reakcija i otkrivanju tzv. uskog grla procesa koji određuje ukupnu brzinu nastanka bioplina. Osim bioplina, drugi proizvod anaerobne razgradnje je digestat kojeg čine nerazgrađeni ostatci biomase u tekućoj fazi [19]. Tekuća frakcija digestata je obično bogata makronutrijentima – dušikom (N), fosforom (P) i kalijem (K), što ju čini primjenjivom kao gnojivo za tlo [20]. Čvrsta frakcija digestata također sadrži P, ali i zaostali organski ugljik (C) što ga čini prikladnim za poboljšavanje karakteristika tla, kompostiranje [21] ili za neki od oblika energetske oporabe [22]. Prednost korištenja digestata u opisanim načinima leži u činjenici da je njegova tržišna vrijednost mala, tek 2-4 €/t [23]. Proizvedeni bioplin najčešće se koristi kao gorivo u kombiniranoj proizvodnji električne i toplinske energije, kogeneracija (eng. Combined Heat and Power, CHP). Proteklih desetljeća na razini EU mehanizmi subvencija za bioplinske kogeneracije u vidu feed-in-tariffa i feed-in-premija rezultirale su intenzivnom penetracijom bioplina u elektroenergetski sektor [24]. Razina subvencija je definirana na nacionalnoj razini, ali u svim članicama EU nije niža od 80 €/MWhel, što je gotovo dvostruko veći iznos od prosječne veleprodajne tržišne cijene električne energije u EU [25]. Također, ono što je važno napomenuti jest da su subvencije izdane na određeni period (12-20 godina od statusa stjecanja povlaštenog proizvođača električne energije [26]) nakon čega će bioplinska postrojenja morati razmotriti neke druge načine iskorištavanja (eng. Utilisation) bioplina da bi zadržale ekonomski isplativo poslovanje. Prema podatcima Europske udruge za bioplin (eng. European Biogas Association, EBA) u 2020. godini u Europi je bilo instalirano 18,943 bioplinskih postrojenja, od kojih je 18,214 (96%) radilo u kogeneracijskom načinu, a ostalih 4% kao postrojenja za proizvodnju biometana kroz tehnologiju poboljšavanja bioplina (eng. Biogas upgrading) odnosno uklanjanje svih ne-CH4 komponenti bioplina [27]. Ova doktorska disertacija detaljno razlaže inovativnije načine iskorištavanja bioplina u budućim energetskim sustavima, što će uključivati rad kogeneracijskih postrojenja u tržišnim okvirima [28], pretvorbu bioplina u biometan te proizvodnju e-metana kroz implementaciju power-to-gas (P2G) koncepta [29] u sustavima s visokim udjelom energije iz varijabilnih OIE. Primjena procjene životnog ciklusa (eng. Life Cycle Assessment, LCA) [30] može otkriti utjecaje promjene politika sirovina u proizvodnji bioplina i njegovog iskorištavanja u sprezi s budućim energetskim sustavima u odnosu na okoliš. Usporedba LCA performansi za bioplinsko postrojenje koje koristi životinjsku gnojovku i energetske usjeve pokazala je da bioplin za proizvodnju električne energije stvara uštede od oko 300 kgCO2-eq/MWhel, dok upgrading bioplina u biometan i njegovo ubrizgavanje u plinsku mrežu štedi oko 191 kgCO2-eq za proizvedeni MWh biometana [31]. Za preglednije tumačenje opisanih rezultata potrebno je izraziti emisije istom jedinicom, ali i prezentirati podatke o sastavu miksa električne energije (eng. Electricity mix). Za slučaj Irske, LCA je pokazao da integracija P2G koncepta za upgrading bioplina, uz korištenje električnog miksa od 85% OIE, može rezultirati smanjenjem GHG emisija za 70% u odnosu na fosilna goriva [32]. Na temelju pregleda literature (detaljniji prikaz u poglavlju Introduction), dosad nije zabilježeno istraživanje u području anaerobne razgradnje koje povezuje mapiranje i korištenje ostatne i otpadne biomase za proizvodnju bioplina sa njegovim iskorištavanjem u budućim energetskim sustavima. Ova doktorska disertacija je ocijenila takav cjeloviti pristup i predstavila rezultate istraživanja iz perspektive jednog, odnosno više bioplinskih postrojenja. Interdisciplinarni i cjeloviti pristup prema promatranoj temi koristio je elemente kemijskog i strojarskog inženjerstva za ispunjavanje četiri glavna cilja istraživanja: • • Kvantificirati proizvodnju bioplina koristeći nove supstrate biomase kao što su lignocelulozni ostatci iz poljoprivredne proizvodnje, otpadna hrana i industrijski nusproizvodi koji nisu konkurentni proizvodnji hrane, kao što je to slučaj s kukuruznom silažom u sadašnjoj proizvodnji bioplina. • • Procijeniti kinetičke parametre anaerobne razgradnje novih supstrata kombinirajući matematičko modeliranje i eksperimentalne podatke kako bi utvrdili utjecaj kemijskog sastava supstrata na stabilnost procesa i eventualna ograničenja u procesu. • • Utvrditi ekonomski isplative načine budućeg rada bioplinskih postrojenja na naprednim energetskim tržištima nakon što bioplinska postrojenja ostanu bez financijskih potpora i zajamčene cijene električne energije. • • Procijeniti utjecaje na okoliš različitih načina korištenja bioplina integriranih u buduće energetske sustave s visokim udjelom obnovljivih izvora energije. Ostvareni ciljevi istraživanja te rezultati prezentirani su široj znanstvenoj zajednici kroz sedam objavljenih znanstvenih radova (šest radova u kvartilu Q1 te jedan rad u Q2). Znanstveni članak 1 (ARTICLE 1) [33] prikazuje detaljnu analizu lanaca vrijednosti biomase iz različitih poljoprivrednih ostatka, nusproizvoda i otpada (eng. Agricultural wastes, co-products and by-products, AWCB). Rad opisuje faze u kojima i kako nastaje otpad kroz tri specifična koraka u lancu vrijednosti: proizvodnja/uzgoj, obrada u industriji te potrošnja/konzumacija. Analiza uključuje razdoblje od 7 godina, od 2010. do 2016. u 28 zemalja članica Europske unije (EU28) te uključuje četiri različita sektora sa 26 analiziranih dobara (eng. Commodity) i prikladnim vrstama otpada koji se pojavljuju u tim sektorima. Za izračun tehničkog potencijala AWCB korišteni su javno dostupni podaci iz EUROSTAT i FAOSTAT baze, a metoda proračuna uključivala je upotrebu specifične količine AWCB po analiziranim dobrima i sektoru. Rezultati su pokazali da je u analiziranom periodu u EU28 procijenjena količina AWCB iznosila oko 18,4 milijarde tona, a prema udjelima: animalni sektor ~ 31%, sektor povrća ~ 44%, sektor žitarica ~ 22% te sektor voća ~ 2%. Analizirajući pojedine sektore i količine nastalog AWCB, daljnje istraživanje bilo je usmjereno na evaluaciju korištenja određenih AWCB iz lanca vrijednosti biomase u procesu anaerobne razgradnje s ciljem proizvodnje bioplina. Znanstveni članci 2, 3 i 4 pokazuju rezultate takvog pristupa uz primjenu istraživačkih metoda kemijskog inženjerstva. ARTICLE 2 [34] istražuje upotrebu lignoceluloznih ostataka trave kao zamjene za silažu kukuruza u anaerobnoj razgradnji. Uzorci trave prikupljeni su s područja koja nisu kompetitivna s proizvodnjom hrane: neobrađeno zemljište, obala rijeke Save u gradu Zagrebu te bankina autoceste. U istraživanju je određen svježi i suhi prinos biomase, njezin kemijski sastav, prinos te sastav proizvedenog bioplina, a primjenom Anaerobic Digestion Model No. 1 (ADM1) modela određeni su kinetički parametri razgradnje trave. Ujedno, na kraju je dana usporedba okolišnijih učinaka zamjene kukuruzne silaže ostatnom travom u proizvodnji električne i toplinske energije. Rezultati istraživanja su pokazali da je najveći prinos ostatne trave utvrđen za obalu rijeke, sa prosječnom vrijednošću od 19 t/ha svježe mase i 2.6 t/ha suhe mase. Svi uzorci trave pokazali su zadovoljavajuće parametre za primjenu u anaerobnoj razgradnji − omjer C/N između 16.6: 1 do 22.8: 1. Ostvareni biokemijski potencijal metana u monorazgradnji (monodigestiji) ostataka trave su: 0.275 Nm3/kgTS za travu s neobrađenog zemljišta, 0.192 Nm3/kgTS za travu s obale rijeke i 0.255 Nm3/kgTS za travu s bankine autoceste. Procijenjeni kinetički parametri razgradnje trave razlikuju se od do sada objavljenih rezultata, prvenstveno zato što prijašnje analize uključuju specifične tipove travnate biomase, a ne ostatnu (miješanu) travu. Procijenjeni okolišniji utjecaji zamjene kukuruzne silaže travnatom biomasom u proizvodnji električne i toplinske energije pokazali su prednosti u smislu ostvarenog doprinosa kvaliteti ekosustava (eng. Ecosystem quality) i ljudskog zdravlja (eng. Human health), no također i nešto veće emisije GHG uzrokovane izgaranjem fosilnih goriva u poljoprivrednoj mehanizaciji i povećanim transportom trave zbog nižeg prinosa bioplina u odnosu na silažu. Čvrsta frakcija digestata dobivena u procesu monodigestije trave korištena je u znanstvenom članku 3 (ARTICLE 3) kao ulazni materijal za istraživanje procesa pirolize. Cilj istraživanja u ARTICLE 3 [35] bio je odrediti utjecaj anaerobne razgradnje na sastav lignocelulozne biomase korištenjem termogravimetrijske analize (eng. Thermogravimetric analysis, TGA). Također, procijenjeni su iznosi energije aktivacije i modificiranog predeksponencijalnog faktora za travu i njezine digestate, kao i prinos konačnog ostatka pirolize (eng. Biochar). Rezultati su pokazali da je procijenjena količina razgrađene celuloze i hemiceluloze u istraživanim uzrocima trave oko 44–50%. Nadalje, digestati trave pokazali su veći prinos biochar-a (oko 38%) u odnosu na uzorke trave (oko 24%). Kombinirani proces anaerobne razgradnje trave i pirolize njezinih digestata pokazao je manje vrijednosti procijenjenih kinetičkih parametra što upućuje na niže energetske potrebe takvog procesa u odnosu na direktnu pirolizu trave. ARTICLE 4 [36] bio je izrađen u suradnji sa industrijom biomase i bioplina. U radu je eksperimentalno istražena razgradnja otpadne hrane (eng. Food waste, FW) iz bioplinskog postrojenja zajedno s nusproizvodnima iz kafilerije (eng. Rendering plant): mesno-koštano brašno (eng. Meat and bone meal, MBM) i mulj sa otpadnih voda (eng. Wastewater sludge, WWS). Prvo je provedena termička predobrada uzoraka FW (FW1 i FW2) pri temperaturi od 35 °C i trajanju 5 dana u koju su bili dodani MBM i WWS u udjelima od 5, 10 i 15% TS. Nakon toga slijedila je anaerobna razgradnja pri 40.5 °C u trajanju od 40 dana. Uvjeti termičke predobrade i proizvodnje bioplina u laboratorijskom mjerilu replicirani su iz rada samog bioplinskog postrojenja. Također, za vrijeme procesa u laboratoriju bile su praćene sve procesne varijable kao i u radu digestora na postrojenju. Kao rezultat predobrade kemijska potrošnja kisika (eng. Chemical Oxygen Demand, COD) ispitivanih uzoraka povećala se za 7 – 26%. Dodavanjem MBM u FW1 došlo je do povećanja vrijednosti COD kao i NH4-N, dok se u slučaju dodatka WWS u FW2 postiglo smanjenje, što je i bilo očekivano, budući da je WWS materijal s niskim udjelom organske tvari. Kao rezultat testa anaerobne razgradnje dobiveni su sljedeći prinosi bioplina: za FW1 – 0.566 Nm3/kg TS, za FW1-MBM – 0.499 Nm3/kg TS, za FW2 – 0.252 Nm3/kg TS i 0.195 Nm3/kg TS za FW2-WWS. Tako širok raspon vrijednosti rezultat je heterogenosti FW (FW1 i FW 2 uzete su s vremenskim razmakom od dva mjeseca na istom postrojenju). Prema sastavu proizvedenog bioplina, kao i ostalim procesnim varijablama može se zaključiti da su FW1 i FW2 vrlo slični po sastavu, ali da je istovremeno postojao neki uzročnik inhibicije u proizvodnji bioplina za uzorak FW2, koji se nije mogao procijeniti na temelju dostupne opreme i provedenih mjerenja. Tek su mjerenja električne vodljivosti ukazala na to da uzorak FW2 sadrži nešto veću koncentraciju soli koja bi mogla biti uzročnik smanjenog prinosa bioplina. Nusproizvodi kafilerije dodani u 5%-tnom udjelu uzrocima FW rezultirali su smanjenjem proizvodnje bioplina za 12% u slučaju MBM i 23% u slučaju WWS, ali nisu utjecali na stabilnost proizvodnje. Štoviše, analizom kinetike razgradnje ustanovljeno je da MBM i WWS ubrzavaju proces razgradnje FW što se vidi iz višeg iznosa reakcijske konstante. Također, pokazano je da ispitivani uzorci najbolje koreliraju sa kinetikom prvog reda što je vidljivo iz najniže ostvarene vrijednosti RMSE (eng. Root mean square error) koja je iznosila 0.015 Nm3/kg TS. U znanstvenom članku 5 (ARTICLE 5) [37] provedena je tehno-ekonomska i scenarijska analiza rada bioplinskog postrojenja nakon isteka subvencija za proizvodnju električne energije. Vođenje takvog sustava temeljilo se na iznosu cijena električne energije i biometana (eng. Unit commitment with economic dispatch) koje su određivale koja od jedinica za prihvat bioplina: CHP, upgrading ili spremnik ima najveću ekonomsku isplativost u danom trenutku. Za opis dinamike korišten je program MATLAB/Simulink, a za ekonomsku analizu MS Excel. U prvom scenariju prikazan je utjecaj cijene proizvodnje električne energije u bioplinskom postrojenju (eng. Break-even point of electricity production, BECPel) na broj radnih sati kada ono može ostvariti svojevrstan profit na dan-unaprijed tržištu (eng. Day-ahead market) električne energije. Rezultati su pokazali da kada vrijednost BECPel postane 40 €/MWhel, bioplinsko postrojenje može ostvariti (neki) profit radeći samo 4,000 sati godišnje, kako je ostalo vrijeme cijena električne energije na tržištu niža od cijene proizvodnje. Kada BECPel postane 100 €/MWhel bioplinsko postrojenje ne može ostvariti nikakav profit radeći na dan-unaprijed tržištu. Kao jedno od rješenja koje se nameće za smanjenje vrijednosti BECPel je korištenje supstrata s negativnom cijenom (GF model) koja je detaljnije prikazana u članku 6 (ARTICLE 6). Drugi scenarij uključivao je instaliranje upgrading jedinice i proizvodnju biometana, a proizvodnja električne energije ovisila je o cijenama na tržištu uravnoteženja (eng. Balancing market). Takav pristup je pokazao da bioplinsko postrojenje i uz relativno visoku cijenu biometana od 80 €/MWh, može u određenim trenutcima ostvariti i veći profit ako radi na balancing tržištu. Treći scenarij za bioplinsko postrojenje uključivao je integraciju industrijskog otpada iz proizvodnje šećera za proizvodnju bioplina i njegovo korištenje za proizvodnju procesne topline u vrijeme šećerne kampanje. Takav pristup pokazao se relativno neisplativim za bioplinsko postrojenje kako je cijena prirodnog plina na veleprodajnom tržištu još uvijek dosta niska i bioplin joj ne može u tom smislu biti konkurentan. ARTICLE 6 [38] predstavlja rezultate integracije P2G koncepta u rad bioplinskog postrojenja koje se nalazi u GF poslovnom modelu, odnosno prima naknadu za ulazni supstrat pri proizvodnji bioplina. Cilj istraživanja bio je razviti robustan matematički model na satnoj razini za procjenu optimalnih kapaciteta vjetroelektrane i solarne elektrane, veličine spremnika za bioplin te kapacitete elektrolizera, upgrading jedinice i metanatora (eng. Methanation unit) koristeći linearno programiranje i besplatni (eng. Open source) programski jezik Julia. Kao funkcija cilja korištena je minimizacija ukupnih troškova. Matematički model testiran je na postojećoj bioplinskoj elektrani instalirane snage 1 MWel. Utvrđeno je da P2G koncept zahtijeva integraciju 18 MWel vjetra i 9 MWel solara na lokaciji, uz dodatan uvoz električne energije iz mreže u iznosu 16 GWhel kako bi se na godišnjoj razini proizvelo 36 GWh obnovljivog metana. Analiza je pokazala da GF (u promatranom slučaju za otpadnu hranu) značajno doprinosi ekonomskoj održivosti obnovljivog metana: promjena GF za 100 €/toni rezultira smanjenjem troškova njegove proizvodnje za 20-60%. Ustanovljeno je da za vrijednost GF=-120 €/tona obnovljivi metan iz prikazanog koncepta postaje cjenovno konkurentan prirodnom plinu. Robusna priroda modela pokazala je da nesigurnosti povezane s proizvodnjom električne energije iz vjetra i solara na lokaciji mogu povećati troškove proizvodnje obnovljivog metana za 10-30%. ARTICLE 7 [39] integralno obuhvaća rezultate svih dotad objavljenih radova u sklopu izrade doktorske disertacije i smješta ih u kontekst testiranja hipoteze. U njemu je provedena geoprostorna analiza (eng. Geospatial analysis) bioplinskog sektora korištenjem javno dostupnog programa QGIS te procjena okolišnijih utjecaja pomoću programa SimaPro. Cilj rada bio je mapirati energetski potencijal otpadne trave, industrijskih nusproizvoda i otpada, te komunalnog biootpada (otpadne hrane) za zamjenu kukuruzne silaže u postojećoj proizvodnji bioplina te planiranje proširenja bioplinskog sektora. Kao studija slučaja (eng. Case study) korištena je Sjeverna Hrvatska (eng. Northern Croatia), područje s intenzivnim bioplinskim sektorom te snažnom industrijom, poljoprivredom i velikom gustoćom stanovništva. Rezultati su pokazali da bi navedene sirovine mogle zamijeniti 212 GWh bioplina iz kukuruzne silaže u postojećim bioplinskim postrojenjima te stvoriti dodatnih 191 GWh biometana u novim postrojenjima. Također, geoprostorna analiza je pokazala da su neka bioplinska postrojenja izgrađena u neposrednoj blizini plinske transportne mreže (<2km udaljenosti) i da imaju potencijal za utiskivanje biometana u plinsku mrežu. Cjelokupna analiza utjecaja na okoliš postojećih bioplinskih postrojenja pokazala je da integralni pristup proizvodnji i korištenju bioplina stvara sinergijske učinke u smislu smanjenja opterećenja na okoliš, što izravno dokazuje hipotezu studije. Kompleksnost P2G koncepta i njegovi intenzivni energetski zahtjevi čine ga trenutno nepovoljnijim u usporedbi sa klasičnim upgradingom bioplina, no isti dolazi do izražaja kada se u razmatranje uzmu budući energetski sustavi s visokim udjelom OIE. Znanstveni doprinosi ovog rada ostvareni su kroz provedena istraživanja te prikazani kroz objavljene rezultate u radovima kako slijedi: • Eksperimentalnim istraživanjem anaerobne razgradnje novih supstrata biomase odredit će se potencijalne prepreke u proizvodnji bioplina, poput pojave inhibicije ili utjecaja tipa biomase na stabilnost procesa: ARTICLE 2: Ustanovljeno je da lignocelulozna biomasa u obliku ostatne trave ne sadrži fizikalno-kemijske karakteristike koje bi ograničile njezinu upotrebu za proizvodnju bioplina. Štoviše, pokazalo se da ista uzrokuje poboljšanu kontrolu pH što doprinosi stabilnosti proizvodnje bioplina. Nedostatak njezinog korištenja je taj što je za ostvarivanje većih prinosa potrebno primijeniti neki oblik predobrade. ARTICLE 4: Heterogenost otpadne hrane utječe na vođenje procesa za što je potrebno ustanoviti robusnu kontrolu procesnih varijabli. Pokazalo se da i na razini bioplinskog postrojenja postoje neke varijable koje se ne prate na dnevnoj razini (prisutnost soli i metala), a koje mogu uzurpirati proizvodnju bioplina. Ustanovljeno je da kafilerijski nusprodukti i otpad u manjim količinama mogu doprinijeti povećanju brzine razgradnje otpadne hrane. • Predložiti alternativne mjere za trenutni sektor bioplina uzimajući u obzir tržišne cijene i analizu utjecaja na okoliš koristeći pristup procjene životnog ciklusa. ARTICLE 5: Alternativne mjere za bioplinski sektor u vidu proizvodnje biometana i rada bioplinskih postrojenja na day-ahead i balancing tržištu električnom energijom pokazala se kao najvjerojatnija opcija nakon napuštanja poticajnih sustava za proizvodnju električne energije. U takvim okvirima tranzicija s kukuruzne silaže na supstrate alternativne supstrate postati će prihvatljiva operativna odluka uz dodatne investicije u novu opremu. ARTICLE 6: Integracija varijabilnih OIE u rad bioplinskih postrojenja pokazala je da će se u budućnosti paradigma bioplinskih postrojenja kao takvih promijeniti – više neće biti samo pasivni proizvođači struje, nego će postati aktivni sudionici na tržištima energijom. ARTICLE 2: Pokazano je da otpadana trava više doprinosi kvaliteti ekosustava i ljudskom zdravlju nego kukuruzna silaža, iako uzrokuje veće emisije stakleničkih plinova, prvenstveno zbog intenzivnijih potreba za transportom na fosilna goriva. ARTICLE 7: LCA predloženih mjera za sektor bioplina koje uključuju zamjenu kukuruzne silaže alternativnih oblicima biomase te iskorištavanje bioplina u sustavima s visokim udjelom OIE pokazala je sinergistički efekt u smislu smanjenja cjelokupnog tereta na okoliš. Analiza je također pokazala da je integracija P2G u promatranim okvirima još uvijek neatraktivna zbog kompleksnosti sustava i energetski intenzivnih procesa. • Napredni model geografskog informacijskog sustava mapiranja novih izvora biomase koji će u kombinaciji s različitim načinima korištenja bioplina integriranim u sustave visokih obnovljivih izvora energije u naprednim energetskim tržištima rezultirati robusnim matematičkim modelima primjenjivim na različite slučajeve bioplinskih postrojenja. ARTICLE 6: Razvijeni robusni model integracije P2G koncepta u rad bioplinskog postrojenja pokazao je sinergiju između GF poslovnog modela te integracije obnovljive električne energije i topline koji su objedinjeni u postavljenoj matematičkoj formulaciji nivelirane cijene obnovljivog metana (eng. Levelized cost of renewable methane, LCORM). ARTICLE 7: Razvijeni GIS model obuhvaća analizu postojećih bioplinskih postrojenja i pozicioniranje budućih biometanskih postrojenja na temelju geoprostorne analize dostupnih alternativnih supstrata i položaja plinske mreže. Hipoteza ovog istraživanja je da je primjenom cjelovitog pristupa u radu bioplinskih postrojenja, i na strani proizvodnje i iskorištavanja bioplina, moguće povećati ekonomsku profitabilnost i doprinos zaštiti okoliša u usporedbi s trenutnim subvencioniranim radom. Kroz provedena istraživanja hipoteza je testirana i potvrđena uzevši u obzir sljedeće: • Ekonomska profitabilnost bioplinskih postrojenja nakon napuštanja subvencija i ograničenja u korištenju kukuruzne silaže bit će teže ostvariva. Uključivat će implementaciju GF poslovnog modela za supstrate za što će biti potrebne nove investicije po pitanju linije za predobradu, povećanje kapaciteta za spremanje bioplina na lokaciji kako bi postrojenje bilo fleksibilnije na tržištu električne energije te dodatne investicije u sustav za proizvodnju obnovljivog metana, prvenstveno biometana. • Cjeloviti pristup pokazao je da će doprinos budućeg bioplinskog sektora smanjenju okolišnih tereta ići kroz dvostruki doprinos: iz gospodarenja otpadom za proizvodnju bioplina koji će uključivati prvenstveno komunalni i industrijski biootpad u urbanim bioplinskim postrojenjima, a poljoprivredne ostatke u ruralnim bioplinskim postrojenjima, te iskorištavanja bioplina za proizvodnju obnovljive energije u vidu biometana.
[eng] Innovative tools have been applied in this research work, such as Advanced Radar Interferometry techniques and rockfall simulation software in order to analyse the dangers of landslides in the Tratamuntana Range of the Island of Mallorca. The precise application of both techniques have good baseline data such as: the detailed inventory of ground movements, knowledge of the determination factors of instabilities (geology, geomorphology, material resistance, slopes etc.), the analysis of triggering factors (precipitation, temperature, sea and torrential erosion) and other parameters relating to the impact caused by these natural hazards, such as damage to homes and infrastructure, and economic losses concerning both direct and indirect costs generating from this. From previous work focusing on the landslides in the Tratamuntana Range (Mateos, 2001), relating to the data provided by the Department of Highways Mallorca Island Council and Emergency Department of the Balearic Government, together with the field work and aerial photography analysis conducted for their project, 934 landslides have been logged and characterized in the eighteenth century. This inventory includes the following types: rockfalls, landslides (rock and soil), flow, lateral spreading and nature karstic collapse. The points logged in GIS have enabled the study of distribution along the mountains and a detailed analysis of factors affecting movements has been carried out. This has shown that 65,5% of the movements in the mountains correspond to rockfalls and 25% due to landslides. 54% of inventoried events are located in the coastal strip of this mountain range. The rockfalls mainly take place (52% of cases) with hard materials 'Lias' (mainly limestone and dolomitic breccias) associated with the main escarpments of the range, and especially the fronts of thrust that make up the geological structure of the Tramuntana. Landslides in soil mainly affect the soft Keuper sediments (clays and gypsum) and the Quaternary colluvial deposits, which are mainly concentrated in the southwestern half of the Range. The cold and rainy period in 2008-2010 triggered an unusual number of landslides (14 rockfalls 1 rock avalanche, 15 landslides and 4 karstic collapses) has allowed a detailed analysis of the triggering factors to be carried out . Thus, rockfalls occurred after the occurrence of heavy rain, with values above 90 mm / 24h or saturated rock mass (accumulated rainfall> 800 mm / 3 months) with several cycles of freeze-thaw on previous days. Soil landslides occurred after heavy rainfall, moderate to extreme, and high levels of accumulated rainfall (> 850 mm / 3 months). Undoubtedly, one of the main engines of the process is the intense gravitational dynamic coastline of the northern coast, as reflected in the high distribution movements registered along the coastal strip. The collaboration of different social agents of the island (municipalities, departments of local and regional administration etc.,) has allowed the assessment of economic losses caused by landslides during that period 2008-2010, which affected many homes and infrastructure, and especially the road network of the range. The economic losses(direct and indirect) during that period amounted to 11 M €, which represents 0.042% of the Balearic islands GDP. The spatial distribution of damage shows that the southwest sector of the Range is the one that has endured greater economic losses, especially the municipalities of Andratx (losses of € 2,072,457) and the municipality of Calvià (€ 1.7 million). Advanced Radar Interferometry techniques (DInSAR) have been applied in order to detect hotspot ground deformations. To this end, many processed radar images have been obtained by several satellites: ALOS, ENVISAT, ERS, COSMO SKY- MED, covering a temporal space of 20 years (1992- 2012). The set of images were selected corresponding to PALSAR ALOS satellite sensor (14/17 images with an interval in the sequence of 46 days), as its L-band allows for greater density of points in adverse areas, and also its temporary coverage covers the humid period 2008-2010. The processing method used has been Advanced Differential Interferometric processing technique Persistent Scattering (PSI) developed by Arnaud et al. (2003); Hard et al. (2005). In order to correct geometric distortion generated by the mode of acquisition of satellite data, it has projected the estimated deformation in the line of sight of the satellite (VLOS) along the steepest slope (VSLOPE ). Deformation thresholds established in the study area have been: ± 3 mm / year for VLOS deformation speed, and - 5 mm / year for the deformation speed VSLOPE. Overlapping data strain rate and inventory map, along with the geomorphological observations (DEM, topography, orthophotos) and in field tests, have identified the active landslides. The results are: (1) 22% of mapped landslides are active; (2) they have been 5 new landslides identified, (3) the geometry of 5 existing landslides have been redefined, and (4) the identification of new potentially dangerous areas. Throughout the Ma-10 highway, which is the main infrastructure of the Range, the radar has identified 18 active areas which have an average value of VSLOPE exceeding 10 mm / year damages threshold proposed by Masour et al. (2011). From the SAR images it has also been possible to quantify deformations related to lateral spreading processes identified in the southern sector of the Tramuntana. The obtained strain rates lower than -16 mm / year, confirm the slowness of these movements, although in areas takeoff speeds soar to 3 cm / year, which shows the danger of these movements. Thanks to the high number of inventoried rockfalls (103) of variable frequency and magnitude, it has been able to calibrate and validate the STONE Code (Guzzetti et al., 2002) in the Tramuntana Range. This software requires 5 ASCII input maps (digital terrain model, source areas, normal restitution energy coefficient, tangential restitution energy coefficient and dynamic friction coefficient). The calibration dynamic coefficients have been carried out with reference to 40 well-characterised rockfalls, and performing a statistical estimate of the values obtained for each parameter, selecting the simulation that best fits reality. The parameters calibrated have been validated in a first stage, with 10 rockfalls triggered during the humid period 2008-2010 and, in a second stage, with 63 inventoried landslides along the Ma-10 road, which have occurred during the last 18 years. In the first stage of validation it shows that the accuracy of the model varies the scope and the off-path blocks. Rockfalls with a preferential trajectory and shorter range are better represented. In the second stage it is observed that the rockfall with source area in rock massif escarpments present a degree of confidence (81,5% of the events were correctly identified) that the rockfalls with the source area in the road cuttings (only 49% of the rockfalls were identified). Finally, the results obtained have been used to design the main lines of action in the Ma10 versus protection of rockfalls. Three working phases have been established : (1) short-term measures taken in areas where no registered events and results were obtained with simulation STONE; (2) medium-term measures taken where there have been rock falls but the model obtained no results and (3) long-term measures taken for road sections where no rockfalls occurred, but the model obtained results. This research aims to provide a series of calibrated and validated tools in the study area as a basis for future work (regional and/or local) to assess hazard, vulnerability and risk. ; [spa] En el presente trabajo de investigación se han aplicado herramientas novedosas, como son las técnicas de Interferometría Radar Avanzada y los modelos de simulación de desprendimientos rocosos, para analizar la peligrosidad por movimientos de ladera en la Serra de Tramuntana de la Isla de Mallorca. La aplicación de ambas técnicas precisa disponer de buenos datos de partida como son: el inventario detallado de los movimientos del terreno, el conocimiento de los factores condicionantes de las inestabilidades (geología, geomorfología, resistencia de materiales, pendientes, etc.), el análisis de los factores desencadenantes (precipitación, temperatura, erosión marina y torrencial), así como de otros parámetros relativos al impacto generado por estos peligros naturales, tales como los daños causados en viviendas e infraestructuras, y las pérdidas económicas generadas, referentes tanto a los costes directos como indirectos. A partir de trabajos previos focalizados en los movimientos de ladera en la Serra de Tramuntana (Mateos, 2001), de los datos facilitados por el Servicio de Carreteras del Consell Insular de Mallorca y la Dirección General de Emergencias del Govern Balear, junto con el trabajo de campo y el análisis de la fotografía aérea llevado a cabo para el presente trabajo, se han inventariado y caracterizado 934 movimientos de ladera en la Serra de Tramuntana desde el siglo XVIII. El inventario incluye las siguientes tipologías: desprendimientos rocosos, deslizamientos (de roca y en suelo), flujos, expansión lateral y colapsos de naturaleza kárstica. La proyección de los puntos inventariados en GIS ha facilitado el estudio de su distribución a lo largo de la Serra y ha permitido llevar a cabo el análisis pormenorizado de los factores que condicionan los movimientos. Se ha podido constatar que el 65,5 % de los movimientos registrados en la Serra corresponden a desprendimientos rocosos y el 25% a deslizamientos. El 54% de los eventos inventariados se localizan en la franja costera de esta cadena montañosa. Los desprendimientos rocosos tienen lugar principalmente (52% de los casos) en los materiales duros del Lías (calizas y brechas dolomíticas principalmente) asociados a los principales escarpes de la Serra, y especialmente a los frentes de cabalgamiento que configuran la estructura geológica de la Tramuntana. Los deslizamientos en suelos afectan principalmente a los sedimentos blandos del Keuper (arcillas versicolores con yesos) y a los depósitos coluviales del Cuaternario, y se concentran principalmente en la mitad suroccidental de la Serra. El evento frío y lluvioso del periodo 2008-2010, que desencadenó un número inusual de movimientos de ladera (14 desprendimientos, 1 avalancha de rocas, 15 deslizamientos, y 4 colapsos Kársticos), ha permitido llevar a cabo un análisis pormenorizado de los factores desencadenantes. Así, los desprendimientos rocosos tuvieron lugar después de la ocurrencia de lluvias intensas, con valores superiores a 90 mm/24h, o bien en macizos rocosos saturados (lluvias acumuladas >800 mm/3 meses) con varios ciclos de hielo-deshielo días previos a la rotura. Los deslizamientos en suelos tuvieron lugar después de lluvias intensas, de moderadas a extremas, y con valores elevados de lluvia acumulada (> 850 mm/3 meses). Sin duda alguna, otro de los motores principales de los procesos gravitacionales es la intensa dinámica litoral de la costa norte, tal y como refleja la elevada distribución de movimientos registrados a lo largo de la franja costera. La colaboración con diferentes agentes sociales de la isla (ayuntamientos, departamentos de la administración local y autonómica etc.,) ha permitido la valoración de las pérdidas económicas causadas por los movimientos de ladera durante el citado periodo 2008-2010, que afectaron a numerosas viviendas e infraestructuras, y principalmente a la red viaria de la Serra. Las pérdidas económicas (directas e indirectas) durante el citado periodo ascendieron a 11 M €, lo que representa el 0,042% del PIB de Baleares. La distribución espacial de los daños muestra que el sector suroeste de la Serra es el que ha soportado mayores pérdidas económicas, especialmente los municipios de Andratx (pérdidas de 2.072.457 €) y el municipio de Calvià (1.700.000 €). Las técnicas de Interferometría Radar Avanzada (DInSAR) se han aplicado con la finalidad de detectar zonas activas con deformaciones del terreno. Para ello, se han procesado numerosas imágenes radar obtenidas por varios satélites: ALOS, ENVISAT, ERS, COSMO SKY- MED, que cubren un espacio temporal de 20 años (desde 1992- 2012). Del conjunto de imágenes, se han seleccionado las correspondientes al sensor PALSAR del satélite ALOS (14/17 imágenes con un intervalo en la secuencia de 46 días), ya que su banda L permite obtener mayor densidad de puntos en zonas desfavorables, y además su cobertura temporal cubre el periodo húmedo 2008-2010. El método de procesado empleado ha sido la técnica Avanzada de procesamiento Diferencial Interferométrico de Dispersión Persistente (PSI) desarrollada por Arnaud et al. (2003); Duro et al. (2005). Con la finalidad de corregir la distorsión geométrica generada por el modo de adquisición de los datos del satélite, se ha proyectado la velocidad estimada de la deformación en la línea de vista del satélite (VLOS) a lo largo de la línea de máxima pendiente (VSLOPE). Los umbrales de deformación establecidos en el área de estudio han sido de: ± 3 mm/año para la velocidad de deformación VLos, y de - 5 mm/año para la velocidad de deformación Vslope. La superposición de los datos de velocidad de deformación al mapa inventario, junto con las observaciones geomorfológicas (DEM, topografía, ortofotos) y comprobaciones en campo, han permitido identificar los deslizamientos activos. Los resultados son: (1) un 22% de los deslizamientos cartografiados son activos; (2) se han identificado 5 deslizamientos nuevos, (3) se ha redefinido la geometría de 5 deslizamientos existentes, y (4) se han identificado nuevas áreas potencialmente peligrosas. A lo largo de la carretera Ma-10, principal infraestructura de la Serra, el radar ha identificado 18 zonas activas que presentan un valor medio de VSLOPE que excede los 10 mm/año, umbral de daños propuesto por Masour et al. (2011). Las imágenes SAR también han permitido cuantificar deformaciones relacionadas con procesos de expansión lateral identificadas en el sector meridional de la Tramuntana. Las velocidades de deformación obtenidas, inferiores a -16 mm/año, confirman la lentitud de estos movimientos, aunque en las zonas de despegue, las velocidades se disparan hasta los 3 cm/año, lo que denota la peligrosidad de estos movimientos. Gracias al elevado número de desprendimientos rocosos inventariados (103), de magnitud y frecuencia variable, se ha podido calibrar y validar el Código STONE (Guzzetti et al., 2002) en la Serra de Tramuntana. Se trata de un software que requiere 5 mapas de entrada en formato ASCII (modelo digital del terreno, áreas fuente, coeficiente de energía de restitución normal, coeficiente de energía de restitución tangencial y coeficiente de fricción dinámica). La calibración de los coeficientes dinámicos se ha llevado a cabo tomando como referencia 40 desprendimientos bien caracterizados, y realizando una estimación estadística de los valores obtenidos para cada parámetro, seleccionando la simulación que mejor se ajusta a la realidad. Los parámetros calibrados se han validado, en una primera etapa, con 10 de los desprendimientos desencadenados durante el periodo húmedo 2008-2010 y, en una segunda etapa, con 63 desprendimientos inventariados a lo largo de la carretera Ma-10, y ocurridos durante los últimos 18 años. En la primera etapa de validación se observa que la precisión del modelo varía dependiendo del alcance y el recorrido de los bloques desprendidos. Desprendimientos con una trayectoria preferencial y menor alcance están mejor representados. En la segunda etapa se observa que los desprendimientos de rocas con el área fuente en escarpes de macizos rocosos presentan más grado de confianza (se identificaron correctamente el 81,5 % de los eventos) que los desprendimientos con el área fuente en taludes de la carretera (solo se identificaron el 49% de los desprendimientos). Finalmente, los resultados obtenidos se han utilizado para diseñar las líneas principales de actuación en la Ma-10 frente a su protección a los desprendimientos. Se han establecido tres fases de trabajo: (1) medidas a corto plazo en aquellas zonas donde hay eventos registrados y se obtuvieron resultados con la simulación del STONE; (2) medidas a medio plazo donde se han registrado caídas de rocas pero el modelo no ha obtenido resultados y (3) medidas a largo plazo para los tramos de carretera donde no se registraron caída de rocas, pero el modelo obtuvo resultados. El presente trabajo de investigación pretende ofrecer una serie de herramientas calibradas y validadas en la zona de estudio como base para futuros trabajos (regionales y/o locales) de peligrosidad, vulnerabilidad y riesgo por movimientos de ladera. ; [cat] En el present treball de recerca s'han aplicat eines noves, com són les tècniques de Interferometria Radar Avançada i els models de simulació de despreniments rocosos, per analitzar la perillositat per moviments de vessant en la Serra de Tramuntana de l' illa de Mallorca. L'aplicació d'ambdues tècniques precisa disposar de bones dades de partida com són : l'inventari detallat dels moviments del terreny, el coneixement dels factors condicionants de les inestabilitats (geologia, geomorfologia, resistència de materials, pendents, etc.), l'anàlisi dels factors desencadenants (precipitació, temperatura, erosió marina i torrencial), així com d'altres paràmetres relatius a l'impacte generat per aquests perills naturals, tals com els danys causats en habitatges i infraestructures, i les pèrdues econòmiques generades, referents tant als costos directes com als indirectes. A partir de treballs previs focalitzats en els moviments de vessant en la Serra de Tramuntana (Mateos, 2001), de les dades facilitades pel Servei de Carreteres del Consell Insular de Mallorca i la Direcció General d'Emergències del Govern Balear, juntament amb el treball de camp i l'anàlisi de la fotografia aèria dut a terme per al present treball de camp, s'han inventariat i caracteritzat 934 moviments de vessant en la Serra de Tramuntana des del segle XVIII. L'inventari inclou les següents tipologies: despreniments rocosos, lliscaments (de roca i en sòl), fluxos, expansió lateral i col.lapses de naturalesa càrstica. La projecció dels punts inventariats en GIS ha facilitat l'estudi de la seva distribució al llarg de la Serra i ha permès dur a terme l'anàlisi detallada dels factors que condicionen els moviments. S'ha pogut constatar que el 65,5% dels moviments registrats en la Serra corresponen a despreniments rocosos i el 25% a lliscaments. El 54% dels esdeveniments inventariats es localitzen a la franja costanera d'aquesta cadena muntanyenca. Els despreniments rocosos tenen lloc principalment (52% dels casos) en els material durs del Lias (calcàries i bretxes dolomítiques principalment) associats als principals penya-segats de la Serra, i especialment als fronts d'encavalcament que configuren l'estructura geològica de la Tramuntana. Els lliscaments en sòls afecten principalment als sediments tous del keuper (argiles versicolors amb guixos) i als dipòsits col.luvials del Quaternari, i es concentren principalment en la meitat suroccidental de la Serra. L'esdeveniment fred i plujós del període 2008-2010, que va desencadenar un nombre inusual de moviments de vessant (14 despreniments, 1 devessall de roques, 15 lliscaments, i 4 col.lapses càrstics), ha permès dur a terme una anàlisi detallada dels factors desencadenants. Així, els despreniments rocosos van tenir lloc després de l'ocurrència de pluges intenses, amb valors superiors a 90 mm/24h, o bé en massissos rocosos saturats (pluges acumulades >800 mm/3 mesos) amb diversos cicles de geldesglaç dies previs al trencament. Els lliscaments en sòls van tenir lloc després de pluges intenses, de moderades a extremes, i amb valors elevats de pluja acumulada (> 850 mm/3 mesos). Sens dubte, un altre dels motors principals del processos gravitacionals és la intensa dinàmica litoral de la costa nord, tal com reflecteix l'elevada distribució de moviments registrats al llarg de la franja costanera.La col.laboració amb diferents agents socials de la illa (ajuntaments, departaments de l'administració local i autonòmica etc.,) ha permès la valoració de les pèrdues econòmiques causades pels moviments de vessant durant el citat període 2008-2010, que van afectar a nombrosos habitatges i infraestructures, i principalment a la xarxa viària de la Serra. Les pèrdues econòmiques (directes i indirectes) durant el citat període van ascendir a 11 M €, la qual cosa representa el 0,042% del PIB Balears. La distribució espacial dels danys mostra que el sector sud-oest de la Serra és el que ha suportat majors pèrdues econòmiques, especialment els municipis d'Andratx (pèrdues de 2.072.457 €) i el municipi de Calvià (1.700.000 €). Les tècniques de Interferometria Radar Avançada (DInSAR) s'han aplicat amb la finalitat de detectar zones actives amb deformacions del terreny. Per a això, s'han processat nombroses imatges radar obtingudes per diversos satèl.lits: ALOS, ENVISAT, ERS, COSMO SKY-MED, que cobreixen un espai temporal de 20 anys (des de 1992-2012). Del conjunt d'imatges, s'han seleccionat les corresponents al sensor PALSAR del satèl.lit ALOS (14/17 imatges amb un interval en la seqüencia de 46 dies), ja que la seva banda L permet obtenir major densitat de punts en zones desfavorables, i a més la seva cobertura temporal cobreix el període humit 2008-2010. El mètode de processament emprat ha estat la tècnica Avançada de processament Diferencial Interferomètric de Dispersió Persistent (PSI) desenvolupada per Arnaud et al. (2003); Dur el al. (2005). Amb la finalitat de corregir la distorsió geomètrica generada per la manera d'adquisició de les dades del satèl.lit, s'ha projectat la velocitat estimada de la deformació en la línia de vista del satèl.lit (VLOS) al llarg de la línia de màxima pendent (VSLOPE). Els llindars de deformació establerts a l'àrea d'estudi han estat de :± 3 mm/any per a la velocitat de deformació VLOS , i de -5 mm/any per a la velocitat de deformació VSLOPE. La superposició de les dades de velocitat de deformació al mapa d'inventari, juntament amb les observacions geomorfològiques (DEM, topografia, ortofotografia) i comprovacions en camp, han permès identificar els lliscaments actius. Els resultats són: (1) un 22% dels lliscaments cartografiats són actius; (2) s'han identificat 5 lliscaments nous, (3) s'ha redefinit la geometria de 5 lliscaments existents, i (4) s'han identificat noves àrees potencialment perilloses. Al llarg de la carretera Ma-10, principal infraestructura de la Serra, el radar ha identificat 18 zones actives que presenten un valor mitjà de VSLOPE que excedeix els 10 mm/any, llindar de danys proposat per Masour et al. (2011) Les imatges SAR també han permès quantificar deformacions relacionades amb processos d'expansió lateral identificades en el sector meridional de la Tramuntana. Les velocitats de deformació obtingudes, inferiors a - 16 mm/any confirmen la lentitud d'aquests moviments, encara que a les zones de desenganxament, les velocitats es disparen fins als 3 cm/any, la qual cosa denota la perillositat d'aquests moviments. Gràcies a l'elevat nombre de despreniments rocosos inventariats (103), de magnitud i freqüència variable, s'ha pogut calibrar i validar el Codi STONE (Guzzetti et al., 2002) en la Serra de Tramuntana. Es tracta d'un programari que requereix 5 mapes d'entrada en format ASCII (model digital del terreny, àrees font, coeficient d'energia de restitució normal, coeficient d'energia de restitució tangencial i coeficient de fricció dinàmica). El calibratge dels coeficients dinàmics s'ha dut a terme prenent com a referència 40 despreniments ben caracteritzats, i realitzant una estimació estadística dels valors obtinguts per a cada paràmetre, seleccionant la simulació que millor s'ajusta a la realitat. Els paràmetres calibrats s'han validat, en una primera etapa, amb 10 dels despreniments desencadenats durant el període humit 2008-2010 i, en una segona etapa, amb 63 despreniments inventariats al llarg de la carretera Ma-10, i ocorreguts durant els últims 18 anys. En la primera etapa de validació s'observa que la precisió del model varia depenent de l'abast i el recorregut dels blocs despresos. Els despreniments amb una trajectòria preferent i de menor abast estan millor representats. En la segona etapa s'observa que els despreniments de roques amb l'àrea font en escarpes de massissos rocosos presenten més grau de confiança (es van identificar correctament el 81,5 % dels esdeveniments) que els despreniments amb l'àrea font en talussos de la carretera (solament es van identificar el 49% dels despreniments). Finalment, els resultats obtinguts s'han utilitzat per dissenyar les línies principals d'actuació en la Ma-10 enfront de la seva protecció als despreniments. S'han establert tres fases de treball: (1) Mesures a curt termini en aquelles zones on hi ha esdeveniments registrats i es van obtenir resultats amb la simulació del STONE, (2) Mesures a mitjà termini on s'han registrat caigudes de roques però el model no ha obtingut resultats i (3) mesures a llarg termini per als trams de carretera on no es van registrar caiguda de roques, però el model va obtenir resultats. El present treball de recerca pretén oferir una sèrie d'eines calibrades i validades a la zona d'estudi com a base per a futurs treballs (regionals i/o locals) de perillositat, vulnerabilitat i risc per moviments de vessant.
Innovation is a core topic for the social and administrative sciences concerned with organizations management. Hence the name of our journal: INNOVAR, depicted as action and reflection. Insights about innovation are diverse, ranging from the importance of change in production techniques pointed out by Marx, to the structural vision by Schumpeter and the Neo-Schumpeterians about creative destruction as one of the drivers of capitalist development (Chang, 2016). In recent decades, innovation has been gaining an increasingly prominent role in economic and organizational processes due to the emergence and consolidation of the so-called "knowledge-based society" (Drucker, 1994; Castells, 1996; Dubina, Carayannis & Campbell, 2012).Innovation demands the confluence of multiple factors and dimensions, such as creativity, science and technology, the interactions between University, business and society, as well as competition, the role of the State and innovation financing, among others. Precisely, the intersection between the role of the State and innovation financing has been one of the research interests of the Italian economist Mariana Mazzucato. In her book The Entrepreneurial State - Debunking Public vs. Private Sector Myths, Mazzucato (2016) advocates for a change in the understanding of the role of the State within innovation processes. Using empirical evidence from the sectors of communications technology (exemplifying companies like Apple), renewable energies and the pharmaceutical sector, Mazzucato points out to the active and paramount role of the State in contemporary innovation, considering that states have been investors and executors of projects in the base of innovations such as the touch screen, the cps, the Internet or Siri, which were later exploited by private companies. Whether in the field of military defense, aeronautics or the energy sector, investments by the State and the resulting projects have been vital for the conception and subsequent diffusion of innovations. The characteristics of high-risk investments that can be undertaken by the State added to the way it brings together and articulates multiple capacities and institutions, constitute transmission chains that are essential for innovation.Mazzucato's contribution is questioning a series of myths around innovation that suggest this phenomenon arises only by the activities of private entrepreneurs and investors. This perspective, now dominant, demands a downsized State focused on encouraging private forces, so that the invisible hand and competition promote the emergence of new knowledge leading to innovations. Mazzucato's book (2016) opens wide paths for research since it does not deny the relevance of companies and innovative entrepreneurs, but it calls to recognize, characterize and assess the importance of public organizations and projects in the dynamics of innovation. All of this encourages the academic research interests of INNOVAR, to which we summon Ibero-American academic community of the Management Sciences.Our current issue is made up by four of our traditional sections: Strategy and Organizations, Marketing, Human Factor, and Business Ethics. These gather ten papers by Colombian and international partners.Three research papers are published in Strategy and Organizations section.As a results of an international cooperation, Professors Julio César Acosta, from Externado de Colombia University, Mónica Longo-Somoza, from the Council of Education of the Community of Madrid - Spain, and María Belén Lozano, from the University of Salamanca - Spain, introduce their work "Does Family Ownership Affect Innovation Activity? A Focus on the Biotechnological Industry". This work tried to identify the profile of innovative firms in order to analyze whether family ownership is a feature related to innovation initiatives and processes. For that purpose, a hierarchical cluster analysis is performed in a sample of 243 Spanish companies within the biotechnology sector. It is concluded from the study that innovative Spanish firms belonging to this sector are non-family-owned firms. The negative relationship between innovation and family ownership could be explained by the conservative behavior of family-owned companies, which avoid taking the risks demanded by innovation.Professors Valentin Azofra, from the University of Valladolid - Spain, Magda Lizet Ochoa, from the Autonomous University of Tamaulipas - Mexico, and Begoha Prieto and Alicia Santidrian, from the University of Burgos - Spain, present the paper "Creating Value through the Application of Intellectual Capital Models". This research aims to link both the adoption level and the use of intellectual capital models with the creation of value in companies under a long-term perspective. Empirical work involved the selection of companies showing commitment towards the use of information systems on intellectual capital. Based on information from 79 Spanish companies a model was developed and then applied in order to relate the variables of growth in sales, productivity per employee and intellectual capital index, among others, to the adoption level and use of indicators on intellectual capital. Results show that companies with higher levels of intellectual capital models report better indexes related to aforementioned variables, which represent, in turn, greater creation of value.Additionally, independent researcher Giuseppe Vanoni and Professor Carlos Rodriguez from the National University of Colombia authored the paper "Growth Strategies Implemented by Economic Groups in Ecuador (2007-2016)", a study intended to identify growth strategies of 132 economic groups in Ecuador during the time frame previously stated. After a complete literature review and the introduction of the conceptual notions of "economic group" and "growth strategy", empirical work shows that a specialization-based concentration strategy prevails among the studied groups. Furthermore, this work allowed concluding that Ecuadorian economic groups belong to some specific families, and that the economic stability experienced by this country over the course of the period under study had a direct influence on the concentration strategy by specialization adopted by economic groups.Marketing section in this issue of INNOVAR introduces four papers.Brazilian researchers Celso Ximenes and Josemeire Alves, and Professors Gabriel Aguiar, from the Faculdade Mauricio de Nassau, and Danielle Miranda de Oliveira, from the Uni-versidade Estadual do Ceará in the city of Fortaleza - Brazil, take part in this issue with the work "You Solved my Problem, but I Won't Buy from You Anymore! Why Don't Consumers Want to Go Back Doing Business in Online Stores?". This study set as its main goal to understand the motives driving online consumers not to make new purchases when experiencing troubles with purchase processes, even when inconveniences were solved. Following a qualitative approach and based on a sample of 200 complaints over four e-commerce enterprises, a descriptive focus allowed classifying the possible problems and solutions deployed by companies. Results point that consumers manifest their wish of not making further purchases with the same company due to problems with logistics as well as delays with problemsolving and handling complaints.From the University of Seville in Spain, Professors Carlos Javier Rodríguez and Encarnación Ramos add to this current issue the paper "Influence of Religiosity and Spirituality on Consumer Ethical Behavior", whose objective is to analyze consumers' ethical behavior. For this reason, a model of structural equations relating the scales of religiosity and spirituality and contrasting the results of 286 surveys to Spanish citizens is developed. The study implied resizing the Consumer Ethics Scale based on the results found in the literature in order to fit the purposes of this work. The paper concludes by presenting evidence on the existence of a relationship between religiosity-spirituality and the ethical behavior shown by consumers.Professors Alejandro Tapia, associated to the University Loyola Andalucía, and Elena Martín Guerra, from the University of Valladolid, both institutions in Spain, are the authors of "Neuroscience and Advertising. An Experiment on Attention and Emotion in Television Advertising". This paper presents the results of a neuroscience experiment applied to advertising, whose purpose was to study how attention and the generation of emotional responses influence the recall of w spots. The experiment was carried out in a group of 30 students aged 18-22, who were exposed to advertising spots of the University of Valladolid. Results from this exercise show important aspects influencing attention and emotion towards the spots, both positively and negatively, among them: comic content, language, loudness or negative and sad contents, and some others.From the Center of Economic and Management Sciences at the University of Guadalajara - Mexico, Professors José Sánchez, Guillermo Vázquez and Juan Mejía sign the work "Marketing and Elements Influencing the Competitiveness of Commercial Micro, Small and Medium-Sized Enterprises in Guadalajara, Mexico". This study seeks to state the correlation between different key marketing elements that impact micro, small and medium-sized enterprises of clothing items in Guadalajara, Mexico. Based on structural equation modelling, strategies, knowledge and planning in marketing were identified as determinants for the competitiveness of this type of companies. Empirical work used a sample of 380 companies of the retail-clothing sector. The results confirm a positive and significant correlation between key marketing factors and competitiveness, where marketing factors are decisive for companies within the sector, which have been regarded as the weakest link in Mexican economy.Our Human Factor section gathers two studies derived from research processes.We include the paper titled "Subjectivity and Power in Business Organizations: A Case Study", authored by Adriana Valencia Espinosa, Professor at the University of Valle -Colombia. This work was praised as one of the best lectures presented during the First International Congress on Organizations Management that was venued at the National University of Colombia. The objective of this research was to understand the impact of business organizations on the subjectivity of employees, emphasizing the implications of labor breakdown (the termination of a contract). The case study is carried out at a renowned company in Valle del Cauca - Colombia, whose core business, among other lines, is mass printing and editorial processes. This paper addresses testimonies by key participants, that is, workers who experienced labor ruptures with the company. The article also identifies some mechanisms deployed by the organization in the process of sensemaking and the creation of meaning for subjectivity mobilization.Professors Matias Ginieis, María Victoria Sánchez and Fernando Campa from the Rovira i Virgili University, in Spain, present in this issue the paper "How much is the Staff According to the Type of Airline and its Geographical Location in Europe? A Comparative Analysis". This research study was aimed at determining the link between the costs per employee, the types of airlines (traditional or low cost) and the different geographical locations of the headquarters of the studied airlines (Western Europe, Eastern Europe, the United Kingdom and the Nordic countries). A total of 152 airlines were analyzed during the period 2008-2013. Based on statistical correlation tests it was possible to determine there is no relationship between the type of airline and staff-related costs.Last but not least, our Business Ethics section presents a research paper for this issue of INNOVAR.At the University of Zaragoza in Spain, Professors Francisco José López and Ana Bellosta contribute to this issue with the work titled "Corporate Social Responsibility and Good Corporate Governance practices in Spanish Ethical Mutual Funds: Analysis of Investee Companies". This paper studies the type of firms composing the portfolio of Spanish ethical mutual funds, characterizing such companies on the basis of the Corporate Governance model they follow, their organizational structure and some of their economic and financial variables. Different models of Corporate Governance by investee companies and their relationship with financial variables are presented and then evaluated. Results show that companies under the German corporate governance model are preferred by ethical mutual funds, followed by those companies with Anglo-Saxon corporate governance models, which means that, for allocating resources, ethical mutual funds take an interest in companies that involve different stakeholders in their governance processes.We are sure these contributions will be of great interest for the academic community of the Social and Management Sciences both in Colombia and abroad. ; La innovación es un tópico medular para las ciencias sociales y administrativas preocupadas por la gestión de las organizaciones. De allí el nombre de nuestra publicación: INNOVAR, expresado como acción y reflexión. Las concepciones sobre la innovación son diversas y van desde la importancia del cambio en las técnicas de producción, señalado por Marx, hasta la visión estructural de Schumpeter y de los neoschumpeterianos, según la cual la destrucción creativa es uno de los motores del desarrollo capitalista (Chang, 2016). En las últimas décadas, la innovación ha venido ganando un lugar cada vez más protagónico en los procesos económicos y organizacionales, por el surgimiento y consolidación de la llamada "sociedad del conocimiento" (Drucker, 1994; Castells, 1996; Dubina, Carayannis y Campbell, 2012).La innovación requiere la confluencia de múltiples factores y dimensiones, como la creatividad; la ciencia y la tecnología; las relaciones entre universidad, empresa y sociedad; la competencia; el papel del Estado, y la financiación de la innovación, entre otros. Precisamente, la intersección entre el papel del Estado y la financiación de la innovación ha sido uno de los temas de investigación de la economista italiana Mariana Mazzucato. En su libro El Estado emprendedor. Mitos del sector público frente al privado, Mazzucato (2016) aboga por un cambio en la comprensión del papel del Estado en los procesos de innovación. Con evidencia empírica de los sectores de tecnología de las comunicaciones (ejemplarizando con empresas como Apple), las energías renovables y del sector farmacéutico, Mazzucato señala que el Estado ha tenido un papel activo y determinante en la innovación contemporánea, debido a que ha sido inversor y ejecutor de proyectos que están en la base de innovaciones como la pantalla táctil, el CPS, Internet o Siri, que luego son aprovechadas por empresas privadas. Bien sea en el campo del sector defensa, el aeronáutico o el energético, las inversiones del Estado y los proyectos que ejecuta han sido vitales para la gestación y posterior difusión de las innovaciones. Las características de las inversiones de riesgo, que puede ejecutar el Estado, y la forma como congrega y articula múltiples capacidades e instituciones se constituyen realmente en cadenas de transmisión vitales para la innovación.La aportación de Mazzucato (2016) consiste en cuestionar una serie de mitos sobre la innovación, que plantean que tal proceso emerge solo en virtud del actuar de emprededores e inversores privados. Desde esa mirada, hoy dominante, se reclama un Estado mínimo, concentrado en incentivar las fuerzas privadas, para que la mano invisible y la competencia promuevan el surgimiento de nuevos conocimientos que desemboquen en innovaciones. El libro de Mazzucato (2016) abre un sinfín de oportunidades de investigación, puesto que no niega la relevancia de la empresa y los emprendedores innovadores, sino que nos convoca a reconocer, caracterizar y evaluar la importancia de las organizaciones y los proyectos públicos en la dinámica de la innovación. Todo ello alienta la investigación académica que interesa a INNOVAR, y a la que convocamos a la comunidad académica de las ciencias de la gestión en Iberoamérica.La presente edición está organizada en cuatro de nuestras tradicionales secciones: Estrategia y Organizaciones, Marketing, Factor Humano y Ética Empresarial, en las que publicamos diez artículos de nuestros colaboradores nacionales e internacionales.En la sección de Estrategia y Organizaciones, se publican tres trabajos, resultado de investigación.Fruto de una colaboración internacional, los profesores Julio César Acosta, de la Universidad Externado de Colombia; Mónica Longo-Somoza, de la Consejería de Educación de la Comunidad de Madrid, España, y María Belén Lozano, de la Universidad de Salamanca, España, aportan el trabajo titulado "Does family ownership affect innovation activity? A focus on the biotechnological industry". Este trabajo buscó identificar el perfil de las empresas innovadoras, para analizar si la propiedad familiar es una característica que se relaciona con las iniciativas y procesos de innovación. En la investigación se realiza un análisis clúster jerárquico con una muestra de 243 empresas españolas del sector de la biotecnología. Se concluye que las empresas españolas que innovan en este sector no son empresas de propiedad familiar. La relación negativa que se encuentra entre innovación y propiedad familiar, puede ser explicada porque las empresas familiares en tal industria son conservadoras y evitan tomar riesgos como los que la innovación reclama.Los profesores Valentín Azofra, de la Universidad de Valladolid, España; Magda Lizet Ochoa, de la Universidad Autónoma de Tamaulipas, México, y Begoña Prieto y Alicia Santidrián, de la Universidad de Burgos, España, aportan el artículo "Creando valor mediante la aplicación de modelos de capital intelectual". La investigación pretende vincular el nivel de implantación y uso de modelos de capital intelectual con la creación de valor en la empresa, desde una perspectiva de largo plazo. Para el trabajo empírico se seleccionaron empresas que muestran compromiso hacia la utilización de sistemas de información sobre el capital intelectual. Con base en información de 79 empresas españolas, se realizó y aplicó un modelo para relacionar las variables de crecimiento en ventas, productividad por empleado, índice de capital intelectual, entre otras, con el nivel de uso e implantación de indicadores sobre capital intelectual. Los resultados evidencian que las empresas con mayores niveles de implantación de modelos de capital intelectual presentan mejores índices de productividad, crecimiento en ventas y eficiencia del capital intelectual, es decir, mayor creación de valor.Por otra parte, en una colaboración interinstitucional, el investigador independiente Giuseppe Vanoni, y el profesor Carlos Rodríguez, de la Universidad Nacional de Colombia, suscriben el artículo titulado "Estrategias de crecimiento implementadas por los grupos económicos del Ecuador (2007-2016)", con la que se pretende identificar las estrategias de crecimiento de 132 grupos económicos en el Ecuador, durante el periodo señalado. Luego de una importante revisión de la literatura y de la definición conceptual de "grupo económico" y de "estrategia de crecimiento", el trabajo empírico muestra que prevalece una estrategia de concentración, basada en la especialización. Se concluye que los grupos económicos en Ecuador son pertenecientes a familias concretas. La estabilidad que vivió el país en los años del estudio influyó en la estrategia de concentración por especialización de los grupos económicos.La sección de Marketing del presente número de INNOVAR está conformada por cuatro artículos.Los investigadores brasileños Celso Ximenes y Josemeire Alves, y los profesores Gabriel Aguiar, Facultade Mauricio de Nassau, y Danielle Miranda de Oliveira, de la Universi-dade Estadual do Ceará, en Fortaleza-Brasil, participan con el trabajo "Resolveram meu problema, porém nao compro mais! Por que os consumidores nao desejam voltar a fazer negócios com Lojas Virtuais? El trabajo se planteó como objetivo comprender los motivos que llevan a los consumidores online a no realizar nuevas compras, cuando tuvieron problemas en el proceso, pese a que tales problemas hubiesen sido resueltos. Desde un enfoque cualitativo, con base en 200 quejas de cuatro empresas que venden sus productos en Internet, se realizó un trabajo descriptivo y cualitativo que permitió categorizar los posibles problemas y las soluciones desplegadas por las empresas. Los consumidores expresan su voluntad de no realizar otra compra con la misma empresa por problemas logísticos, demora en resolución del problema y demora en la atención de la queja.De la Universidad de Sevilla, España, los profesores Carlos Javier Rodríguez y Encarnación Ramos aportan a esta edición el artículo titulado "Influencia de la religiosidad y la espiritualidad en el comportamiento ético del consumidor". El objetivo de la investigación es analizar el comportamiento ético del consumidor, para lo que realiza un modelo de ecuaciones estructurales que relaciona las escalas de religiosidad y espiritualidad, y que contrasta los resultados de 286 encuestas realizadas a ciudadanos españoles. La investigación implicó redimensionar la Consumer Ethics Scale, con base en los resultados encontrados en la literatura y con el propósito de ajuste perseguido en el trabajo. Se concluye el artículo presentando evidencia de la existencia de una relación entre la religiosidad-espiritualidad y el comportamiento ético del consumidor.Los profesores Alejandro Tapia, vinculado a la Universidad Loyola de Andalucía, y Elena Martín Guerra, de la Universidad de Valladolid, ambas instituciones en España, son los autores de "Neurociencia y publicidad. Un experimento sobre atención y emoción en publicidad televisiva". El artículo presenta los resultados de un experimento en neuro-ciencia, aplicado a la publicidad. El propósito era estudiar cómo la atención y la generación de respuesta emocional influyen en el recuerdo de una cuña publicitaria (spot) en televisión. El experimento se desarrolló con un grupo de 30 estudiantes de entre 18 y 22 años, que fueron expuestos a cuñas publicitarias de la Universidad de Valladolid. Los resultados muestran que existen condiciones importantes que impactan en la atención y la emoción hacia los spots, tanto positiva como negativamente, entre ellos, el contenido cómico, el idioma, la fuerza del sonido, la presencia de contenidos negativos y tristes, entre otros.Desde el Centro Universitario de Ciencias Económico-Administrativas, de la Universidad de Guadalajara, México, los profesores José Sánchez, Guillermo Vázquez y Juan Me-jía suscriben el trabajo "La mercadotecnia y los elementos que influyen en la competitividad de las mipymes comerciales en Guadalajara, México". El artículo busca establecer la correlación que existe entre los diferentes factores clave de mercadotecnia que impactan en las micro, medianas y pequeñas empresas de prendas de vestir en Guadalajara, México. A partir de un modelo de ecuaciones estructurales, se establecieron como factores clave las estrategias, el conocimiento y la planeación, todos de mercadotecnia, como variables determinantes de la competitividad de la mipyme. Para el trabajo empírico, se usa una muestra de 380 empresas del sector de prendas de vestir al menudeo. Los resultados verifican que existe una correlación positiva y significativa entre los factores clave de marketing y la competitividad, por lo que resultan determinantes para estas empresas, consideradas por muchos como el eslabón más débil de la economía mexicana.La sección de Factor Humano recoge dos trabajos, resultado de procesos de investigación.Publicamos el artículo titulado "Subjetividad y poder en la organización empresarial: un estudio de caso", de la profesora de la Universidad del Valle, Colombia, Adriana Valencia Espinosa, y que fue una de las mejores ponencias presentadas en el Primer Congreso Internacional de Gestión de las Organizaciones, realizado en la Universidad Nacional de Colombia. El objetivo del trabajo de investigación fue comprender la incidencia de la organización empresarial en la subjetividad de los empleados, enfatizando en las implicaciones de la ruptura laboral (la finalización del contrato). El estudio de caso se realiza en una reconocida empresa del Valle del Cauca, dedicada, entre otros negocios, a la impresión masiva y los procesos editoriales. Se abordan relatos de participantes clave, trabajadores que vivieron rupturas laborales con la empresa. El artículo identifica algunos dispositivos desplegados por la organización en el proceso de creación de sentido y producción de significado que moviliza la subjetividad.De los profesores Matias Ginieis, María Victoria Sánchez y Fernando Campa, de la Universitat Rovira i Virgili, España, en esta edición se publica el artículo "¿Cuánto cuesta el personal según el tipo de aerolínea y su ubicación geográfica en Europa? Un análisis comparativo". La investigación se planteó establecer la relación existente entre los costos por empleado, los tipos de aerolíneas (tradicionales y de bajo costo) y las diferentes zonas geográficas de ubicación en Europa en que están domiciliadas las aerolíneas (Europa occidental, Europa del este, Reino Unido y países nórdicos). Se estudiaron 152 compañías áreas, en el periodo comprendido entre el 2008 y el 2013. A partir de pruebas estadísticas de correlación, se estableció que no hay una relación entre el tipo de aerolínea y el costo del personal.Finalmente, la sección de Ética Empresarial para este número de INNOVAR recoge un artículo de investigación.Desde la Universidad de Zaragoza, España, los profesores Francisco José López y Ana Bellosta aportan el trabajo "Corporate Social Responsibility and Good Corporate Governance Practices in Spanish Ethical Mutual Funds: Analysis of Investee Companies". El artículo analiza los tipos de compañías que conforman el portafolio de los fondos mutuos de inversión ética españoles, caracterizando tales empresas desde el modelo de Gobierno corporativo que siguen, su estructura organizacional y algunas de sus variables económicas y financieras. Se presentan y evalúan diferentes modelos de Gobierno corporativo de las empresas en que se invierte y su relación con variables financieras. Los resultados muestran que las empresas que siguen un modelo de gobierno corporativo alemán son las preferidas por los fondos mutuos de inversión ética, seguidas de las empresas con modelos de Gobierno corporativo anglosajones. Es decir, a los fondos mutuos de inversión ética les interesa que las empresas en que invierten incluyan diferentes grupos de interés en sus procesos de gobernanza.Confiamos en que estos trabajos resulten de interés para la comunidad académica en ciencias sociales y administrativas a nivel nacional e internacional.
IMPROVINGSEVENTHGRADERS'ABILITYOF MTs MANBAULULUMKWANYARINWRITINGPROCEDURE TEXTTHROUGHESTAFETGAME Nur Fadilah S1- English Education, Language and Art Faculty, Surabaya State University, nurfadilah.annamirah@gmail.com Esti Kurniasih, S.Pd., M.Pd English Department, Languages and Arts Faculty, State University of Surabaya estikurniasih87@yahoo.com Abstrak Menulis merupakan kecakapan yang perlu dipelajari. Akan tetapi, menulis itu tidak mudah (Scott & Ytreberg, 1990). Preliminary study yang telah dilaksanakan menunjukkan bahwa menulis menjadi masalah bagi siswa, apalagi jika siswa diminta menulis dengan menggunakan genera atau tipe tulisan tertentu seperti teks prosedur. Menulis merupakan sebuah proses mencipta, mengorganisasi, menulis, dan mempoles/mengedit (Hague, 2003). Menulis tidak dapat langsung dikuasai oleh siswa tingkat Sekolah Menengah Pertama/SMP. Oleh karena itu, mengajar menulis seharusnya dilakukan dalam atmosfer kelas yang nyaman dan menyenangkan semisal menggunakan permainan. Apalagi, menggunakan permainan dalam proses belajar mengajar dapat membuat kelas menjadi nyaman (Uberman, 1988). Dalam studi ini, proses belajar mengajar dilakukan dengan menggunakan sebuah permainan yang disebut Estafet game/permainan Estafet. Estafet game/permainan Estafet adalah sebuah permainan yang di adopsi dari permainan olahraga. Focus studi ini adalah tentang memperbaiki kemampuan menulis siswa dalam menulis teks prosedur melalui permainan Estafet. Adapun tujuan studi ini adalah untuk mendeskripsikan bagaimana permainan Estafet memperbaiki kemampuan menulis siswa dalam teks prosedur. Pendeskripsian tersebut meliputi: (1) bagaimana pelaksanaan permainan Estafet dalam pengajaran menulis teks prosedur pada siswa kelas 7 MTs Manbaul Ulum Kwanyar, (2) bagaimana hasil menulis siswa kelas 7 MTs Manbaul Ulum Kwanyar dalam pengajaran menulis teks prosedur selama dan setelah pelaksanaan permainan Estafet, dan (3) bagaiman respon siswa kelas 7 MTs Manbaul Ulum Kwanyar dalam pengajaran menulis teks prosedur setelah pelaksanaan permainan Estafet. Dalam menganalisis data, peneliti menggunakan melakukan beberapa proses, yaitu: (1) pendeskripsian dan (2) sense making. Di tingkat pendeskripsian, peneliti mereview data-data yang sudah dikumpulkan sebelumnya. Sedangkan dalam tingkat sense making, peneliti menorganisasi data berdasarkan pertanyaan penelitian. Peneliti menyortir data menjadi data yang relevan dan yang tidak relevan kemudian mengelompokkannya sesuai dengan pertanyaan penelitian. Penelitian dalam studi ini dilakukan dalam 2 siklus. Siklus pertama dilakukan dalam 3 pertemuan. Hasil dari siklus pertama tidak menunjukkan adanya perbaikan sehingga penelitian dilanjutkan dengan siklus ke 2. Siklus ke 2 dilakukan dalam 2 pertemuan. Dan hasil dari siklus ke 2 menunjukkan adanya perbaikan dalam tulisan siswa selama dan setalah pelaksanaan permainan Estafet. Jawaban siswa dalam kuesioner pun mengalami perbaikan. Kata kunci: kemampuan menulis, teks prosedur, permainan estafet, kelas tujuh. Abstract Writing is a skill which is necessary to learn. However, writing is not always easy (Scott & Ytreberg, 1990). Preliminary study which was conducted showed that writing becomes the problem of students, moreover if the writing is based on a specific genre such as procedure text. Writing is a process of creating, organizing, writing, and polishing (Hague, 2003). It cannot easily be mastered by students of Junior High School level. Therefore, teaching writing should be done in an enjoyable atmosphere such as using game. In addition, using game in teaching and learning process can create a relaxing atmosphere in the classroom (Uberman, 1988). In this study the teaching and learning process was done by using a game which is called Estafet Game. Estafet Game is a sport game which is adopted into teaching. This study focuses on improving students' ability in writing procedure text through Estafet Game. The purpose of this study is to describe how Estafet Game improves students' ability in writing procedure text. The description includes: (1) how the implementation of Estafet game in teaching writing procedure text to the seventh graders of MTs Manbaul Ulum Kwanyar, (2) how the students' writing results of procedure text during and after the implementation of Estafet game in teaching writing procedure text to the seventh graders of MTs Manbaul Ulum Kwanyar, and (3) how the students' responses after the implementation of Estafet game in teaching writing procedure text to the seventh graders of MTs Manbaul Ulum Kwanyar. In the data analysis, the researcher does some processes of analysis, they are: (1) description and (2) sense making. In description stage, the researcher reviewed the data that had been collected before. While in sense making stage, the researcher organized the data based on the research questions. The researcher sorted the data into relevant and irrelevant data for the research and grouped the relevant data based on the research questions. The research was done in two observations. The first observation was done in three meetings. The result of the first observation did not show improvement, so that the study was continued with the second observation. The second observation was done in two meetings. And the result of the second observation showed improvement in students' writing both during and after the implementation of Estafet Game. It also showed improvement in students' writing results, and the result of students' answers in the questionnaire. Keywords: writing ability, procedure text, Estafet Game, seventh graders. INTRODUCTION English is a tool to communicate in oral and written form (Depdiknas, 2004). It is used by more than half of the world population. Because of its importance, English is also studied at schools as students' preparation to face the global world. Communicating using English can be in the form of oral, and written. Written observation consists of reading and writing while oral observation consists of listening and speaking. From the four skills above, writing is an essential skill to be mastered. Writing is a productive skill in which someone shows his/her thoughts through written words. According to Nunan (2003), writing is the mental work of inventing ideas, thinking about how to express them, and organizing them into statements and paragraph that will be clear to readers. Writing is not only writing something. Writing is a process of creating, organizing, writing, and polishing (Haque, 2002). As Halliday (in Nunan, 1995) says that in the modern world, written language serves a range of functions in people's life such as for action (for example, public signs, product labels, television and radio guides, bills, menus, telephone directories, ballot papers, computer manuals), for information (for example, newspapers, current affair magazines, advertisements, political pamphlets), and for entertainments (for example, comics strips, fiction books, poetry and drama, newspaper features, and film subtitles). Seeing the importance of writing skill above, it is necessary to learn writing. It is said in the 2006 English Standard Competence that Junior high school students have to master and be able to compose a short functional text, and procedure, and descriptive essays. Related to writing procedure text, the researcher found that students of MTs Manba'ul Ulum Kwanyar got difficulty to compose and write the text. Therefore, the researcher collaborated with the English teacher of the school to overcome the problem by teaching using Estafet Game as a technique in teaching writing. However, teaching English as foreign language in Indonesia is not simple, it is caused by the Indonesian students who do not have similarities between learning English and learning their mother tongue (Scott and Ytreberg, 1990). Therefore, teachers should find out a solution to the problems through getting interesting techniques, such as using game to make students motivated and interested in the lesson during the teaching and learning process. Teaching by using game has been promoted and applied for many years to help students understand the various aspects of languages. As Uberman states that games are highly motivating and they can give shy students more opportunities to express their opinion and feeling (Uberman, 1988). In addition, games provide an opportunity for real communication although within artificially defined limits, and thus constitute a bridge between classroom and the real world (Hardfield, 1990). Thus, suitable games are needed to help teachers in delivering the materials and to encourage students to be active in class such as Estafet game. Estafet game is a game which is adopted from estafet race. The meaning of the word estafet itself is 'connected to each other'. In this study, estafet game is made as a technique in teaching English. The researcher chose the game as a technique because it is appropriate to be conducted in her research to solve the problems the teacher has in classroom. When the researcher had a school visit to MTs Manba'ul Ulum Kwanyar, she found that students in one classroom were not motivated and interested in learning English. She asked the teacher why the students were not motivated and interested in English class. The teacher said that maybe the students do not like the situation of the classroom in which the teacher only explains the lesson, asks the students to read and answer the questions that follow the passage. The researcher also asked several students in the classroom and she found that most of students were not satisfied and did not really understand the teacher's explanation about the lesson. Therefore, they were not motivated and interested in the lesson. From the problem above, the researcher has an initiative to conduct a research to solve the problem in the classroom. She suggested the teacher to use Estafet Game during the teaching and learning activity. The game is done by making a group of five or ten students. Then each group should make a rank from the first to the last students in each group. When they are ready for the game, the teacher gives each group a board marker. After that, the teacher counts for the start of the game. The game begins when the teacher blows the whistle. Then the first student in the first line comes forward brings the board marker and writes the sentence he/she has on the whiteboard. After the first student finished, it is continued by the second student and so until the last student. If each member in a group has gotten their turn to write their sentence on the whiteboard, the turn should be given to the first student, then the second and then the next student to write all sentences they have until the sentences are all written on the whiteboard. This work team can create a fun situation in the classroom, so that the students can be motivated and interested in learning English. The researcher expected that by using this game as a technique in teaching writing, students' writing ability can improve better. Hopefully, this study can help teachers to find more interesting games to be used in class in order that the teaching and learning process does not run monotonously. METHODOLOGY The aim of this study was to report the implementation of Estafet Game in improving students' ability in writing procedure text, the students' writing result during and after the implementation of Estafet Game, the students' responses toward the implementation of Estafet Game in teaching writing procedure text of MTs Manbaul Ulum Kwanyar.In line with the aim of the study above, a classroom action research was used in this study. Since this study belongs toclassroom action research, the researcher should take an action in the classroom which was in the form of teaching. However, because the researcher was not a teacher yet, she collaborated with the teacher of the classroom in conducting her research. Therefore, the researcher only became the observerduring the teaching and learning activities in the class.She conducted the research in two observations which was said in the study as observation, so that, there were two observations in this study. The first observation was done in three meetings, they were on 12th, 20th, and 26th of January while the second observation was done in two meetings, they were on 2nd, and 3rd of February 2014.At the end of the second observation, the researcher found that the students' writing improved during and after the implementation of Estafet Game. And the students' answers in the questionnaire also showed improvement so that the research ended at the fifth meeting. The instruments that the researcher used to collect the data were observation check list, field-note, students' writing task, and questionnaire. Observation check list and field-notes were used as the instruments to answer the first research question. The observation check list is in the form of yes and no answer, while field note was in the form of words and sentences that contained teachers' and students' activities in classroom from the beginning until the end of the meeting. During observation, the researcher wrote the descriptive and reflective part of the field note to ease to find the answer of the research question. Writing task was used to answer the second research question. This instrument was in the form of writing which was given at the end of each observation. And the questionnaire was used to answer the third research question.There were eight questions and three to four choices of answers of each question in the questionnaire. It was used to collect the data about the students' responses toward the implementation of Estafet Game in teaching writing procedure text. The questionnaire was given at the end of the observation in order that the students could answer all the questions. After collecting all of the data which were gotten from the observation checklist, field-note, students' writing task, and the questionnaire, the researcher then analyzed them descriptively. In analyzing the data of this research, the researcher did two stages of analyzing the data namely, description and sense making(Ary, Jacobs, & Sorensen, 2006). RESULTS AND DISCUSSION Results The researcher did the observation in two observations in which there were three meetings of first observation and two meetings of second observation. The first meeting was on January 12th, 20th, and 26th, 2014 while the second observation was on February 2nd, and 3rd, 2014. On the second meeting of first observation and the first meeting of the second observation, the teacher implemented Estafet game in teaching writing procedure text. He implemented the game by asking students to make a group of five to seven students. Since the students' number was thirty four, there were four groups with seven students and one group with six students. Each student in a group should write a sentence based the given title. Then they should stick their sentence which they wrote on a long piece of paper on the whiteboard. The students stuck the longpiece of paper in the third counting from the teacher. The students who have gotten the turn should move backward to ease the next students in taking their turn writing the sentence until the complete text are all written on the carton. Then the teacher corrected the students' writing and asked some of the students to write the correct sentence on the blackboard. On the third meeting of the first observation and the second meeting of the second observation, the teacher gave the students writing task and the questionnaire. Discussion This part presented the discussion of the study which included the discussion of the first observation and the discussion of the second observation. The Discussion of the First Observation The meeting of this study was done in five meetings in which three meetings were done in the first observation and two meetings were done in the second observation. In the first observation, the first meeting was used as material explanation because the time was very limited. The class began late.Though it was late, the teacher could explain the material completely to students and the students responded well to teacher's explanation. Before the teacher explained the material, he gave a printed procedure text to students. The printed material was given in order that the students had an understanding to the lesson they would study and as sample of procedure text. The teacher asked them to read the text then gave them some questions related to the text. After that, the teacher explained the lesson. During the explanation, the students listen to the teacher's explanation well. They were also very active. It was seen when the teacher gave them several questions related to procedure text in the printed text, most of them raised their hands and tried to answer the questions.Because the lesson was for writing skill, the teacher asked students to write their answers on the blackboard. It was to make students used to writing. The Discussion of the Implementation of Estafet Game in the First Observation The second meeting in the first observation was for implementing Estafet Game. The game was used to create a positive atmosphere in class. As stated by Uberman (1998) in chapter II that games are used to create a relaxing atmosphere in the classroom.Students tended to be tense and clumsy in English class, especially when they were asked to make writing in English. So that using games iseffective since they motivate the students, lower students' stress, and give chances to use and practice the language (Deesri, 2002).One of the games that was used in the classroom to motivate and give students chances to practice the language was Estafet Game. In fact, Estafet Game is one of the games in athletic competition (Indarto, 2013). However, the researcher adopted it into a game which could be used in teaching and learning process in the classroom.Moreover, Estafet Game has been applied in other field of education, so that the researcher could have more references on how the game was used. Seeing the possibility of Estafet Game that can be used in teaching English, the researcher took it to be used during her study. During the implementation of Estafet Game, students were very enthusiastic. They could have a situation of learning in which they could learn while playing a game that made them felt enjoy and relax during the teaching and learning process. During the implementation of the game, each student was asked to write a sentence based on the given title of procedure text in group. This aimed to make students enjoy the lesson during the teaching and learning process. The implementation of Estafet Game in the first observation was not really successful if it was seen from the result of students' writing during the implementation of the game. The other thing that influenced the success of the implementation of the game was time management which was needed to implement the game, including the time which was needed by students in building the complete text with their group. The teacher gave evaluation to the result of students' writing which was done in group during the implementation of the game. And the students were not afraid when the teacher evaluated their writing because the teacher had told them that it was only a game for learning not a game for competition. The Discussion of the Result of Students' Writing Task in the First Observation And after the implementation of the game, the students were given a writing task. It was given at the third meeting of the observation. This writing task aimed to measure students' ability in writing procedure text. The students' writing were measured by five writing components which are proposed by Heaton (1988) – content, organization, vocabulary, language use, and mechanic. Each of these components has criteria which could be used to decide whether students' writing was excellent or poor. There are four criteria for each component, they are excellent to very good, good to average, fair to poor, and very poor. However, the main point which was measured in this writing was the three criteria which must exist in procedure text, they are goal, materials, and steps. This was based on the problem which the researcher found during the preliminary study that was the students got difficulty in composing and writing procedure text. After the students' writings were analyzed, the researcher found that their writings were not improved yet. There were several mistakes in students' writing which pervaded the incomplete generic structure of the procedure text. The procedure text should have the complete generic structure as Anderson (1998) has proposed that the structure of a procedure text should consist of goal, materials, and steps. However, students' writing in this first observation did not fulfill the structure yet. Besides, the mistake also came from the organization of sentences which were written by the students which were confusing, the vocabulary which was used were mostly and essentially translation from Indonesian into English, language use, and the mechanics which were used in writing the procedure text. The Discussion of the Result of Questionnaire in the First Observation After being given the writing task, the students were also given questionnaire to find out their responses toward the implementation of Estafet Game. However, students' answers in the questionnaire did not reach the standard minimum that the researcher made, that is eighty. Therefore, the researcher and the teacher were in an agreement to repeat the observation with the second observation. The Discussion of the Second Observation The second Observation was done in two meetings. The first meeting was done on February 2nd, 2014. This meeting was used to implement Estafet Game, since it was not successful yet in supporting students to improve their writing in the first observation. In this observation, students more understood about how to play the game, so that it did not take a long time to give them explanation on how to play the game. Because of that, the teacher could compress the time needed to implement the game. Besides, the students looked more ready than the first observation. It was because the students had known everything that should be done during the game from the first observation. During the game, the result of students' writing was better than in the previous one. It was shown by the mistake which was less than the first observation. In addition, the result of students' writing task also showed a better improvement than the previous one. It was also supported by students' answers in questionnaire that reached the standard minimum 80 for the class average. This questionnaire was used to know students' responses toward the teaching and learning process during the study. As stated by Harmer (2007) that student's responses are different students' reactions in the same class activities and tasks which are given by the teacher. From the results of both students' writing results and the students' answers in the questionnaire, it was concluded that Estafet Game was successful in improving students' ability in writing procedure text. CONCLUSION AND SUGGESTIONS Conclusion Based on the results of the data in the previous chapter, the researcher made a conclusion that the implementation of Estafet Game could improve seventh graders' ability in writing procedure text. The research was conducted by the researcher and the teacher in classroom in which the teacher taught the students while the researcher took data during the teaching and learning process. The research was conducted in five meetings, three meetings in the first observation and two meetings in the second observation. The result of the first observation did not show improvements both in the result of students' writing task and the questionnaire. But then in the second observation, the result of students' writing showed improvement both during and after the implementation of Estafet Game. The students' answers in the questionnaire also showed better responses than the first observation. From the five of both of the observation, it was shown that the implementation of Estafet Game could make students more interested and motivated in learning English. Therefore, it could be concluded from the finding of the research that using Estafet Game in teaching and learning process in the classroom could make the students' writing ability improve. Suggestions From result of the data of the research, the researcher made some suggestions related to the study, they are: the teacher should have come on time to the class. In addition, the teacher should pay more attention to situation of teaching learning process which includes the students' need and interest in learning, the teacher should change his way of teaching once in a while such as using game. Monotonous way of teaching could make students not interested and motivated to the lesson which causes students could not master the skill that becomes the objective of the lesson, for other researchers who will conduct an action research, it is better to be well-prepared in everything which is needed for the research such as media, time preparation, and the instrument for the research. And if the research has been successful, it is not necessary to add another observation of the research. REFERENCES Depdiknas. ( 2006). Standar Isi dan Standar Kompetensi Lulusan: Mata Pelajarn Bahasa Ingggris (SD/MI, SMP/MTs, SMA/MA, MA/MAK). Jakarta: Depdiknas. Agustien, HelenaI.R. The English Curriculum in Nutsell (paper): presented at national seminar. Teaching Esl in Indonesia a reflection. Malang 2 Oktober 2004. Harmer, J. (2007). The Practice of English Language Teaching. England: Pearson Education Limited. Scott, Wendy A and Ytreberg Lisbeth H. (1990). Teaching English to Children. London: Longman Heaton, J. B. (1975). Writing English Language Test.London: Longman McMillan, J. H. (1992). Educational Research: Fundamental for the Consumer. Virginia: Harper Collins Publishers Depdiknas 2004. Kurikulum 2004: Standar Kompetensi Mata Pelajaran Bahasa Inggris Sekolah Menengah Pertama dan Madrasah Tsanawiyah. Jakarta: Balitbang Depdiknas Heaton, J. B. (1988). Writing English Language Tests. New York: Longman Group UK Limited. Aouladomar, Farida, Leila Amgoud, Patrick Saint-Dizier. (2006). On Argumentation in Procedural Texts. http://www.unicaen.fr/poc/ecrire/preprints/preprint0022006.pdf retrieved on December 2013. Gatzke, Lourie. (2003). Procedural Text. http://www.data.tp.ac.id/document/texts (retrived on December 2013) Ary, D., Jacobs, L. C., & Sorensen, C. (2006). Introduction to Research in Education (8th Edition ed.). Belmont: Wadsworth. Hague, A. (2003). The Essential of English. New York: Pearson Inc. Indarto, H. D. (2013). Analisa Lari Estafet Retrieved February 10th, 2014 Scott, W. A., & Ytreberg, L. H. (1990). Teaching English to Children. New York: Longman Group UK Limited. Uberman, A. (1988). The Use of Game for Vocabulary Presentation and Revision (Vol. XXXVI). Forum: 1st January.
WIE UNSRE GEGNER DEN KRIEG SEHEN Wie unsre Gegner den Krieg sehen ( - ) Einband ( - ) Titelseite ([3]) [Vorwort]: (5) Wie unsere Gegner den Krieg sehen Bilderteil ([23]) [Abb.]: Das "Gehirn" unserer Gegner. General Joffre bespricht mit den Herrn seines Stabes in seinem Extrazug die Lage an der Front von Verdun. Die Deutschen beunruhigen den Feind überall an der Front, so daß die französische Heeresleitung weniger an ihrem Standort als im Eisenbahnwagen ist. (25) [3 Abb.]: Die Könige von Belgien und England (1)The Hero-King, - Sans peur et sans reproche! The knightly king of the Belgians at home at his villa. König Albert fern von Brüssel, in einem kleinen Landhaus bei Furnes, seiner jetzigen Residenz. (2)The Prince of Wales. Der englische Thronfolger in Marschbereitschaft - Der Sturm kann beginnen! (3)Leader of the No-alcohol-in-war-time campaign: König Georg hat, mangels geeigneter Verwendung an der Front, die Führung des "Antialkohol-Krieges" übernommen. (26) [2 Abb.]: Präsident und Oberbefehlshaber von Frankreich (1)Le Président salutant une jeune Alsacienne et une jeune Lorraine auxquelles il a remis des souvenirs. Wie's gemacht wird: Poincaré läßt sich einige Elsässer Kinder in Landestracht vorführen, um in Paris die Illusion aufrechtzuerhalten, daß Frankreich vom Elsaß als Befreier willkommen geheißen würde. (2)General Joffre decorating soldiers of the French Maroccan division. Durch Ordensverleihung und Bruderkuß werden die im Heere Frankreichs von General Joffre als ebenbürtige Streitgenossen "im Kampfe für die Zivilisation" anerkannt. (27) [3 Abb.]: Zar und Zarewitsch (1)Der Kaiser von Rußland und sein Sohn. Wenn Zar und Zarewitsch der Front zunahe kommen, zeigen sie sich kriegerisch "bis an die Zähne bewaffnet". (2)Rechts sehen wir sie beim Vorbeimarsch von Truppen, links Vater und Sohn bei einem Feldgottesdienst. (3)Russischer Feldgottesdienst vor der Schlacht. (28) [Abb.]: Der Vize-König vom Kaukasus. Der Großfürst Nikolajewitsch küßt in überquellender Dankbarkeit den Eroberer von Erzerum. (29) [Abb.]: Auf dem Wege in die Verbannung. Le vieux roi Pierre de la Serbie sur la route de l'exil. De jeunes recrues de 15 à 17 ans, sans armes, évacuant des caisses de cartouches sur Prizrend, entourent le caisson attelé de boeufs qui porte le souverain. Der alte König Peter von Serbien auf dem Wege in die Verbannung. Waffenlose junge Rekruten von 15 bis 17 Jahren, die Patronenkisten nach Prizrend schaffen sollen, umstehen den von Büffeln gezogenen Wagen des Herrschers. (30) [Abb.]: Auch ein Rückzug aus Moskau. A second "retreat from Moscow": A king without territory. The serbian ruler crossing a mountain path in Albania during the retreat. Ein "zweiter Rückzug von Moskau": Der serbische Herrscher auf einem Bergpfad in Albanien während des Rückzuges: Ein König ohne Land. (31) [3 Abb.]: Der König von Italien als Feldherr (1)General Joffre "surprise" visit to the Italian front: Italy taking an "al-fresco". Victor Emanuel und der französische Oberbefehlshaber beim Frühstück. (2)The french Generalissimo and the King of déjeuner. Kriegsrat mit Joffre angesichts des Mote Nero (Krn). (3)Sa majesté le roi Victor Emanuel qui se plait lui-même à prendre des clichés, se laisse photographier de bonne grâce. Der König als Amateur-Photograph. (32) [2 Abb.]: Frankreich empfängt die russischen Hilfstruppen (1)Les défilés dans Marseille en fête. Ein französischer Alpenjäger führt den Zug der russischen Garde, der die entzückte Bevölkerung Vorschußlorbeeren gestiftet hat. (2)Types des soldats des régiments du général Lohvitsky. Typen aus General Lohvitskys Regimentern beim feierlichen Einzug am 21. April 1916. (33) [3 Abb.]: Schutzmaßregeln gegen Luftangriffe. Nachtbilder aus der "Lichtstadt" Paris, die zeigen, wie man, um der Zeppelingefahr zu begegnen, die Beleuchtung abgestellt hat. (1)Le Boulevard Montmartre un soir du printemps dernier (1914) - Einst - (2)Le même Boulevard le 19 janvier 1915 à 6 1/2 h. du soir. - Jetzt - (3)Paris la nuit: La Conciergerie, la Seine et le pont neuf. (34) [2 Abb.]: Die Weltstadt im Dunkel. (1)The new war-"comet" over Paris! A patrolling french aeroplane signalling with ist searchlight above the darkened city. Das Flugzeug auf Wachtposten über Paris signalisiert am Nachthimmel. (2)Sweeping London's skies for possible bomb-dropping Zeppelins: The searchlight at work on Charing Cross Station. Der Londoner Himmel wird von einem Scheinwerfer abgesucht, der auf dem Charing-Croß-Bahnhof steht. Trotz der vielseitigen Abwehrmaßnahmen konnte die englische Hauptstadt jene Zeppelinbesuche nicht verhindern, die bis in ihr Herz - the City - drangen. (35) [Abb.]: Im Kreuzfeuer der Scheinwerfer. The untouched photograph of a Zeppelin raiding the London district - as thousands of people saw it: A remarkable snapshot of an enemy dirigible during its visit on the night of September 8 (1915). Die unretouchierte Photographie eines Zeppelins, der London besuchte. So sahen ihn Tausende von Menschen. (36) [Abb.]: Ein Zeppelin über London. Murderer of civilians: A Zeppelin raider "like a thief in the night". One of the fleet of the hostile airships which raided this country on Oktober 13 (1915) over the London area. Shells from antiaircraft guns bursting about it. Ein Zeppelin-Räuber als "Dieb in der Nacht". Geschosse von Luftabwehrkanonen platzen um eins jener feindlichen Luftschiffe, die am 13. Oktober 1915 auch London besuchten. (37) [3 Abb.]: Zeppelinwirkungen in Paris (1)Explosivstelle einer Zeppelinbombe auf einem Boulevard von Paris. Die Bombe riß ein großes Loch bis in den Tunnel der Untergrundbahn. (2), (3)Zerstörte Häuser. (38) [2 Abb.]: Zeppelinwirkungen an englischen Fabriken (1)Bei den Zeppelinangriffen auf England sind nicht nur alte Frauen und Kinder umgekommen, es wurden, wie diese Bilder zeigen, häufig Munitionsfabriken und andere, zu militärischen Zwecken dienende Gebäude zerstört. (39) [6 Abb.]: Venice "armoured" against aircraft: monuments protected. Geschützte Denkmäler des gegen Luftangriffe gepanzerte Venedig. (1)Oben links: Eine Ecke des Dogenpalastes. - (2)Oben rechts: Die mit Sandsäcken geschützte Halle des berühmten Glockenturmes. - (3)Mitte links: Bau eines Gerüstes um das Colleoni-Denkmal. - (4)Mitte rechts: Abgenommene Deckengemälde im Dogenpalast werden in Sicherheit gebracht. - (5)Unten links: In Venedigs berühmter Markuskirche. - (6)Unten rechts: Steinmauern stützen die Bogen der Arkaden des Dogenpalastes. (40) [Abb.]: Englischer Zeppelin-Kalender. So sah der Himmel aus, als Zeppeline England besuchten. Eine interessante Zusammenstellung, die zeigt, daß unsre Luftschiffe durchaus nicht nur bei nebeligem Wetter und mondlosen Nächten hinüberfliegen. Gleichzeitig erweist die Statistik, daß die Zeppeline in 7 Monaten 20 mal über England waren. (41) [4 Abb.]: Zerstörung deutschen Privateigentums in Paris. Zerstörte deutsche und österreichische Geschäfte in Paris. Völkerrecht und Zivilisation, deren Begriffe für unsre Gegner Schlagworte geworden sind, hielten die Bevölkerung von Paris, London und Mailand nicht ab, sich in zügelloser Weise an dem nach dem Völkerrecht geschützten Eigentum wehrloser Privatpersonen zu vergreifen. (42) [4 Abb.]: Paris im September 1914. Die Vorbereitungen in Paris zur Abwehr der "Kriegswelle", die sich in den Septembertagen des Jahres 1914 so stark auf die Hauptstadt Frankreichs zuwälzte, daß Poincaré die Regierung nach Bordeaux verlegte und sich nicht auf die Verteidigungsmaßnahmen der Pariser verließ. Schützengräben wurden ausgehoben, Barrikaden errichtet, Bäume gefällt und Umwallungen gemauert. (43) [Abb.]: Der Landesverräter Hansi. Si les boches d'enface savaient: à 60 mètres d'eux sous l'uniforme français, celui qui avant la guerre avait déja l'honneuer de leur inspirer une haine féroche. Le dessinateur alsacienne Hansi que le tribunal d'empire Leipzig condamnait le 9 juillet 1914 à un an de prison "pour offense du peuple allemand" et qui porte maintenant avec la croix de la légion d'honneur l'insigne d'officier interprète. Der Karikaturenzeichner Waltz, genannt Hansi, wurde in Deutschland wegen Landesverrat zum Zuchthaus verurteilt und jetzt von der "ritterlichen" Nation eben wegen dieser Heldentat mit dem höchsten französischen Orden ausgezeichnet. (44) [Abb.]: und eins seiner Werke. Die Marneschlacht - eins jener Bilder, mit denen der Elsässer Landesverräter Hansi Waltz in Zeitschriften und Bilderbüchern die Herzen der kleinen Franzosen vergiftet und zum Haß aufstachelt gegen die Barbaren. (45) [3 Abb.]: Reklame im Kriegsdienst (1)Une affiche d'Abel Faivre éditée pour la banque de France, sous les auspices de la société des amis des artistes. Der verwundete Kämpfer deutet mahnend auf die einfachen Leute, die auch ihre Pflicht tun. (2)L'Affiche de Jules Adler. Die Mahnung: "Gebt Euer Geld für Frankreich hin", veranschaulicht durch den Kampf des Goldes um den Sieg; man zeigt seinen Landsleuten, wie entsetzt der preußische Militarismus zusammenbrechen werde, wenn der gallische Hahn aus Gold ihn attackiert. (3)L'Affiche de Paulbot. Der ausziehende Vaterlandsverteidiger ermahnt sein Weib mit letzten Gruß, sie soll nicht vergessen, Kriegsanleihe zu zeichnen - für den Sieg und die Heimkehr! (46) [2 Abb.]: Französische Kriegsanleihescheine (1) L'Affiche de Bernhard Maudin. Dieses vaterländische Gedenkblatt, mit dem der dankbare Finanzminister die Anleihezeichner belohnt, hängt der brave Bürger unter Glas und Rahmen in den Salon. (2)Ein Maueranschlag desselben Zeichners, den die Gesellschaft der Künstlerfreunde herausgegeben hat. (47) [9 Abb.]: (1) - (6)Englische Werbeplakate, wie sie aller Orten in greller Buntheit den Vorübergehenden fragen, warum er nicht in Khaki gekleidet ist, ob er nicht einen noch freien Platz ausfüllen will und was er seinem Kinde zu sagen gedenkt, wenn es ihn später einmal fragt, was er im Kriege geleistet hat. (7) - (9)Hier ruft ihm ein Anschlag zu, er solle sich Belgiens Schicksal zur Mahnung nehmen und sich schnell anmelden, dort tröstet ein andres, daß man schon gewinnen würde, allerdings müsse der freundliche Leser dazu helfen. (48) [7 Abb.]: Aus englischen Werbebüros (1)Werberede eines Majors auf offener Straße - (2)Ansammlung vor dem Werbebüro bei Öffnung der Pforte (der Zeitungsphotograph wählte, um durch scheinbaren Andrang Eindruck zu erwecken, diesen für seine Aufnahme günstigen Moment) - (3), (4)Der Werber mit seinem Opfer - (5)Invalide mit dem Werbeplakat - (6)Neu eingekleidete Rekruten - (7)Leichtverwundete als Stimmungsmacher für den Feldzug. (49) [2 Abb.]: Werbewesen (1)Nicht ohne Humor zeigt dieses Plakat, wie nicht nur Menschen, sondern Pfund, Schilling und Pence für England mobil gemacht werden. In marktschreierischen Plakaten muß das britische Reich die Daheimgebliebenen auffordern, Kriegsanleihe zu zeichnen. (2)The soldier on the holiday at the Zoo. Es ist der neueste Sport, daß verwundete Soldaten Sonnatgs nachmittags von ihren Freundinnen im Rollstuhl spazieren gefahren werden - auch ein indirektes Werbemittel. (50) [2 Abb.]: Werberede - Rekrutenvereidigung. L'appel pour les munitions chez nos alliés d'outre-manche. Un Meeting pendant l'heure du dèjeuner aux forges et usines de munition de guerre beardmore & Co., Glasgow. Le simple soldat May revenu du front, harangue les ouvriers de travailler pour l'amour des camerades des trenchées. Ein junger Frontsoldat appeliert im Hofe einer englischen Munitionsfabrik in der Zeit der Ausstände an den Patriotismus und das Solidaritätsgefühl der englischen Arbeiterschaft. (2)The West Indie's response to the Empire's call: trinidad and Barbadoes recruits being sworn in before the Lord Mayor. Vereidigung englischer Rekruten aus Westindien vor dem Lord-Mayor von London. (51) [4 Abb.]: Öffentliche Werbetätigkeit in London. (1), (2)Obtaining recruits in Trafalgar Square. One of the recruiters on the plinth. Serg. Newsand, who is a constant speaker in Trafalger Square. A bayonets display on a recruiting meeting. 2 army officers engage in friendly combat to attack recruits.Rekrutenwerbung am Sockel der Nelsonsäule in London. Zuerst spricht Sergeant Newsand als erfahrener Mann, dann entspinnt sich vor den Augen der Menge ein kleiner Bajonettkampf; (3)A Chelsea pensioneer greets an Indian officer. Es folgt ein anderes Bild: Händedruck zwischen einem alten Veteranen und einem indischen Offizier, (4)Miss Sh. Kellogg, the well known actress, kisses a small boy who came forward to know if he could do anything at a recruiting meeting organised für the second London regiment. .und zuletzt verspricht die Liebkosung einer bekannten Schauspielerin durch Vorführung am kleinen Modell ähnliche Belohnungen dem neuen Rekruten. (52) [Abb.]: Karikaturzeichner im Werbedienst. Die Leiden des pflichtvergessenen Zivilisten und die Freuden des pflichtgetreuen Rekruten. Was von jedem wehrpflichtigen Deutschen als selbstverständliche vaterländische Pflicht empfunden wird, muß dem Engländer in so drastischer Weise zu Gemüte geführt werden. (53) [Abb.]: Englische Feldausrüstung. Guaranteeing effiency and comfort: What she british soldier bears to the firing line. Die Ausrüstung der Angehörigen des britischen Söldnerheeres reklamehaft dargestellt als Werbemittel für die englische Armee. (54) [Abb.]: Fliegergepäck. Everything an airman wants. Was solch ein englischer Flieger nicht alles braucht! Außer den Meßinstrumenten, Notizbuch und Photoapparat finden wir Luftkissen, Rasierapparat Nagelpflegeinstrumente, Pfeife, Tabak und Zigaretten, Trinkbecher, Würfel und Spielkarten. (55) [Abb.]: Englische Soldaten als Einkäufer in Paris. Rue de la Paix . Dans les salons d'un grand couturier parisien. Présentation des nouveaux du printemps aux acheteurs d'une maison de Londres. Die Einkäufer eines Londoner Konfektionshauses erscheinen in Felduniform bei einem Pariser Schneider und lassen sich die neuesten Modeschöpfungen vorführen. (56) [2 Abb.]: Der französische Stahlhelm. Die Herstellung des Stahlhelms. (1)Stamping out circles of steel which will be shaped into helmets. Links werden die Blattstahlscheiben ausgestanzt, (2)Making the crowns of the steel helmets from the metal disk with the aid of a pressing-machine. ., rechts wird das Metall in die Form des Helms gepreßt. (57) [Abb.]: Londoner Börsenleute als Schipper. City-men trench digging near the old G. P. O.: Members of the national guard training for home defence. Auch London hat seine Schützengräben, noch nicht für den Ernstfall wie in Paris, auch nicht als Schaustück wie in Berlin, sondern als Übungsbauten der Nationalgarde. Männer der City, denen in freidlichen Zeiten nur Pfundnoten und Geschäftspapiere durch die Hände gegangen sind, haben Karre und Spaten in die Hand genommen zur Verteidigung der Heimat, um für den Fall einer deutschen Landung gerüstet zu sein. (58) [Abb.]: Sarah Bernhardt im Dienste Frankreichs. L'Allégorie des cathédrales des France au théâtre Sarah Bernhardt. Allegorie auf Frankreichs Kathedralen im Theater der Sarah Bernhardt. Die alte Deutschenfresserin hat in ihrem Theater ein Austattungsstück in Szene gesetzt, in dem die Kathedralen von St. Pol de Leon, Arles, Straßburg (von ihr selbst dargestellt), Paris, Amiens und Bourges die unglückliche Schwester in Reims beklagen. (59) [Abb.]: Die Marseillaise! La réouverture des théatres de Paris: Mlle. Chenal incarne et chante l'hymne national à l'opéra comique. Während die deutschen Theater vom Kriege ihre Spielzeit nicht unterbrechen ließen, schloß die Gefährdung der französischen Hauptstadt die Tore ihrer Musentempel. Nachdem die deutsche Gefahr in die Ferne gerückt war, wurden die Bühnen feierlich wiedereröffnet. Die schöne Schauspielerin der komischen Oper im Gewande der Trikolore und geschmückt mit der Elsässer Haube, hinter sich die Napoleonische Garde, riß durch den Vortrag der Marseillaise ihre Zuhörer mit sich. (60) [Abb.]: Das Admiralitätsgebäude in London kriegsmäßig. "Englands expects ." Nelson and the listening wireless off the admiralty office. Nelson Standbild als Wächter vor dem Admiralitätsgebäude und die Anfangsworte seiner berühmten Parole in der Seeschlacht von Trafalgar sollen die stolze Zuversicht des meerbeherrschenden Britanniens widerspiegeln. Der Turm des Admiralitätsgebäudes zeigt, daß man von hier aus funkentelegraphisch mit der Flotte auf dem Meere verkehren kann. (61) [Abb.]: "Was sind Hoffnungen, was sind Entwürfe!" French officers studying a large war-map at Headquarters. Französische Offiziere beim Studium einer großen Kriegskarte im Hauptquartier. Durch solche Darstellung, die immer noch auf strategische Pläne für einen Feldzug im Inneren Deutschlands hinweist, sucht die gegnerische Presse die Hoffnung auf eine nahe Wendung des Kriegsglücks zu nähren, während doch Frankreichs Sorgen unverändert in der Nähe von Paris liegen. (62) [2 Abb.]: Franzosen in Feldgrau. (1)Französische Artilleristen in gedeckter Stellung, mit Masken gegen die Wirkung der deutschen Gasangriffe geschützt, ein Beweis, daß solche Gasangriffe auch noch in den hintersten Stellungen ihre Wirkung tun. (2)Joffres spendid men: The new "fantassins" of France as they are in this, the second yearof the great war. Frankreichs neue Infanteristen im zweiten Kriegsjahr. (63) [2 Abb.]: Bilder von der Westfront (1)Les premiers exploits de nos alpins: Quand its eurent occupé le col de "bonhomme" après un violent combat, le 7 août, les diables bleus s'empressèrent d'abattre le poteau frontière allemand. Die "ersten Taten" der französischen Alpentruppen. Die "blauen Teufel" im Kampf mit einem deutschen Grenzpfahl. (2)A terraced colony of dug-outs for the french army's ambulance dogs. An interesting corner near the front in Northern France. Terrassenförmiges Lager von Unterständen für die Sanitätshunde des französischen Heeres. Ein interessanter Winkel nahe der Front in Nordfrankreich. (64) [3 Abb.]: Minenwerfer und Handgranaten (1)Links oben: Französisches Lufttorpedo wird abgefeuert. Ein 58-mm-Minenwerfer mit seinem "Flossen"-Geschoß in Stellung. (2)Rechts oben: Lager dieser Lufttorpedos, die mit kleinen flügelförmigen "Schwanzflossen" versehen sind, um die Richtung einzuhalten. (3)Unten: Das fürchterlichste der französischen Grabengeschütze. Eine 80-mm-Gebirgskanone, die Luftminen im Gewicht von 236 L. B. (englischen Pfund) schleudern kann. (65) [2 Abb.]: Brieftauben im Kriegsdienst (1)The pigeon-express: Winged messengers of war. Geflügelte Kriegsboten und ihr "Expreß". Das Dach des Autobus trägt Käfige für Brieftauben der französischen Armee. (2)Die Taube als militärischer Beobachter: (2)Oben transportable Dunkelkammer, rechts einfacher links doppelter photographischer Apparat für Tauben. In der Mitte Tauben mit umgeschnallten Apparat, unten Aufnahmen. (66) [2 Abb.]: "Die Deutschen sind da!"(1)Un télégramme historique: le télégramme le 20 août 1914 de Bruxelles à Amsterdam. "Cette photographie est absolument authentique", nous écrit Mr. Paymans, télégraphiste au bureau d'Amsterdam qui nous a adressé ce document. Ein Amsterdamer Telegraphenbeamter hat den Moment, als die letzten Worte seines Brüsseler Kollegen aus dem Morse-Apparat klapperten, photographiert. Diese Worte lauten in deutscher Übersetzung: "Die Deutschen kommen, wir ziehen uns zurück! Adieu!" (2)Relics of German air raids in Paris: Three types of bombs dropped on the city by enemy airmen. Deutsche Grüße aus der Luft, die ihre Bestimmung verfehlt haben, sind den Verbündeten liebere Andenken als die durch unsere Flieger zerstörten Werkstätten und Fabriken. (67) [2 Abb.]: Aus einem französischen Flugpark. (1)The escadrilles which guard the camp retranché of Paris. Die kleinen Geschwader, die das verschanzte Lager von Paris bewachen. Flugplatz vor der Stadt, von dem beim Nahen von Zeppelinen oder Tauben Abwehrflugzeuge aufsteigen. (2)Photographed by search-light: one of a number of French aeroplanes starting at night for a long distance raid. Scheinwerferphotographie: Eins der zahlreichen französischen Flugzeuge startet bei Nacht zu einem Fernflug. (68) [2 Abb.]: Des Fliegers Glück und Ende (1)Chasing off german aeroplanes at a high of 6500 feet: A french monoplane of the "Parasol"-Type flying at full speed above Nancy towards San Nicolas du Port. Jagd auf deutsche Flugzeuge in einer Höhe von 6500 Fuß (ungefähr 1900 Meter) zwischen Nancy und San Nicolas du Port. (2)Les débris de l'appareil de Pégoud. Le 31 août (1915) au matin dans la pleine entre Petit Croix et le bois de Fontenelle. Le corps de l'aviateur est étendu devant le médecine portant un brassard, sous un entoilage arraché d'une de ses ailes. Die Trümmer von Pégouds Flugzeug, wie sie am Morgen des 31. August auf der Ebene zwischen Petit Croix und dem Walde von Fontenelle gefunden wurden. Vor dem Arzt (mit der Armbinde) liegt die Leiche des Fliegers unter einem Stück Leinen einer Tragfläche. (69) [Abb.]: Im Unterstand. Ein französischer Röhrengang in der Champagne. Durch gebogene Wellblechlagen, die mit Sandsäcken gegen Granaten geschützt sind, hat man luftige Unterstände erbaut. (70) [2 Abb.]: Reiseleben in der Kriegszone (1)Accomodation at the "Lion d'or" Reims, while shells are falling. Bequemlichkeit im "Goldenen Löwen" von Reims während eines Granathagels. Das Hotelzimmer ist zu unbehaglich geworden, und man hat sich, so gut es ging, im Keller eingerichtet. (2)How all french roads near the front are watched: Soldiers examing a passing motorists papers at night. Wie alle französischen Landstraßen die nahe der Front bewacht werden: Soldaten prüfen bei Nacht die Papiere eines durchfahrenden Automobilisten. (71) [Abb.]: Die Angreifer. Les fauves dans la forêt: Soldats allemands photographiés en liberté à 15 mètres d'une tranchée française. Aufnahme deutscher Soldaten von einem französischen Schützengraben aus. Die "neutrale" Platte zeigt, daß auch die nächste Nähe des Feindes unseren Feldgrauen nicht die Stimmung verdirbt. (72) [Abb.]: und die Angegriffenen. German shrapnel bursting a hastily-built french barricade. Deutsches Schrapnell platzt hinter einer schnell errichteten französischen Barrikade. (73) [2 Abb.]: Der Kampf um Verdun. (1)A position finely won: in the Bois de la Caillette. Schützengraben im Caillettewalde. (2)Camion démoli près de Verdun par un obus de 210 de radiateur détaché est tombé au fond de l'entonnoir. Lastauto, das eine 21-cm-Granate bei Verdun zerstört hat. (74) [Abb.]: Unsere Brandbomben in Verdun. Die Feuerwehrleute von Verdun. Eine Feuerwehr mußte ins Leben gerufen werden, die die Wirkungen unserer Brandbomben einzudämmen hat. (75) [Abb.]: Kriegsgefangene in Verdun. Prisonniers allemands dans une chapelle de Verdun. Ein Häuflein deutscher Soldaten als Gefangene in einer französischen Kapelle. (76) [Abb.]: Der Kirchturm als Beobachtungsposten. La vierge dorée du clocher de la basilique d'Albert qui présentait, les bras tendus, son divin fils aux populations chrétiennes. Das goldene Standbild der Jungfrau mit dem Jesusknaben, in dessen Schutz der Feind auf dem Kirchturm von Albert Beobachter aufgestellt hatte, ist infolge eines deutschen Treffers umgestürzt ohne herabzufallen. Auch hieraus suchen unsre Gegner eine Anklage gegen deutsche Kriegsführung zu erheben. (77) [Abb.]: Französischer Schützengraben. Three-storied french field-fortifications: A corner of a first-line trench in Champagne. Groß ist die Verteidigungskunst der Franzosen, wie dieser Ausschnitt aus einem starkbefestigten Schützengraben zeigt, größer aber die Sturmgewalt unserer Feldgrauen, wie Verdun beweist. (78) [Abb.]: Die englische Offensive 1916. The "Smoke of Battle" to screen advancing troops: Our infantry attacking under cover of smoke bombs. Analogous to the use of smoke-screens by war-ships at sea: Opaque clouds produced by bombs used as protective cover for a british infantry attack. Unter dem Schutz von Rauchbomben stürmen die Engländer aus ihren Schützengräben auf den Feind. (79) [Abb.]: Deutscher Fliegerangriff. Bombing Botha's army from the air: Bombs exploding in a camp of the Union forces. Mit der Wiedergabe dieses Bildes dokumentieren die Engländer die Treffsicherheit unsrer bewaffneten Flugzeuge. (80) [Abb.]: Gerichteter Spion. Un exemple: "Espion, traitre de son pays". Ein wegen Landesverrat erschossener französischer Spion bleibt nach der Hinrichtung zur Abschreckung am Pfahl, eines der vielen Beispiele, in welchem Maße es unsere Gegner nötig haben, abschreckend auf die eigenen Truppen zu wirken. (81) [Abb.]: Vom Krieg im Elsaß. Les opérations en Alsace. Ein von den französischen "Befreiern" in Brand geschossenes Dorf im Oberelsaß. (82) [Abb.]: Ein Nachtbild von der Westfront. Les usées éclairantes de l'ennemi. Deutsche Leuchtraketen, wie sie für einen kurzen Zeitraum die Nacht erhellen, von der feindlichen Front aus aufgenommen. (83) [Abb.]: Ypern 1915. Diese Aufnahme hat eine englische Zeitschrift als Kunstdruck vervielfältigt, damit der Engländer in seinen vier Wänden stets an Belgiens Schicksal und an deutsche Zerstörungswut erinnert wird, wobei zu sagen "vergessen" wurde, daß Engländer und Franzosen diese herrliche Stadt, eine Perle altvlämischer Kultur, zum Mittelpunkt ihrer Verteidigung machten und während des Krieges zur Festung ausgebaut haben. Das lange Gebäude mit dem Turm ist die Tuchhalle, das berühmte Ständehaus der Weber-Innung, links davon steht die Kathedrale. (84) [Abb.]: Reims im Kriege. La cathédrale de Reims et le quartier environnant après deux mois de bombardement. Blick aus einem französischen Doppeldecker auf die Kathedrale von Reims, nachdem das Bombardement schon 2 Monate angedauert hatte. Diese Aufnahme straft erstens die Beschuldigung der Zerstörung der Kathedrale durch unsre Artillerie Lügen, beweist aber zweitens die Treffsicherheit unsrer Kanoniere, denn rings um die Kathedrale haben deutsche Granaten mit Erfolg eingeschlagen. (85) [2 Abb.]: (1)An der russischen Front. (1)La visite que fit le Tsar a Przemysl. La Grand-duc Nicolas avait voulu montrer a l'empereur ce qui restait des formidables fortifications de l'ancienne citadelle autrichienne. Der Großfürst zeigt dem Zaren Przemysl, die neue Perle der russischen Monarchie, die aber bald wieder aus der Zarenkrone fiel. (2)Automitrailleuses blindées de l'armée russe sur une route de Galicie. Gepanzertes Maschinengewehr-Auto des russischen Heeres auf einer Landstraße Galiziens. (86) [2 Abb.]: Gasangriff - Riesenflugzeug (1)A German gas-attack photographed bay an airman: Poisonous fumes rolling towards the Russians and German troops. Fliegerphotographie eines deutschen Gasangriffes. Giftige Dämpfe wälzen sich auf die Russen zu, dahinter deutsche Truppen. (2)Russia's 3 1/2 ton aeroplane for eight! A giant Sikorsky-biplane, one of which bombarded the Germans in East Prussia. Russische 3 1/2-Tonnen-Flugmaschine für 8 Personen! Einer der riesigen Sikorsky-Doppeldecker, die auf die Deutschen in Ostpreußen Bomben warfen. (87) [Abb.]: Der Krieg in den Alpen. Eine von österreichischen Granaten in Brand geschossene Kirche: Kriegswirkungen in einem typischen Alpendorf. Die schönen Bergdörfer der Alpen, wo Italiener und Österreicher kämpfen, erleiden ebenso wie die belgischen und nordfranzösischen das Schicksal des Krieges. (88) [Abb.]: Schwieriger Geschütztransport. "Excelsior!" How the Alpini troops take the guns up the mountains. Geschütztransport durch italienische Alpentruppen. (89) [Abb.]: Venedig aus der Vogelschau. Venise en aeroplane. Blick aus dem Flugzeug auf die Lagunenstadt, deren Arsenale und Munitionsstätten österreichische Flieger erfolgreich mit Bomben bewarfen, ohne die Kulturdenkmäler vergangener Jahrhunderte zu zerstören. (90) [Abb.]: Das alte und neue Zeitalter. Ancient wonders of the world photographed from a new wonder of the world. The pyramids and the surrounding desert "taken" from an aeroplane. Die Begegnung alter und neuer Weltwunder im Kriege. Blick aus einem Flugzeug auf die Pyramiden und die Wüste. (91) [2 Abb.]: Der Auftakt in Gallipoli (1)Landing artillery on the Gallipoli peninsula. A 155 mm-gun being towed ashore on a lighter ad Sedd ul Bahr. Artillerielandung auf der Halbinsel Gallipoli. Ein 155-mm-Geschütz wird von einem Leichter bei Sedd ul Bahr an Land gezogen. (2)Lord Kitchener in Gallipoli: At Sedd ul Bahr with the French commander-in-chief and the High commissioner for Egypt. Bei Sedd ul Bahr mit dem französischen Oberbefehlshaber und dem Höchstbevollmächtigten für Ägypten (92) [2 Abb.]: Die Vorbereitungen zum "Sieg" (1)Camels from Egypt on their way to the sands of Gallipoli. Ägyptische Kamele auf dem Wege nach Gallipolis Küsten (2)Men of the Australian Lighthorse who fought so gallantly on the Gallipoli peninsula. Leute der australischen leichten Reiterei. Selbst die "Anzacs" (Australian New Zeeland Army Corps) haben dem Ansturm der vom Gegner verachteten türkischen Truppen nicht widerstehen können. (93) [2 Abb.]: Wasserflugzeuge (1)The "Ark royal" - aeroplane ship - in the Dardanelles straits. Die "Ark Royal" - Flugzeugschiff - in den Meerengen der Dardanellen. In der Mitte auf Deck stehen 2 Krane zum Herablassen und Hinaufziehen der Wasserflugzeuge, von denen 2 auf dem Achterdeck stehen. (2)Hoisting a seaplane aboard. Anbordziehen eines Wasserflugzeuges. Der gepanzerte Eindecker, in dem der Beobachter sitzt, während der Führer das Hebeseil am Flugzeug angebracht hat, wird nach einem Fluge wieder an Board gezogen. Der stehende Pilot ist ein Franzose, sein Beobachter Engländer. (94) [4 Abb.]: Rettung eines Fliegers aus Seenot (1)Seaplane rescue: Floating half-sunk alongside the mother-ship. (2)Salvage work in full swing: The working-party stripping gear. (3)A stripped plane liftet from the water: Hoisting the frame aboard. Ein neben sein "Mutter"-Schiff geschlepptes Flugzeug wird abgetackelt, (2)Safely swung clear: Lowering on the mother-ship's deck. .hochgewunden und an Deck gebracht. (95) [4 Abb.]: Feindlicher Aufklärungsdienst (1)Kilid Bahr (Europe), ses forts et ses batteries avec leurs epaulements où l'on distingue nettement les canons. Die Forts und Batterien der europäischen Dardanellenfestung Kilid Bahr, deren Kanonen erkennbar sind. (2)L'embouchure du Mendéré et les forts du Koum Kaleh (Asie) à l'entrée des Dardanelles. Das türkische Dorf Kumkaleh auf der asiatischen Seite der Dardanelleneinfahrt. (3)Blick auf ein türkisches Kaukasusdorf aus einer russischen Flugmaschine. (4)Russische Flugzeugaufnahme eines türkischen Zeltlagers im Kaukasus. (96) [2 Abb.]: Sicherheitsdienst in den Lüften (1)View of a turkish town on the Dardanelles as seen from a french aeroplane. Blick aus einem französischen Doppeldecker auf eine Dardanellenstadt. (2)What an air-scout sees: A view taken from the basket of an observation ballon on a dull day. Die Landschaft unter einem Fesselballon, dessen 3 Kugeln zur Abgabe von Signalen dienen. (97) [2 Abb.]: Der "Glorreiche" Rückzug (1)The Allies' outpost-guard beyond the main defences of Salonika: Kitchen-huts in a French marsh-camp. Vorgeschobener Wachtposten der Verbündeten außerhalb der Hauptverteidigungswerke von Saloniki. Kochhütten eines französischen Sumpflagers. Eigentümlicherweise sprechen die Engländer hier von Verteidigung von Saloniki, von wo doch eigentlich der Angriff geführt werden sollte. (2)Destruction officers: Preparing to fire stores at Suvla. That evrething of use to the enemy might be burned: Placing hay (afterwards soaked with petrol) among the stores before the evacuation. Man bereitet die Vernichtung der Vorratslager vor, indem sie mit Stroh angefüllt werden, das vorher mit Petroleum durchtränkt wurde. (98) [2 Abb.]: Abschied von Gallipoli (1)Stores burning at five in the morning. The scene as viewed from a battle ship at Suvla. Anblick der brennenden Vorratslager morgens früh um 5 Uhr von einem Schlachtschiff bei Suvla aus. (2)Seen from H. M. S. "Cornwallis", the last ship to leave Suvla Bay. Stores and other material burning at the time of the evacuation. Brennende Material- und Munitionslager zur Zeit der Räumung von S. M. S. "Cornwallis" aus gesehen, die als letztes Schiff die Suvla-Bucht verließ. (99) [2 Abb.]: Bilder vom Balkan (1)The Nish banquet to the Kaiser. January 18 (1916). The menu-card, and the music-programm. Speisenfolge und Musikprogramm vom Kaiserbankett in Nish. Angeblich ist diese Aufnahme von einem englischen Spion gemacht worden, der als neutraler Berichterstatter dem Essen beigewohnt haben will. (2)Nos alpins qui arrivent des Vosges jouissent d'une matinée dominicale ensolleillée sous la colomnade d'un puits grec. Französische Alpenjäger, die aus den Vogesen gekommen sind, ruhen sich nach der Besetzung des Achilleions vor einem griechischen Brunnen aus. (100) [3 Abb.]: Der Feind im Achilleion (1)Le géant teuton élevé par Guillaume à la mémoire d'Achille. Die Achilles-Statue, die Kaiser Wilhelm aufstellen ließ, wird von den Franzosen als "teutonischer Riese" bezeichnet. Sollte wohl der auf dem Sockel stehende Alpenjäger seinen Landsleuten ein Bild des Größenverhältnisses der beiden Nationalkräfte geben?! (2), (3)A l'Achilleion. Les automobiles impériales encore dans leurs caisses. Elles ont été requisitionnées pour le service de l'ambulance franco-serbe et on n'attend pour s'en servir que les pneumatiques et les magnétos demnadés en France. Im Achilleion: Die "ritterliche" Nation vergreift sich im neutralen Gebiet am Privateigentum des Deutschen Kaisers. Die kaiserlichen Automobile werden für den französisch-serbischen Sanitätsdienst "entliehen". (101) [6 Abb.]: Die Seeschlacht beim Skagerrak. Ehrenschmisse nach dem Nordseesieg! Bilder von einem englischen Kriegsschiff, dem es gelang, aus der Schlacht zu entfliehen, zeigen dem englischen Leser die harmlosen Schrammen, die die deutsche Flotte der englischen kratzen konnte. Die Ehrlichkeit der englischen Berichterstattung muß es sich bedauerlicherweise versagen, Photographien von der auf dem Meeresgrund liegenden Flotte zu bringen. (102) [2 Abb.]: U-Boote bei der Arbeit. The enemy submarine approaching the danish steamer "Sulfoss". Zwei Bilder von den bekannten, sich immer wiederholenden Phasen der Untersuchung eines neutralen Handelsschiffes. Vor dem Dampfer "Sulfoß" aus Dänemark ist ein deutsches Unterseeboot aufgetaucht. (103) [3 Abb.]: Torpediert! Trois phases du torpillage du "Carthage" au large du cap Hellès, le 4 juillet 1915. Der Dampfer ist von einem Torpedo am Heck getroffen, so daß sich das Vorderteil allmählich aufrichtet, bis es senkrecht in die Tiefe schießt. Das das feindliche Handelsschiff zum Schutz begleitende Torpedoboot trägt die Trikolore. (104) [2 Abb.]: Mißbrauch des Roten Kreuzes auf See. The sinking of the "Anglia" on which the king was brought to England. Nachdem die "Anglia" als Hospitalschiff den englischen König nach seinem Unfall an der Front heimgebracht hatte, fuhr sie als Transportschiff unter der Roten-Kreuz-Flagge mit Mannschaften und Kriegsgerät beladen, nach Frankreich zurück. Hierbei ereilte sie ihr Schicksal. Das obere Bild zeigt uns, wie sie sich nach Steuerbord zu neigt, und unten versinkt die "Anglia", Heck aufwärts. Torpedo- und Rettungsboot eilen hilfebrindend herbei. (105) [Abb.]: Versenkung der "Majestic" The "Majestic" sinking, seen from the air. A novel disaster photographed for the first time an aeroplane in flight: The british battleship lying keel upwards jst before sinking after being torpedoed ba an enemy submarine. Von den vielen feindlichen Schlachtschiffen, die bei dem Dardanellenabenteuer verlorengingen, zeigen die Engländer (mit einigem sportlichen Stolz) die erste Photographie aus einem Flugzeug auf ein sinkendes Kriegsschiff. S. M. S. "Majestic" treibt kieloben, um kurz darauf zu verschwinden. (106) [Abb.]: Wirkung eines deutschen Torpedos. The shattering effect of a submarine's torpedo on a ship: A torpedoed cargo-Steamer in dock. Das hausgroße Loch in einem torpedierten Handelsdampfer zeigt die furchtbare Sprengkraft der von unsern U-Booten abgeschossenen Torpedos. (107) [2 Abb.]: Ein guter Treffer. As it must have been with the "Lusitania": The hole made in a ship by a German submarine's torpedo. Das obere Bild zeigt die Schußstelle am Bug, während unten die gegenüberliegende Seite Löcher von durchgedrungenen Geschoßteilen aufweist. (108) [5 Abb.]: Die Aufnahme eines Neutralen, der sich auf der "Appam" befand, als sie in deutsche Hände fiel, zeigen den Führer des Prisenkommandos von der "Möwe" und späteren Kapitän der "Appam", Leutnant Berg, einen Matrosen, das Schiff selbst, sowie Szenen vom Anlandgehen der Passagiere. Die Abbildung der Speisekarten soll zeigen, wie herrlich die Reisenden gelebt haben, als sie noch unter englischer Flagge fuhren, im Gegensatz zu der bescheidenen Speisenfolge, die der deutsche Kapitän einrichtete, um die Vorräte in Rücksicht auf den Zuwachs der Besatzung zu "strecken". (109) [3 Abb.]: Englische Verspottung deutscher Opferwilligkeit. Enemy war memorial- and Congo cases of nailing. Das angeblich für die europäische Kultur kämpfende England findet es geschmackvoll und nicht kulturwidrig, den Riesen-Hindenburg, das Symbol deutscher Opferwilligkeit, mit afrikanischen Fetischen auf gleiche Stufe zu stellen, während es elbst mit Wilden aller Zonen an der Front in einer Linie steht. (110) [Abb.]: Die Vergewaltigung der Neutralen. Scientific eyes for the officer examining cargoes for contraband in war-time. Not macht erfinderisch. In der Befürchtung, daß der Handels- und Aushungerungskrieg gegen uns ebenso vergeblich werden könnte wie die Anstrengungen Englands zu Wasser und zu Lande, werden die Ballen neutraler Handelsschiffe mit Hilfe einer Erfindung deutschen Geistes, der Röntgenstrahlen, auf Bannware untersucht. (111) [4 Abb.]: Leute ohne Vaterland. Leute mit deutschen Namen und neutralisierte Briten, die nach Kriegsausbruch ihre deutsche Abstammung verleugnen zu müssen glaubten und als äußeres Zeichen ihrer Gesinnung ihren Namen anglisierten. Man wird gut tun, sich diese Leute für die Zeit nach dem Kriege zu merken. Unten rechts der schamlose Brief eines gewissen Karl Meyer, der diese Gesinnung deutlich zum Ausdruck bringt. (112) Einband ([uncounted]) Einband ([uncounted])
DER WELTBRAND BAND 1 Der Weltbrand (-) Der Weltbrand Band 1 (1; 1915) ( - ) Einband ( - ) Titelseite ( - ) Impressum ( - ) [Abb.]: Deutschlands Oberster Kriegsherr: Kaiser Wilhelm II. in Felduniform. ( - ) Einleitung. "Es geht um Alles!" (1) [Abb.]: Kaiser Franz Joseph I. und Erzherzog Friedrich von Österreich, der Oberbefehlshaber der österr.-ungar. Armee. (1) [4 Abb.]: (1)Leopold Graf Berchtold, österr.-ungar. Minister des Äußeren. (2)K. Graf Stürgkh, österr. Ministerpräsident. (3)Freiherr Conrad v. Hötzendorf, österr.-ungar. Generalstabschef. (4)A. Ritter v. Krobatin, österr.-ungar. Kriegsminister. (3) [2 Abb.]: (1)das Attentat auf den Erzherzog-Thronfolger Franz Ferdinand von Österreich und seine Gemahlin in Sarajewo am 28. Juni 1914. (2)Blick auf Sarajewo, die Hauptstadt Bosniens, von Nordost. (4) [Abb.]: Zum Krieg zwischen Österreich-Ungarn und Serbien: Abfahrt einberufener österreichischer Reservisten von einem niederösterreichischen Bahnhof. (5) [4 Abb.]: (1)Zar Nikolaus II. (2)Kronprinz Alexander von Serbien, Oberbefehlshaber der serbischen Streitkräfte im Kampfe gegen Österreich-Ungarn. (3)Großfürst Nikolai Nikolajewitsch, der Generalissimus der russischen Armee. (4)Nikola Pasitsch, serbischer Ministerpräsident. (6) [3 Abb.]: (1)Serbische Infanterie. (2)Uniformtypen der österreichisch-ungarischen Armee: (3)Serbische Artillerie. (7) Die Vorgeschichte des Krieges. (8) [Abb.]: Franz Joseph I., Kaiser von Österreich, apostolischer König von Ungarn. ( - ) [Karte]: Karte vom Schauplatze des Krieges zwischen Österreich-Ungarn und Serbien. (9) [3 Abb.]: (1)Reichskanzler von Bethmann Hollweg. (2)Generalleutnant Erich von Falkenhayn, preußischer Kriegsminister. (3)Großadmiral von Tirpitz, Staatssekretär des deutschen Reichsmarineamtes (10) [2 Abb.]: (1)Heinrich, Prinz von Preußen. Großadmiral, Generalinspekteur der Marine (2)Die Mobilmachung an der deutschen Küste: Einbootung von Marinereservisten. (11) [Abb.]: Die offizielle Verkündung des Kriegszustandes auf der Straße Unter den Linden in Berlin durch einen Offizier am 31. Juli. (12) [Abb.]: Huldigung der Berliner Bevölkerung vor dem Kronprinzlichen Palais zu Berlin am Abend des 1. August. Kronprinz Wilhelm, mit seinem ältesten Sohn, dem Prinzen Wilhelm, auf dem Arme, dankt für die Ovation. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein Bauernhaus in Großgörschen. (Provinz Sachsen.) (2)Deutsche Soldaten auf dem Weg zur Grenze. (13) [Abb.]: Der Humor der ausziehenden deutschen Krieger. (14) [Abb.]: Abschied Kaiser Wilhelms II. vom Oberbürgermeister von Berlin, Exzellenz Wermuth, und vom Stadtverordnetenvorsteher Michelet vor dem Auszug ins Feld am 16. August. (15) [Abb.]: Abfangen zweier als Damen verkleideter russischer Spione durch österreichisch-ungarische Grenztruppen. (16) [Abb.]: Jubelnde Begrüßung einrückender Reservisten auf dem Potsdamer Platz in Berlin. (17) Die Mobilmachung in Deutschland und Österreich. Ausmarsch der Truppen. (17) [Abb.]: Torpedobootangriff. ([18 - 19]) [Abb.]: Bittgottesdienst am Fuße des Völkerschlachtendenkmals in Leipzig. (20) [Karte]: Karte vom österreichisch-russischen Kriegsschauplatz. ( - ) [Abb.]: Verpflegung durchfahrender Soldaten auf einem Leipziger Vorortbahnhof. (21) [2 Abb.]: (1)Patriotische Opferwilligkeit. (2)Vom Kriege zwischen Österreich-Ungarn und Serbien: Die Erstürmung der stark besetzten Uferhöhen der Drina nächst Loznica und Ljesnica durch das ungarisch-kroatische Warasdiner Infanterie-Regiment Nr. 16 am 14. August. (22) [Abb.]: Der Panzerkreuzer "Goeben" und der kleine Kreuzer "Breslau" gefechtsklar im Hafen von Messina, von wo den beiden Schiffen am 6. August der Durchbruch durch die ihnen auflauernden englische und französische Mittelmeerflotte gelang. (23) [3 Abb.]: (1)Georg V. König von Großbritannien und Irland. (2)Sir Edward Grey britischer Minister des Auswärtigen. (3)H . H. Asquith britischer Premierminister. (24) [Karte]: Karte vom deutsch-russischen Kriegsschauplatz. ( - ) [Abb.]: Vom deutsch-russischen Kriege: Drei deutsche Infanteristen, in einem Kartoffelacker in Deckung liegend, schlagen eine russische Kavallerie-Patrouille in die Flucht. (25) [Abb.]: Das Eingreifen des Militärluftschiffes "Z VI" in den Kampf um die belgische Festung Lüttich am 6. August 1914. (27) [2 Abb.]: (1)Typen vom belgischen Heer: Feldartillerie. Infanterie (Feldanzug). Regiment Chasseurs. Grenadier-Rgt. (Tamboux). Regiment des Guildes (Trompeter) Lancier-Rgt. Genietruppe (mineux). Carabiner-Rgt. Train-Rgt. (Feldanzug). Im Hintergrund: Reitende Artillerie (Offiziere). General (kleiner Anzug). Jäger zu Pferde (Offizier), 2. Lancier-Regt. (Offizier, Feldanzug). (2)Zur Wirkung des deutschen 42 cm-Belagerungsmörsers: Bild aus dem Panzerfort Loucin der Festung Lüttich. (28) [Abb.]: Die deutsche Felduniform ( - ) Vom Ausbruch des Krieges bis zur englischen Kriegserklärung. (29) [Abb.]: Zu dem Kampf bei Lagarde in Lothringen am 11. August: Die Eroberung der ersten französischen Fahne. (29) [Abb.]: Vom belgischen Kriegsschauplatz: Franktireurüberfall. (31) [Abb.]: Wachen zur Beobachtungen feindlicher Flieger auf den Höhen des Schwarzwaldes. (32) Deutsche Schiffe in der Nordsee - Der Fall von Lüttich. - Belgische Greuel. - Gefechte an der Ostgrenze. - Die Franzosen im Elsaß. - Mühlhausen und Lagarde. (32) [Abb.]: Nachtgefecht in Mühlhausen. ( - ) [Abb.]: Eine Dorfstraße in Lagarde. (33) [Abb.]: Offiziersgräber in Lagarde. (34) [Abb.]: Französische Truppen in den Vogesen. (35) [7 Abb.]: Deutsche Heerführer vom westlichen Kriegsschauplatz. (1)Herzog Albrecht von Württemberg. (2)Kronprinz Rupprecht von Bayern. (3)Generaloberst v. Bülow. (4)Der Deutsche Kronprinz Wilhelm. (5)Generaloberst v. Heeringen. (6)Generaloberst v. Kluck. (7)Generaloberst Frhr. v. Hausen. (37) Östliche Grenzkämpfe. - Haltung der Polen. - Proklamation des Zaren an die Polen und Juden. - Der Pöbel in Petersburg demoliert das deutsche Botschaftsgebäude. - Note der Deutschen an die Belgische und Französische Regierung. (38) [3 Abb.]: (1)General der Infanterie v. Emmich, der den Sturm auf Lüttich befehligte. (2)Generalfeldmarschall Colmar Frhr. v. d. Goltz, der zum Generalgouverneur von Belgien ernannt wurde. (3)Vom westlichen Kriegsschauplatz: Eine Batterie der Fußartillerie im Gefecht. (39) [Abb.]: Eine Szene aus der Schlacht bei Longwy am 22. August, in der die Armee des Deutschen Kronprinzen den Feind in die Flucht schlug. (40) [3 Abb.]: (1)Raymond Poincaré, Präsident der französischen Republik. (2)General Pau, bekannter französischer Heerführer. (3)Marschall Joffre, Generalissimus der französischen Armee. (41) Aufruf des Landsturms. - Der Kaiser zieht ins Feld. - Gefechte im Westen. - Friedensangebot an die Belgier. - Besetzung von Brüssel. - Schlachten bei Metz, bei Longway, am Semois. - Kapitulation von Namur und Longwy. - Die Deutschen rücken überall siegreich vor. - Schlacht bei St. Quentin. - Folgen der deutschen Siege. (43) [2 Abb.]: (1)Zu den Ausschreitungen der Volksmenge gegen die deutsche Botschaft in St. Petersburg: Die Fassade des von Peter Behrens erbauten Gebäudes mit den Giebelfiguren von Eberhard Encke. (2)Von den Verwüstungen und Zerstörungen im Dienstgebäude der Reichsbankstelle in Saarburg i. Lothr. durch französisches Militär in den Tagen des 18. bis 20. August: Die Wohnung des Kassendieners. (43) [2 Abb.]: (1)Vom westlichen Kriegsschauplatz: Rast. (2)Von den Kämpfen in Lothringen: Deutsche Dragoner in der Stadt Dieuze. (44) [Karte]: Karte vom deutsch-französisch-belgischen Kriegsschauplatz. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Albert, König der Belgier. (2)Deutsche Truppen auf der Grande Place in Brüssel. (45) [Abb.]: In Brand gestecktes Frankireurdorf bei Luneville (47) [Abb.]: Die Begeisterung in München über den Sieg des Kronprinzen Rupprecht von Bayern in der Schlacht bei Metz. (48) [2 Abb.]: (1)Zur völkerrechtswidrigen Kriegsführung Frankreichs und Englands: Die Dum-Dum-Geschosse. (2)Hinter dem Schlachtfeld: Die Tätigkeit des Sanitätskorps während einer Schlacht. (49) Japans Ultimatum. - Der Krieg mit England zur See und über See. (50) [3 Abb.]: (1)Carl Kitchener, der englische Kriegsminister. (2)Transport verwundeter deutscher Soldaten, die an den Kämpfen bei Nancy teilgenommen haben, auf der Landstraße bei Dieuze im Regenwetter. (3)Generalfeldmarschall Sir John French, Oberbefehlshaber der englischen Expeditionstruppen. (51) [Abb.]: Zu dem Siege der Armee des Generalobersten v. Kluck über die Engländer in der Schlacht bei St. Quentin am 28. August: Die Eroberung englischer Geschütze durch die stürmenden deutschen Truppen. ([52 - 53]) [2 Abb.]: (1)Schützengräben vor der Ortschaft Champien bei Roye mit Leichen deutscher und französischer Soldaten. Das Kreuz steht auf einem bereits geschlossenem Grabe. (2)Die Hauptwache im Laubengang des alten gotischen Rathauses in St. Quentin. (55) [2 Abb.]: (1)Im Geschäftszimmer des Generalstabes des 19. Armeekorps. (2)Typen aus dem Gefangenenlager in Königsbrück bei Dresden: Gefangene verwundete Franzosen werden verbunden. (56) [Abb.]: Uniformen österreichisch-ungarischer Truppen. ([57]) Die Russen in Ostpreußen. - Große Siege Hindenburgs. (59) [Abb.]: Generaloberst von Hindenburg. (59) [Abb.]: Die Erstürmung der serbischen Stellung auf Höhe 954 bei Visegrad durch das deutsche Skutari-Detachement im Verein mit den österreichisch-ungarischen Truppen am 20. August. (60) [Abb.]: Eine heldenhafte Tat der österreichisch-ungarischen Marine: Der kleine Kreuzer "Zenta" im Kampf mit der gesamten französischen Mittelmeerflotte am 16. August. (Links von dem Kreuzer der österreichisch-ungarische Torpedobootszerstörer "Ulan".) (61) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein von den Russen in Ostpreußen zerstörter Kolonialwarenladen. (2)Blick vom Kirchturm in Gerdauen auf die zerstörte Stadt. (62) [Abb.]: Die Vernichtung der russischen Narew-Armeen in der Schlacht bei Tannenberg in Ostpreußen vom 26. bis zum 28. August: Die Flucht der Russen über eine nachts von ihnen geschlagene Notbrücke. (63) [2 Abb.]: (1)Bei den Kämpfen in Ostpreußen gefangenen Russen auf der Fahrt durch Hohensalza. (2)Ostpreußische Landsturmleute beim Sortieren von eroberten russischen Munitions- und Uniformstücken in Hohenstein. (64) [Abb.]: Ostpreußische Flüchtlinge bei ihrer Ankunft in Elbing. (65) [2 Abb.]: (1)General der Kavallerie von Rennenkampf x im Kreise seines Stabes in Insterburg. (2)Teilansicht der Stadt Lublin in Russisch-Polen. (66) [2 Abb.]: (1)Vom Kriegsschauplatz in Russisch-Polen: Lagerleben österreichisch-ungarischer Truppen in Feindesland. (2)Österreichisch-ungarische Truppen in den Schützengräben vor Lublin während einer zum Schlafen benutzten Feuerpause. (67) [Abb.]: Plündernde Kosaken werden in einem ungarischen Karpathendorfe von ungarischer Landwehr (Honvéd) überrascht und in die Flucht geschlagen. ([68 - 69]) [2 Abb.]: (1)Blick auf Lemberg, die Hauptstadt Galiziens. (2)Der ungarische Ministerpräsident Graf Stefan Tisza (70) [Abb.]: Straßenkampf der österreichisch-ungarischen Truppen mit den Einwohnern einer erstürmten serbischen Ortschaft. (71) Die galizischen Kämpfe. - Grenzgefechte gegen die Serben. (72) [Abb.]: Die in den Schlachten bei Krasnik und Komarow von den österreichisch-ungarischen Truppen erbeuteten russischen Geschütze vor dem Arsenal in Wien. (72) [Abb.]: Episode von der Erstürmung der serbischen Stadt Schabatz durch die österreichisch-ungarischen Truppen am 14. August. (73) [Abb.]: Eine österreichisch-ungarische Schleichpatrouille überrascht im Gebiet von Lublin eine Abteilung Russen, die zu Gefangenen gemacht werden. (75) [2 Abb.]: (1)Gefangengenommene Russen bei Neidenburg. (2)Ein Gruß in die Heimat. (76) [Abb.]: Vernichtung der serbischen Timokdivision durch österreichisch-ungarische Truppen. Im Vordergrunde Munitionswagen der zusammengeschossenen serbischen Batterien, rückwärts Sturm österreichisch-ungarischer Truppen auf die Komitatschis und serbische Infanterie am 6. September. ( - ) [3 Abb.]: (1)Typen des französischen Heeres. (2)Typen des russischen Heeres. (3)Typen des englischen Heeres. ([77]) [2 Abb.]: (1)General der Infanterie Moritz v. Auffenberg. (2)General der Kavallerie Victor Dankl. (78) Das deutsche Heer in Frankreich und Belgien während des zweiten Kriegsmonats. (78) [Abb.]: General Samsonow, der russische Oberkommandierende, der in der Schlacht bei Tannenberg fiel. (78) [2 Abb.]: Die österreichischen Motorbatterien, 30,5 cm-Geschütze, die uns ausgezeichnete Dienste leisteten. (79) [Abb.]: Die Liebestätigkeit des Roten Kreuzes: Verbinden und Verpflegen von Verwundeten nach Eintreffen des Eisenbahnzuges auf einem Bahnhof. (80) [2 Abb.]: (1)Vernehmung eines gefangenen französischen Husaren in Chateau-Salins. (2)Aufnahme der Verlustliste. (81) [Abb.]: Ein Feldpostamt des Gardekorps in Nordfrankreich. (83) [Abb.]: Aus den Oktoberkämpfen auf dem westlichen Kriegsschauplatz: Erstürmung eines von Zuaven und Turkos besetzten Hohlweges an der sogenannten Telegraphenhöhe durch zwei bayerische Reserveregimenter. (85) [Abb.]: Blick auf die französische Grenzfestung Belfort. (86) [Karte]: Zu den Kämpfen in den Vogesen und im Sundgau: Vogelschaukarte des Vogesengebietes. (87) [Abb.]: Vom westlichen Kriegsschauplatz: Deutsche Patrouillenfahrt im Automobil durch ein von Franzosen besetztes Dorf. ([88 - 89]) [5 Abb.]: (1)Generalleutnant v. Stein, Führer eines Reservearmeekorps, der ursprüngliche Generalquartiermeister. (2)Prinz Friedrich von Sachsen-Meiningen †. (3)General v. Einem, Führer einer Armee im Westen. (4)Friedrich Wilhelm, Prinz zur Lippe †. (5)Prinz Ernst von Sachsen-Meiningen †. (90) [Abb.]: Die erbitterten Kämpfe im Argonner Wald. (91) [2 Abb.]: (1)Morgenmärsche. (2)Eine Fuhrparkkolonne. (92) Der Lügenkrieg gegen Deutschland und Österreich-Ungarn und seine Abwehr. (93) [2 Abb.]: (1)Lagerleben. (2)Zur Mittagszeit. (93) [Abb.]:Im Schützengraben während eines Nachtgefechtes an der Aisne. (95) [Abb.]: Vor dem Stadthaus in Antwerpen nach der Besetzung der Stadt durch die deutschen Truppen. (97) [Abb.]: Genereal der Infanterie v. Beseler, der Eroberer des "uneinnehmbaren" Antwerpen. (98) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein mit Maschinengewehr ausgerüstetes deutsches Motorboot kurz vor der Abfahrt zum Aufklärungsdienst im Englischen Kanal. (2)Nach der Eroberung Antwerpens: Das zerstörte Außenfort Ertbrand. Das Geschütz links wurde durch den Luftdruck eines 42-cm-Geschosses über den Festungsgraben vor den Eingang des Forts geschleudert. (99) [Abb.]: Blick auf Antwerpen mit der Kathedrale von der Reede aus. (100) [Karte]: Karte der Festung Antwerpen und ihres doppelten Fortsgürtels. (100) [8 Abb.]: Ansichten aus Belgien. (1)1. Blick auf die Stadt Lüttich. (2)2. Blick auf die Stadt Dinant mit der Zitadelle. (3)3. Gesprengte Brücke bei Andenne. (4)4. Namur mit zerstörter Brücke. (5)5. Das Rathaus in Löwen. (6)6. Das größte Kirchenfenster Europas, das sich in der Kathedrale zu Dinant befindet und unversehrt blieb. (7)7. Die Grande Place in Brüssel, links das Königshaus. (8)8. Der Marktplatz in Mecheln mit Lager von Seesoldaten. (101) Der Seekrieg mit England. (102) [Abb.]: Die Besatzung des deutschen Unterseebootes "U 9". X Kapitänleutnant Weddigen. (102) [Abb.]: Die Vernichtung der drei Panzerkreuzer "Aboukir", "Hogue" und Cressy" durch das deutsche Unterseeboot "U 9" unter dem Kommando des Kapitänleutnants Otto Weddigen am Morgen des 22. September 20 Seemeilen nordwestlich von Hoek van Holland. (103) [Abb.]: Fregattenkapitän Karl v. Müller, der ruhmgekrönte Kapitän des kleinen Kreuzers "Emden". (104) [Abb.]: Die Rückkehr des sieggekrönten Unterseebootes "U 9" nach Wilhelmshaven am 23. September: Jubelnde Begrüßung des Unterseebootes und seiner heldenmütigen Besatzung durch die Mannschaften der Kriegsschiffe. (105) [Abb.]: Vom westlichen Kriegsschauplatz: Das Gefecht an einem Eisenbahndamm bei Chaulnes am 23. Oktober. (106) [2 Abb.]: (1)Feldbäckerei. (2)Ein improvisierter Pferdestall. (107) [Abb.]: Deutsche Brückenwache an der Maas. ([108 - 109]) Eroberung Belgiens. Antwerpens Fall. (110) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die Kiautschoe-Bucht. (2)Kapitän zur See Meyer-Waldeck, Gouverneur des deutschen Schutzgebietes Kiautschou, der heldenmütige Verteidiger von Tsingtau. (111) [2 Karten]: (1)Das deutsche Schutzgebiet Kiautschou aus der Vogelschau. (2)Tsingtau (111) [2 Abb.]: (1)Feldmarschalleutnant v. Kusmanek, der tapfere Kommandant der Festung Przemysl. (2)Mörderischer Kampf in einem Graben der Festung Przemysl. (112) [Abb.]: General d. Infanterie Svetozar Boroevic v. Bojna, der erfolgreiche Führer der bei Przemysl gegen die Russen kämpfenden österreichisch-ungarischen Armee. (113) Die Kämpfe Österreich-Ungarns im Oktober. (113) [2 Abb.]: (1)Feldzeugmeister Potiorek, der Führer der österreichisch-ungar. Armee gegen Serbien. (2)Das Gebetbuch als Lebensretter: Die durchgeschlagenen Seiten des Gebetbuches mit der steckengebliebenen Schrapnellkugel. (114) [Abb.]: Die Niederlage der aus Galizien über die Karpathenpässe in Ungarn eingefallenen Russen bei Maramaros-Sziget. Im Vordergrunde polnische Legionäre, die mit dem ungarischen Landsturm an Tapferkeit wettstreiten. (115) [Abb.]: Vormarsch bosnisch-herzegowinischer Infanterie sowie einer Maschinengewehrabteilung im Gebiete des oberen Drina während der Kämpfe im östlichen Bosnien gegen die Serben und Montenegriner. ( - ) [Abb.]: Verhör russischer Spione an der deutschen Ostgrenze. (117) [Abb.]: Vom westlichen Kriegsschauplatz: Eine Episode aus der Schlacht bei Noyon in Nordfrankreich am 16. und 17. September; der erfolgreiche Angriff hanseatischer Reserveregimenter bei Chiry und Ribécourt. ([118 - 119]) [Abb.]: Die Säuberung eines Karpathenpasses von den aus Galizien eingedrungenen Russen durch österreichisch-ungarische Truppen. (121) [Abb.]: "Zierden" der russischen Armee: Kalmücken, die nach Aussagen sowohl der Russen als auch unserer Ostpreußen die schlimmsten Mordbrenner unter den Kosaken sind. (122) Deutsch-russische Kämpfe bis Ende Oktober. (122) [Abb.]: In Galizien gefangengenommene Russen. (122) [Abb.]: Trag- und fahrbare Feldküchen der russischen Armee, wie sie vielfach von unseren Truppen in Ostpreußen erbeutet wurden. (123) [2 Abb.]: (1)Serbische Komitatschis, die in Kreka bei Tuzla gefangen genommen wurden. (2)Belgrad von der Donauseite. (125) Die neutralen Mächte. - Die Kämpfe auf dem Balkan. - Der Eintritt der Türkei in den Weltkrieg. (126) [Abb.]: Von den österreichisch-ungarischen Truppen eroberte serbische Geschütze. (126) [Karte]: Karte des türkisch-ägyptischen Grenzgebietes. (127) [Abb.]: Ein Besuch des Kaisers Franz Joseph von Österreich in einem Verwundetenspital zu Wien. ([128 - 129]) [4 Abb.]: (1)Sultan Muhammed V. Kaiser der Osmanen seit dem 27. April 1909. (2)Abbas II. Khedive (Vizekönig) von Ägypten (x). (3)Generalleutnant Liman v. Sanders, Chef der deutschen Militärmission für die Türkei. (4)General Enver-Pascha, Generalissimus der türkischen Streitkräfte und Kriegsminister. (131) [Karte]: Die Dardanellenstraße und ihre Umgebung aus der Vogelschau. (132) [2 Abb.]: (1)Türkische Kavallerie. (2)Persische Offiziere. (133) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der Bosporus. (2)Zur Erklärung des heiligen Krieges in Konstantinopel am 14. November: Die Kundgebung des türkischen Volkes vor dem ottomanischen Kriegsministerium. (134) [Abb.]: Kampf der türkischer Dardanellenforts gegen die vereinigte englische und französische Flotte. (135) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der Suezkanal in der Nähe von Ismailia, der in der Mitte des Kanals gelegenen ägyptischen Stadt. (2)Der Suezkanal bei Port Said (Hafen und Leuchtturm). (136) [2 Abb.]: (1)Beduinen. (2)Eine Gruppe Kaschkai-Nomaden. Dieser Volksstamm gilt in Persien als besonders kriegstüchtig. (137) [Abb.]: Vom westlichen Kriegsschauplatz: Das siegreiche Vorgehen von Truppen der I. Armee bei Nampcel südlich von Noyon während der Oktoberkämpfe. ([138 - 139]) Die deutschen Veröffentlichungen über die Vorgeschichte des Krieges. (140) [2 Abb.]: (1)Flüchtlinge vor dem Kloster Dinant. (2)Das Rathaus in St. Quentin. (141) [2 Abb.]: (1)Das Rathaus in Lille, von deutschen Granaten getroffen. (2)Rasttag in Sillery in Frankreich. (142) [3 Abb.]: (1)Ein Unterstand bei Moronvillers. (2)Schottischer Dudelsackbläser. (3)Schottische Soldaten. (143) [Abb.]: Feuerüberfall auf eine in die Infanterielinie vorgeschobene Feldartillerie-Beobachtungsstelle in der Gegend von Antilly bei Betz (Departement Oise). (145) [Abb.]: Die Post passiert die Vorposten. (146) [Abb.]: Deutsche Minenwerfer zerstören französische Schützengräben als Vorbereitung eines Sturmangriffs. (147) [Abb.]: Im Überschwemmungsgebiet bei Dixmuiden. ([148 - 149]) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein Rasttag in Sillery in Frankreich. (2)Apell der Etappentruppen - in der Mitte Landsturmbataillon I München - auf dem Marktplatz in Cambrai. (150) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein Kampf in den Lüften: Angriff eines von zwei Offizieren der Fliegerabteilung 30 des II. Armeekorps geführten Doppeldeckers auf einen der Beobachtung der Artilleriewirkung dienenden französischen Fesselballon. (2)Auch eine Ballonabwehrkanone. (151) Die Ereignisse im Westen bis Ende November. (152) [Abb.]: Ein englischer Schützengraben mit Leichen vor dem Ennetières westlich von Lille am Tage nach der Erstürmung. Im Hintergrund ein zerschossenes Fabriksgebäude. (153) [Abb.]: Phantastische Brandruinen in Lille. (154) [Abb.]: Die Flucht der französischen Besatzung und der Einwohner von Lille aus dem brennenden Stadtviertel bei der Porte de Douai kurz vor der Übergabe der Stadt. (155) [Abb.]: Der Sturm des Königlich Sächsischen 15. Infanterie-Regiments Nr. 181 auf die Porte de Douai in Lille am 12. Oktober 1914. ( - ) [Abb.]: Der Kaiser während des Besuchs in einer Artilleriestellung auf dem westlichen Kriegsschauplatz. (157) [4 Abb.]: (1)An den Kämpfen in Frankreich teilnehmende indische Sikhs. (2), (3)Die Bilder zeigen zwei verwundete französische Kriegsgefangene, die im Kriegslazarett I in Brüssel photographiert worden sind. Der aus Guinea (Afrika) stammende Gefangene auf dem Bilde links hat laut vorliegender amtlicher Meldung bei seiner Vernehmung durch einen Feldkriegsgerichtsrat erklärt, daß es in seinem Heimatsdorf Menschenfresser gäbe. Er bestreitet allerdings - vielleicht aus naheliegenden Gründen - selbst jemals Menschenfleisch gegessen zu haben. Der Gefangene auf dem Bilde rechts stammt aus Senegal. (4)Typen aus dem Zossener Gefangenenlager. (159) [2 Abb.]: (1)Nieuport, die Hafenstraße. (2)Ypern mit der Haupstraße. (160) [Abb.]: Ein Artilleriebeobachtungsstand vor Ypern. Mittels des Scherenfernglases beobachten die Offiziere das Einschlagen der im Hintergrund feuerenden Geschütze und geben durch Telephon entsprechende Befehle an die Batterie. (161) [3 Abb.]: (1)Verwundete Franzosen in Mariembourg in Belgien. (2)Die Apothekenwagen. (3)Gefangenenlager in Mariembourg in Belgien. (162) [Abb.]: Eine Episode aus den Kämpfen an der Marne; die Heldentat eines todesmutigen deutschen Pionieroffiziers, der bei der Kontrolle der Minenlegung auf einer Marnebrücke von heranschleichenden Zuaven überrascht wurde und den Befehl zur Brückensprengung gab. Hierbei flog er selbst mit den Feinden in die Luft. (163) Der Krieg zur See bis Ende November. (163) [3 Abb.]: Drei Skizzen vom westlichen Kriegsschauplatz von dem im Felde weilenden Mitarbeiter der "Illustrirten Zeitung" O. J. Olbertz. (164) [Abb.]: Die Erstürmung einer englischen Batterie bei Ypern. (165) [Abb.]: Das gute Einvernehmen zwischen den deutschen Besatzungstruppen in Belgien und der einheimischen Bevölkerung: Deutsche Matrosen während des Aufenthaltes in einem Küstenort an der belgisch-holländischen Grenze. (166) [3 Abb.]: (1)General der Infanterie Freiherr v. Scheffer-Boyadel. (2)General der Infanterie v. Woyrsch. (3)Generalleutnant v. Litzmann. (167) [Abb.]: Die Vernichtung des englischen Südamerika-Geschwaders bei der Insel Santa Maria auf der Höhe von Coronel an der chilenischen Küste durch das unter dem Kommando des Vizeadmirals Grafen v. Spee stehende deutsche Kreuzergeschwader am 1. November. ([168 - 169]) [Abb.]: Ein schwerer Verlust der englischen Marine: Der Untergang des Großkampfschiffes "Audacious" an der irischen Küste. (171) [3 Abb.]: (1)Generaloberst v. Mackensen. (2)Generalleutnant v. Morgen. (3)Generalfeldmarschall v. Hindenburg mit seinem Stabe. Links von Generalfeldmarschall v. Hindenburg sein Generalstabschef Generalleutnant Ludendorff, rechts der erste Gehilfe des Generalstabschef Oberleutnant Hoffmann. (173) [2 Abb.]: (1)Eine Schlafstelle der Kraftwagenoffiziere des Generalkommandos des XIX. Armeekorps. (2)Die Uhr als Lebensretter. (174) [Karte]: Karte von Russisch-Polen. (175) Deutsche Kämpfe im Osten. (176) Die Ereignisse auf dem östlichen Kriegsschauplatz seit Mitte September. (176) [Abb.]: Von den entscheideneden Kämpfen in Nordpolen, die zum Zusammenbruch der russischen Offensive gegen Schlesien und Polen und zum Rückzug der russischen Hauptkräfte nach der Weichsel führten: Der heldenmütige Nachtangriff westpreußischer und hesischer Regimenter auf eine beherrschende russische Stellung unter heftigem feindlichen Artilleriefeuer in der Nacht vom 16. zum 17. Dezember. (177) [Abb.]: Mit Maschinengewehren augerüstete Motorboote des Freiwilligen Motorbootkorps auf der Weichsel bei Wlozlawek während der Beschießung eines russischen Fliegers, der zur Landung gezwungen wird. (179) [Abb.]: Die Piotrkowskaja (Hauptstraße) in Lodz nach der Besetzung der Stadt durch die deutschen Truppen am 6. Dezember. (180) [2 Abb.]: (1)Erzherzog-Thronfolger Karl Franz Joseph von Österreich im Hauptquartier des österreichisch-ungarischen Heeres. (2)Dekorierung österreichisch-ungarischer Soldaten mit der Tapferkeitsmedaille durch Erzherzog Peter Ferdinand von Österreich. (181) [Abb.]: Eine interssante photographische Aufnahme: Das Einschlagen und Krepieren einer 30,5-cm-Granate. (182) [Abb.]: Eine ruhmvolle Waffentat der österreichisch-ungarischen Truppen in Russisch-Polen: Die Erstürmung von Petrikau durch das k. und k. Infanterieregiment Wilhelm I. Deutscher Kaiser und König von Preußen Nr. 34 am 16. Dezember 1915. (183) Die Kämpfe der Österreicher und Ungarn mit den Russen und Serben bis Ende des Jahres 1914. (184) [Karte]: Zu den Kämpfen in Galizien und in der Bukowina: Reliefkarte des heißumstrittenen Karpathengebietes. (185) [Abb.]: Eine österreichisch-ungarische Verwundeten-Transportkolonne. (186) [Abb.]: Ein während des Marsches an den Nordhängen des Duklapasses von Tscherkessen und Kosaken überfallener österreichisch-ungarischer Train wird durch eine Abteilung ungarischer Husaren wieder befreit. (187) [Abb.]: Der erbitterte Nahkampf der ungarischen Nádasdy-Husaren mit den Russen im Birkenwalde bei Limanowa, durch den die Schlacht vom 10. bis zum 12. Dezember zugunsten der österreichisch-ungarischen Waffen entschieden wurde. (189) Der Islam im Weltkrieg bis Ende 1914. (190) [2 Abb.]: (1)Gräber der bei Limanowa Gefallenen . (2)Die deutsch-österreichisch-ungarische Waffenbrüderschaft. (190) [2 Abb.]: (1)Vom galizischen Kriegsschauplatz: Im Schützengraben bei Trabki: "Freund oder Fein?" (2)Grundlos (Schwere Haubitzen). (191) [Abb.]: Ein Überfall auf eine Kalmücken-Kavalleriepatrouille, die zum Zweck der Aufklärung die Karpathenhänge nördlich von Mezö-Laborcz durchstreifte, durch eine ungarische Landsturmabteilung. ([192 - 193]) [2 Abb.]: (1)Hussein Kiamil, der von England mit dem Titel eines Sultans eingesetzte Gegenkhedive von Ägypten, ein Onkel des rechtmäßigen Khediven Abbas II. Hilmi. (2)Die Türkei im Kriege: Eine deutschfreundliche Kundgebung der türkischen Bevölkerung von Jaffa in Palästina vor dem Gebäude der Deutschen Palästinabank. Die Menge trägt schwarz-weiß-rote Fahnen. (195) Ereignisse in den überseeischen Ländern während des November und Dezember. - Der Krieg zur See im Dezember 1914. (196) [Abb.]: Mittagsrast türkischer Truppen beim Bahnhof von Jerusalem. (196) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die Ausbildung türkischer Reservetruppen in Gallipoli: Türkische Infanterie beim Vorgehen zur Schützenlinie. (2)Zu der ruhmreichen Tätigkeit der türkischen Flotte im Schwarzen Meer: Konteradmiral Souchon mit seinem Stabe. Von links nach rechts: Türkischer Chef des Admiralstabes Fregattenkapitän Enver-Bei (nicht zu verwechseln mit dem gleichnamigen türkischen Kriegsminister), I. Admiralstabsoffizier Korvettenkapitän Busse, Konteradmiral Souchon, II. Admiralstabsoffizier Korvettenkapitän Büchsel, Flaggleutnant Oberleutnant z. S. Wichelhausen, türkischer Flaggleutnant Oberleutnant z. S. Hakki. (197) [Abb.]: Beduinenattacke gegen englische Truppen in der Nähe des Suezkanals. (198) [Abb.]: Abmarsch türkischer Truppen zur Front vom Davidstor in Jerusalem auf dem Weg nach Bethlehem. (199) [Abb.]: Heimatlieder. ( - ) [Abb.]: Zu dem Vorstoß von Teilen der deutschen Hochseestreitkräfte nach der englischen Ostküste: Die Beschießung befestigter Küstenplätze am Morgen des 16. Dezember. (201) [Abb.]: Vizeadmiral Graf von Spee. (202) [Abb.]: Ein Stellungswechsel der deutschen Truppen im Überschwemmungsgebiet. (203) [Abb.]: Der Hafen von Nieuport. (204) [Abb.]: Lombartzyde mit der Yser. (205) Der Krieg im Westen vom 1. Dezember 1914 bis Ende Februar 1915. (205) [2 Abb.]: (1)Schützenlinie. (2)Zu den Kämpfen bei Soissons: Eine Maschinengewehrabteilung in Deckung gegen Artilleriefeuer in Erwartung des Befehls zum Vorgehen. (207) [Abb.]: Am Ufer der Aisne. (208) [4 Abb.]: (1)General der Infanterie v. Lochow. (2)General v. Mudra. (3)Generalleutnant Wichura. (4)Generalleutnant Wild v. Hohenborn, der neuernannte preußische Kriegsminister, der seit 27. November 1914 Generalquartiermeister war. (209) [Abb.]: Das Gefechtsfeld südwestlich La Bassée am Abend des 7. Februar 1915. (210) [Abb.]: Aus den Kämpfen bei Soissons: Die Deutschen gehen aus den Schützengräben zum Sturm vor. (211) [2 Abb.]: Bilder vom westlichen Kriegsschauplatz: ( - ) Der Krieg zur See und in der Luft vom 1. Januar bis 18. Februar 1915. (213) [3 Abb.]: (1)General der Infanterie d'Elsa. (2)General v. Gersdorff. (3)General von der Planitz. (213) [Abb.]: Die sich täglich noch immer mehrenden Säcke der Feldpost in einem Städtchen an der Aisne. (214) [Abb.]: Vom westlichen Kriegsschauplatz: Nach der Schlacht. (215) [Karte]: Übersichtskarte zu den Kämpfen im Oberelsaß. (217) [Abb.]: Eine deutsche Skiläuferpatrouille in den Vogesen. (218) [2 Abb.]: (1)Aus den Kämpfen um die Höhe 425 bei Sennheim. (2)Eine von den Franzosen zum Schutz gegen das Vordringen der Deutschen auf einer Waldstraße in den Vogesen errichtete Barrikade. (219) [Abb.]: Admiral v. Pohl, Chef des Admiralstabes der Marine. (220) [Karte]: Karte vom westlichen Kriegsschauplatz. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Abwehr eines englischen Fliegerangriffs durch die Besatzung eines deutschen Unterseebootes. (2)Getauchtes Unterseeboot in englischen Gewässern. (221) [Abb.]: Ein deutsches Unterseeboot kapert einen englischen Handelsdampfer, um ihn zu versenken. (223) Die Kämpfe des deutschen Ostheeres im Januar und Februar. (224) [Abb.]: Von der Rekrutierung in Rußland: Das letzte Aufgebot. (225) [4 Abb.]: (1)General der Infanterie v. Below. (2)Generaloberst v. Eichhorn. (3)Generalleutnant v. Kosch. (4)Generalleut. Freih. v. Freytag-Loringhoven, der neuernannte Generalquartiermeister. (227) [Abb.]: Am Grabe des Kameraden. (228) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein Zeugnis russischer "Kultur" in Ostpreußen: Die von den Russen vor ihrem Rückzug zerstörte Bank in Pillkallen. Im Hintergrunde der gesprengte Kassenschrank. (2)Ein nicht abzuleugnendes Beweisstück der russischen Plünderungssucht: Blick in den Güterwagen eines erbeuteten "Raub"-Zuges mit von Russen gestohlenen Gegenständen aus ostpreußischen Städten und Ortschaften. (229) [Abb.]: Brückenbau über die Weichsel durch deutsche Pioniere. (230) [Abb.]: deutscher Sturmangriff in Russisch-Polen. (231) [Abb.]: Nach der Winterschlacht in Masuren: Verfolgung der geschlagenen Russen. (232) [Karte]: Übersichtskarte über das Gebiet der neuntägigen Schlacht in Masuren, in der die russische X. Armee in harten Kämpfen vom 7. bis zum 15. Februar über die Grenze geworfen und schließlich in nahezu völliger Einkreisung vernichtend geschlagen wurde. (233) [Abb.]: In einem Unterstand an der Rawka, wo die Russen starke Verteidigungsstellungen zum Schutze Warschaus eingenommen haben. (235) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein Bismarck-Denkmal in Russisch-Polen: Das am 1. April, dem hundertsten Geburtstag des Altreichskanzlers, in Swienta Anna bei Koniecpol im Kreise Kalisch enthüllte Bismarck-Denkmal mit den Offizieren, die der Einweihung beiwohnen. (2)Eine deutsche Feldbäckerei in Pillkallen vor dem Ausmarsch nach Rußland. (236) [Abb.]: Hinter der Front auf dem östlichen Kriegsschauplatz: Löhnungsappell. (237) Wirkung des Krieges auf das wirtschaftliche Leben der Völker bis Frühlingsanfang 1915. (238) [Abb.]: Der Kaiser unter seinen siegreichen Truppen auf dem Marktplatz in Lyck am 14. Februar nach der Vertreibung der Russen aus ihren um die Stadt angelegten Stellungen. (239) [Abb.]: In der zerstörten Stadt Lyck, deren Einwohner durch die siegreichen deutschen Truppen am 14. Februar einen Teil der gewaltigen Winterschlacht in den Masuren bildete. Rechts russische Gefangene. (240) [2 Abb.]: (1)Dr. Karl Helfferich, der neuernannte Staatssekretär des Reichsschatzamtes. (2)Liebestätigkeit unserer Eisenbahner in Feindesland: Verteilung von Kohlen beim Aufenthalt auf einer Station in Nordfrankreich. (241) [Abb.]: General der Infanterie v. Linsingen (x), Führer der deutschen Südarmee in den Karpathen mit seinem Stabe. (243) [Abb.]: Sanitätswagen. (244) [Abb.]: Weihnachtsfeier 1914 des Generalkommandos des XIX. Armeekorps in einer flandrischen Kirche. ( - ) [Abb.]: Bei den österreichisch-ungarischen Truppen in Galizien: Ein aus primitiven Mitteln hergestellter Desinfektionsapparat zur Bekämpfung der Läuseplage für die im Felde stehenden Mannschaften in Galizien. (245) [2 Abb.]: (1)Abendstimmung bei Haidar Pascha. Im Hintergrund Konstantinopel. (2)Das Gebet beim feierlichen Abschied des Oberbefehlshabers der gegen den Suezkanal operierenden Truppen, Dschemal-Pascha (vorn in der Mitte), von Damaskus. Hinter ihm (mit dem Band des Eiserenes kreuzes im Knopfloch) Oberst v. Frankenberg, ihm zur Seite (den Handschuh in der Hand) Fathriddine-Pascha, Gouverneur von Damaskus. (247) [Abb.]: Anatolische Kavallerie, fertig zum Ausmarsch an die Front. (248) Der Türkenkrieg vom 1. Januar 1915 bis zur ersten Niederlage der Engländer und Franzosen vor den Dardanellen. (248) [Abb.]: Eine Erdbatterie im Fort Hamidijé. (248) [Karte]: Karte des Kaukasusgebietes und der angrenzenden Länder. (249) [Abb.]: Aufstellung türkischer Maschinengewehre an einem Waldesrand im Kaukasus. (251) [Abb.]: Vom Kriegsschauplatz in Galizien: Eine österreichisch-ungarische Munitionskolonne in schwierigem Terrain. (253) Österreichs und Ungarns Kämpfe im Januar und Februar 1915. (254) [2 Abb.]: (1)In einem österreichisch-ungarischen Flugzeug. Der vorn sitzende Offizier betätigt während des Fluges den Hebel zum Abwerfen von Bomben. (2)Die von den österreichisch-ungarischen Truppen gesprengte Brücke über den Dunajec bei Alt-Sandec. (255) [Abb.]: Die österreichisch-ungarische Offensive in der Bukowina: Rückzug der Russen. (256) [3 Abb.]: Bilder vom östlichen Kriegsschauplatz. (1), (2)Verwundeter Ungar. (3) Zusammengeschossene Feldbefestigung in Russisch-Polen. ( - ) Der Seekrieg vom 18. Februar bis Ende März 1915. (257) [Abb.]: Vom Kriegsschauplatz in Galizien: Eine Episode aus den Kämpfen bei Wladovice. Der Angriff einer österreichisch-ungarischen Infanterbrigade auf die von Russen besetzten Höhen südlich von Rzedkovice. (257) [Abb.]: Ein Nachtangriff der österreichisch-ungarischen Truppen gegen die Russen westlich von Neu-Sandec (Galizien). (258) [Abb.]: Der berühmte schwedische Forscher Sven Hedin (links), den die Royal Geographical Society in London wegen der wahrheitsgetreuen Schilderung seiner Erlebnisse an der Westfront als Ehrenmitglied der Gesellschaft gestrichen hat, auf dem östlichen Kriegsschauplatz. Rechts Rittmeister Tzschirner. (259) [Abb.]: Kapitänleutnant v. Mücke. (261) [Karte]: Karte zu der kühnen Fahrt von S. M. Hilfskreuzer "Ayesha" (Emden II). (261) Die Kämpfe im Westen bis zum deutschen Siege bei Ypern. (262) [Abb.]: Ein französisches Panzerautomobil im Kampf mit deutschen Vorposten auf der Combres-Höhe. (263) [Abb.]: Vom Kriegsschauplatz in den Vogesen: Landsturmleute bringen die Abendsuppe in die Stellung. (264) [4 Abb.]: Augenblicksbilder vom westlichen Kriegsschauplatz. ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Französischer Drahtverhau. (2)Auf dem Vormarsch. (265) [Abb.]: Nachtangriff auf französische Stellungen an der Loretto-Höhe. (267) [Abb.]: Vom westlichen Kriegsschauplatz: Am Feldtelephon. (268) [Karte]: Zu den Kämpfen zwischen Maas und Mosel: Reliefkarte des Gebiets zwischen Verdun und Metz. (269) [Abb.]: Becelaere. (270) [Abb.]: Der deutsche Angriff mittels Gasbomben auf die feindlichen Stellungen bei Steenstraate. (271) [2 Abb.]: (1)Deutsche Soldaten üben sich mit französischen Maschinengewehren ein. (2)Eine Munitionskolonne im Schrapnellfeuer bei Neuve-Chapelle. (272) [2 Abb.]: (1)Von der schweren Niederlage der Engländer und der Franzosen bei Ypern in den Tagen vom 22. April bis Monatsende: Die Bergung einer eroberten schweren englischen Haubitze. (2)Rast der 47. Brigade im Tal des Durthe. (273) [Abb.]: (1)Der requirierte Bagagewagen. (2)"Liebe Mutter!" Im Schatten der Protzen. (274) [Abb.]: Von den Kämpfen in den Vogesen: Die Wiedereroberung des vielumstrittenen Hartmannsweilerkopfes durch die deutschen Truppen am 25. April. (275) Der Seekrieg mit England von Anfang April bis zum Untergang der "Lusitania". (276) [Abb.]: Rast an der Kirche in St. Souplet. Die Truppe trifft Vorbereitungen sich auf der Strasse häuslich einzurichten. ( - ) [Abb.]: Eine Funker-Abteilung auf dem Marsche. (277) [Abb.]: Kapitänleutnant Otto Weddingen, der heldenmütige verewigte Kommandant von "U 9" und später "U 29". (278) [Abb.]: Der Kampf eines deutschen Marineluftschiffes mit englischen Unterseebooten in der Nordsee am 3. Mai, wobei eines der mit Bomben beworfenen Boote zum Sinken gebracht wurde. (279) Die Kämpfe des deutschen Ostheeres im März und April. (280) [Abb.]: In einem Schützengraben am Dunajec. (281) Österreichs und Ungarns Kämpfe im März und April. (282) [Abb.]: Deutsche Truppen in den Karpathen auf dem Vormarsch in das Laborczatal. (282) [Abb.]: Flankenangriff einer österreichisch-ungarischen Husaren-Abteilung auf die ein galizisches Gehöft verteidigenden Russen. (283) [Abb.]: Feinde in Sicht. (284) [Abb.]: Eine österreichisch-ungarische Divisionsbäckerei. (285) [Abb.]: Von den schweren Kämpfen der österreichisch-ungarischen Truppen in den Karpathen: Ein Artilleriebeobachtungsposten beim Linzer Infanterie-Regiment Nr. 14. Die russischen Stellungen werden mit Schrapnells beschossen. (286) [Abb.]: Eine Feldmesse vor der Schlacht bei den österreichisch-ungarischen Truppen. (287) [Abb.]: Zu der ehrenvollen Übergabe der Festung Przemysl am 22. März, nach viereinhalbmonatiger Einschließung: Die Helden von Przemysl, Festungskommandant General der Infanterie v. Kusmanek, mit seinem engeren Stabe. Von links nach rechts: Untere Reihe: Oberleutnant Dr. Wlodzimierz, Ritter v. Blazovsky, Hauptmann Hubert Kurz, Intendant Alois Rausch, General Hermann v. Kusmanek, Oberleutnant Ottokar Hubert, Hauptmann Friedrich Zwiedinek, Hauptmann Gustav v. Kubik. Mittlere Reihe: Oberleutnant Andreas Puchner, Oberleutnant Felix Hölzer, Hauptmann Alfred Lutsch, Unterintendant Joseph Frhr. v. Tkalcsevich, Hauptmann Joseph Kurz v. Traubenstein, Rittmeister Hugo Frhr. de Pont, Leutnant Rudolf Mossig, Fähnrich Gustav Schnabl. Obere Reihe: Oberleutnant Alois Zimmermann, Oberleutnant Ludolf Elbrich, Leutnant Herbert Schlegel, Leutnant Alfred Nechuta, Leutnant Georg Auspitz, Leutnant Schanzer. (288) [2 Abb.]: Erbeutete russische Leuchtraketen werden für die Nacht gebrauchsfertig gemacht. (2)Vom Kriegsschauplatz in den Karpathen: Eine österreichisch-ungarische Artilleriestellung (Schwere Haubitzen). (289) [2 Abb.]: (1)Erbeutete, mit russischer schwerer Artilleriemunition beladene Schmalspurwagen. (2)Von den Russen zurückgelassene schwere Artillerie-Munition (Geschoßlänge 1 1/2 Meter). (290) [Karte]: Reliefkarte des Dardanellengebiets. Im Vordergrund die englisch-französische Flotte während der Beschießung der Dardanellenforts am 18. März, die mit einem glänzenden Sieg der Türken endete. (291) [2 Abb.]: (1)Eine Militär-Karawane mit Proviant an den Dardanellen. (2)Eine türkische Feldküche. (292) Der Türkenkrieg vom 19. März bis Ende April. (292) [4 Abb.]: (1)Dschemal-Pascha (x), Oberbefehlshaber der IV. Armee in Beirut, rechts der Wali von Beirut (XX). (2)Der Drusenfürst vom Libanon, der mit seinen Leuten am Suezkanal gegen die Engländer Kämpft. (3)Transport von Futtermitteln für die Kavallerie. (4)Eine türkische Batterie gefechtsbereit am Suezkanal. (293) [Abb.]: Ein großes Trainlager auf der Halbinsel Gallipoli. (294) [Abb.]: Von der Feier der Übertragung des Titels "El Ghazi" (der Sieggekrönte) an Sultan Muhammed Reschad Chan V. in Konstantinopel am 30. April: Der Sultan begibt sich in feierlichem Zuge zum Selamlik in die Aja-Sophia-Mosche, wo ihm der Titel "El Ghazi" verliehen wurde, ein Beiname, den seit Jahrhunderten kein Sultan mehr geführt hat. (295) Der See- und Luftkrieg im Mai. (296) [Abb.]: Zu der Torpedierung des 12 600 t großen französischen Panzerkreuzers "Léon Cambetta" durch das österreichisch-ungarische Unterseeboot "U 5" in der Straße von Otranto 20 Meilen vom Kap Santa Maria die Leuca in der Nacht vom 26. zum 27. April: Das Kriegsschiff im Sinken nach der zweiten Torpedierung. (297) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein von deutschen Marineartilleristen bedientes Küstengeschütz in einem Dardanellenfort während des Gefechts am 18. März 1915. (2)Zu dem glänzenden türkischen Sieg über die vereinigte englisch-französische Flotte in den Dardanellen: Der Untergang des französischen Linienschiffs "Bouvet" am 18. März. (Rechts ein havariertes englisches Schlachtschiff mit starker Schlagseite.) (298) [Abb.]: Türkische Truppen in Verteidigungsstellung bei Kum-Kale. (299) Einband ( - )
Issue 57.6 of the Review for Religious, November/December 1998. ; Review for Religious is a forum for shared reflection on the lived experience of all wbo find ~bat the church's rich heritages of spirituality support their personal and apostolic Christian lives~ Tge articles in the journal are meant to be inforntative, practical, bistorical, or inspirational, written front a tbeological or spiritual or sometimes canonical point of view. Review for Religious (ISSN 0034-639X) is published bi-mouthly at Saint Louis University by the Jesuits of the Missouri Province. Editorial Office: 3601 Lindell Boulevard ¯ St. Louis, Missouri 63108-3393. Telephone:314-977-7363 ¯ Fax: 314-977-7362 E-Mail: FOI~PI~MA@SLU.I~I)U Manuscripts, hooks for review, and correspondence with the editor: Review for Religious ¯ 3601 Lindell Boulevard ¯ St. Louis, MO 63108-3393. 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Such permission will only be considered on written application to the Editor, Review for Religious. for relig i ous Editor Associate Editors Canonical Counsel Editor Editorial S~aff Advisory Board David L. Fleming SJ Philip C. FischEr SJ Regina Siegfried ASC Elizabeth.McDonough OP Mary Ann Foppe Tracy Gramm J~an Read James and Joan Felling Kathryn Richards FSP Joel Rippinger OSB Bis.hop Carlos A. Sevilla SJ David Werthmann CSSR ' Patricia Wittberg SC Christian Heritages and Contemporary Living NOVEMBER-DECEMBER 1998 ¯ VOLUME 57 ¯ NUMBER 6 contents 566 578 religious vocations Common Threads: Are We Weaving or Unraveling? Catherine Bertrand SSN~D surveys the terrain of apostolic religious life regarding attitudes and concerns about future membership. The Decline in Religious Vocations: ¯ A Weberian Perspective Shanti P~beyasingha cssR looks at effects of the "routinizing" of a foundational charism and then peers beyond them with a hope that embraces new risks in changed circumstances. 588 595 ,life in the spirit Spirithil Maturity John Blake More reflects on some of the qUalities of a spiritually mature person. A "Spiritual Turn" for Catholic Moral Theology Dennis J. Billy CSSR explores some of the ways in which a deeper understanding of the relationship between spirit and reason has =oncrete implications for the_future of moral theology. consecr.ated life 605 ~ Consecrated Life: Anointed with Joy Regis J. Armstrong OFMCap presents.ways of understanding joy and its intrinsic relationship to consecrated life. Review for Religious 622 The Future of Authority in the Religious Community John Carroll Futrell SJ describes what authority needs today as it exercises its ministry of making an apostolic community of love. spiritual limitations 628 Ground of Grace Marie Beha OSC uses the parable of ~he seed in looking at the limits we bring to the transforming action of grace. 640 Guigo I 'on Avoiding Suffering Kenneth C. Russell offers us some of the homely wisdom of an early Carthusian regarding the ensemble of this world and the ,next. departments 564 Prisms 650 Canonical Counsel: The Evangelical Counsel of Obedience: ConcreteExpression and Practical Consequences 656 Book Reviews 666 Indexes to Volume 57 November-Deconber 1998 prisms T imagery of the Holy Spirit as an iconographer"holds an age-old place in the tradition of the Eastern churches. The Hol~ Spirit is painting us in the image and likeness of Goff~ But, of course, we acknowledge Jesus Christ as THE image of the invisible God (Col 1:15). Consequently, in working with us as a painter does with an icon, the Holy Spirit continues throughout our life to bring out in us another face of Jesus, As we enter the Advent preparation for Christmas, this way of understanding our relationship to the S'pirit seems especially appropriate. The Holy Spirit is always laboring to bring to birth within us a fuller identity with Jesus. Our life can be understood as an Advent season in which we are being prepared over the span of our earthly life for the reality of our life-with-God 'forever in Christ. At the same time, from our meditation upon the Gospels and from our following in Christ's footsLeps, our daily life can be seen as one spent living in imitation of the hidden and public life of Jesus. With every stroke of his painter's brush, the Spirit inspires, encourages, and strengthens us to live "like Jesus," to live as Christ-ians. For the Spirit, according to Jesus' promise, is the one who "remains" with us, the one who will "be within" us (Jn 14:17). From the Gospel of St: John, we learn that the Holy Spirit is a gift to us--Jesus' "gift to us of "another Paraclete" (that is, one who functions just like Jesus him-self, who is our first Paraclete) or, perhaps stated with more theological precision, a gift from the "us" of Father and Son. Fumblingly struggling to say something about Review for Religious the identity and life of our triune God, our theological tradition at times expresses it in this way: The Father gives himself over fully to the Son, and the Son gives himself over fully to the Father, and the fullness of the Love shared between them is a Gift-Person, a Love-Person. As a result, our Trinitarian God is caught up in a life of relationship, of total giving, of total sharing--a God who is Love, a God who is all Gift. The Spirit, whose very relational identity within the Trinity is Gift and Love, plays this same role in God's outreach to cre-ation- for example, the imagery of the brooding of Spirit over the waters of creation and the Spirit's overshadowing of Mary in the' an~aunciation scene. From revelation and from our experi-ence, we know that God relates to us through all of creation as "gifts"--gifts that are meant to help us to know, to love, and to serve God by our proper appreciation and use of these gifts. God relates to us through Jesus as gift of identity with us as human. jesus is called the new Adam because we human beings in the Jesus-Gift have .become truly new and original. God relates to us in baptism, confirmation, and all the sacraments and sacramentals of our Christian life in the gift of the one we~call the Holy Spirit. The process of our growing in grace or~ as the Eastern churches say it more daringly, the process of our divinization continues as God's Spirit-Gift stays with us. We CFiristians, made newly human in Christ, have come to understand God in a new and original way: a triune God, a Gift-God, a God of Love. At Christmas, then, we see again, with eyes of faith, God's gift of identity with us through Jesus. Year after year, all the won-der of this gift seen and remembered as a baby fills the heights and depths of our soul. But, in this year dedicated to the Spirit, we recall anew, especially in this Christmas season, how much the Holy Spirit--God-Gi~---keeps giving us the way to be Christ for our times. We pray to the Spirit to bring forth more fully in us the icon of Jesus each of us is created to be--~.made in the image and likeness of God. David L. Fleming SJ That the Spirit paint his icon more fully across the fabric of your life is the Chris~as wish fro,. all of us on the staff of Review for Religious. .November-Dece~ltber 1998 religious vocations CATHERINE BERTRAND Common Threads: -,Are We Weaving or Unraveling? In the last year, as I have traveled nationally and interna-tionally, tit has become clear that certain "threads" are shared, by a considerable number of congregations of women and men religious, especially those that describe themselves as active or apostolic. This article, examining some of these "threads," asking some questions, and offer-ing some answers, is not the last word. There are no sweeping statements to capture the experience of every religious. Rather, I hope to generate further discussion among congregational members as they together examine their own reality and explore what their own future might look like. Many active or apostolic congregations were founded one or two hundred years ago in .,response to particular ministerial needs in various parts of the world. The found, ing purpose often had'more to do with ministry than with a particular spirituality or rule. These congregations, with some help from Vatican Council II, are struggling with the articulation of their charisms and the interpretation of their founding purpose in light of today's church and world. This has often caused the various congregations to remark more' similarities than differences among them- Catherine Bertrand SSND is executive director of the National Religious Vocation Conference (5420 South Cornell Avenue, Suite 105; Chicago, Illinois 60615). Her article was first pub-lished in its quarterly journal, Horizon. Review for Religious" selves, Given this observation, what are some of the common threads evident in these congregations as they look toward, the future? Deepest Longings , Sociologists have noted that the two unmet desires of our age, the deepest longings expressed to~tay by peopl~ of all ages, are for.spirituality and for a sense of belonging. Vocation ministers in both. women's 'and men's congregations can validate these find-ings in their work with potential candidates. Consistently those considering religious life express their reasons as having to do ,with a longing for God and a desire for community life. Meanwhile, longtime members of these congregations seem to be asking themselves whether this in fact 4s .what religious are about, or what their life has to offer today. A thread common to English-spea.king countries worldwide is discussion of the need to take another look at quality community life. Some religious will contend that it is yet to be discovered what that means for active/apostolic congregations whose very foundation and history were overshadowed and strongly influ-enced by monastic rules and traditions. Be that as it may, not only are new members and potential candidates asking for quality com-mon life, but longtime members as well are saying they need to take another look at this. My guess would be that there are as many ideas of what community life could look like as there are people discussing it. There is no going back to what was, although some members ~ would desire that: Others, who have experienced community life in the past as uniformity and sameness, fear that this could become the case again. Some feel that"the struggle to be in a ministry that Is satisfying and in a living situation that does not take every ounce of energy has been long in coming: "Leave it alone!" Others, especially those who entered after Vatican 11,,came because of the common life and shared ministry, and continue to seek ways to have that happen. Some believe community can happen only under one roof. Others believe that such a configuration of community has nothing to do with the direction for the future. Some question~the value of vowed membership, while the expe-rience of others tells them that only when there is clarity about vowed membership does any other way of associating make sense. November-Decentber 1998 Bertrand ¯ Common Threads Although some oflthese concerns differ.in various communities, and may take on different nuances in men's and women's con-gregations, the common threads, the similar questions, are there. Fundamental Changes and Different Realities Over recent years, some definite realities in religious life have given community.life a whole new look. The following paragraphs attempt to describe some of those changes. Space, or how space is regarded, has changed how ~relikious live in community. Many local communities ofwomen'~ congre-gations suffer from limited living space. For a variety of reasons, including some very healthy ones, there.has been a move to smaller living spaces, with fewer people. Unfortunately, religious often end: 'up--mostly for economic reasons--in crowded places with little common space beyond their own bedrooms. There is no room for guest, s, potential new members, or even one's own community members. There is no space, for common prayer, and no room to welc0m~e groups of guests. Religious congregations are not family; they al:e communities of adults; for whom the family model is not helpful. To live simply does not necessarily mean that there can be .no space. Although men's communities may have more space, rJaey seem to be challenged to look at how eas-ily the members can become independent, developing a board-ing- house mentality. Governance, too, has changed how religious live together. Many local commtinities have been trying a more circular model of leadership wherein various responsibilities of leadership are shared. Men's communities seem to 'be less dialogic, to function more expeditiously. No form of governance, however, seems to go without challenge, and no one model is ideal. , Age has also made a difference in how religious live together and ~relate to each other. There are more older members, and fewer new ones. The tendency to settle in bectmes stronger unless deliberate efforts fire made to retain vitality, ' which has little to do with.,age. New members help a community to keep growing and changing. Difference in community size calls for different skills. The abil-ity to b~ self-discl6sing is critical. Where it may once have been considered the. greatest of virtues to be silent, now it is crucial in community to be able to articulate one's thoughts and feelings in Review for Religious an appropriate manner. The smaller the group, the more essen-tial to have healthy members who are able to enter into this kind of sharing. Professionalism and ministry demands certainly affect community life today. Because urgent needs demand responses and because mission is the ov~rriding concern for many religious congrega-tions, this is where most time and energy are spent. The nature of ministry, especially with many women religious now in parish settings, places new demands on quality time in community. Self-Definition Countless efforts among religious focus on the identity and image of religious today: who religious are and what they are about. It appears that often religious define themselves by the work(s) they do. They seem to fall sho~rt when it comes to know-ing how to share some of the other elements of their lives that grow out of the communal dimension: Is' there clarity about those essential elements? Are the spiritual and communal elements of their lives seen as having the power to attract others, not just to new vowed membership, :but also to the varibus ways people can be in part-nership with religious 4ongregations? To religious who are concerned that potential candidates seem to focus only on God and com-munity and have little Or no sense of mission, I offer this thread. From interviewing and assessing candidates for priesthood and religious life, I have found, that among them service is a given. They deeply desire to be of service~ They may not always understand how to direct that generosity within a particular congregation, but what draws them to religious life is a unique context in which to offer service. Most candidates come assuming that Jesus, the Eucharist, and a link to the universal church are foundational to religious lif~. The community they seek is not a warm nest or surrogate family, but a group that will help them serve in a way that they could'not do alone. New members ,help a community to keep growing and changing, What Attracts Young Adults When two hundred young' adults from all over the United November-December 1998 Bertrand ¯ Common Threads States joined more than five hundred vocation directors at the 1996 National Convocation of religious vocation ministers, they spoke to the questions of what was attractive and unattractive . about religious life today. On their application forms they were asked to describe any of their .current involvements in volunteer work, paid ministry, civic activities, and so~forth.Their responses were both amazing and impressive. The candidates that religious congregations would hope to attract are already engaged in ser-vice. They told us that ministry alone will not draw people to religious life. They come because of the community context in which the ministry is situated. They also see community life as happening under one roof. Many times they have no clear idea of w~hat they are asking for When they speaLof their desire for com, munity, but they clearly do not envision it as a "let's get together now and then" experience. Another thread I see in numerous congregations is the sincere desire of many religious to respond to that desire expressed by young people. Most congregations want to have a future and therefore are serious about attracting new members. A thread that is becoming more common in many congregations is being spun in conversations about being local communities of hospi-tality. Much as congregations would like it, this phrase does not describe every local community. Newer members are~well aware of struggles to find suitable, community situations to live in, Longtime members, too, know all too well thee feeling of panic when it comes to finding a local community upon Changing min-istry locations. Some congregations are creatively encouraging some of~their most "life-giving" members to consider housing situations that would allow for an extra room so that communities of hospitality become realities. These delibera~te efforts by some are invitations to all congregational members to take seriously the responsibil- -ity for hospitality. Community as Ministry Religious take seriously their commitment to ministry. Who can argue with that? But is mission understood as being synony-mous with the work they do? I 15elieve that one of the strongest sections of Vita consecrata deals with this very question. It states that community life plays a fundamental role in the spiritual jour- Review for Religious ney of religious, both for their constant renewal and for the full accomplishment of their mission In the world: [The church] wishes to hold up before the world the exam-ple of communities in which solitude is overcome through concern for one another, in which communication inspires in everyone a sense of shared responsibility, and in which wounds are healed throu~gh forgiveness and each person's commitment'to communion is strengthened. The life of communion in fact "becomes a sign for all the world and a compelling force that leads people to faith in Christ . in this way communion leads to mission and itself becomes mission"; indeed, "communion begets communion: In' essen~.~e it is a communion that is missionary." (§§45-46) Do religious believe that community life itself is key to the mission and their ministries? For active/apostolic congregations it seems to be an ongoing struggle. How do congregations arid individuals integrate or balance that healthy or not-so-healthy tension between ministry and community life? Have religious come to define active/apostolic religious life only by works, and often very individualized ministries at that? In many ministry situations there may b~ only one person of a particular congregation on the scene. A developing scenario seems to be that it is in ministry that one receives the greatest affirmation and.the deepest satisfaction, that one's affective needs are met, and that the most creative energy arises. This poses a sharp contrast to the less than life,giving local community situa-tion that religious often describe. Another dimension in this sce-nario is that today religious~ have less knowledge about or understanding of each other's ministries and therefore have fewer opportunities, to be supportive and affirming, ~ ~" : Another thread deserving further consideration is the amount of time and energy given to ministry. I have heard younger, newly professed religious comment that they came from homes where they were aware that everything, including family, always came second to their parents' dareers. They are often surprised to find that in religious life they have that same sense. They seem to respond in one of two ways. Either they quickly fal.1 into the work mode, or they choose to leave. On one occasion a speaker address-ing an audience of religious suggested that, if a congregation is serious about new membership, it may need to reevaluate its min-isterial commitments. Even to think about it brought an audible gasp from the audience. November-December 1998 Bertrand ~ Common Threads Often religious try to accomplish with fewer people what was once done by many more people. No doubt women and men reli-gious are responding to urgent needs in our church and world in creative and heroic ways. Many times, it seems, the very people who top the list as wonderful community members are also the most overextended in ministry. Where is the balance in all of this? What choices are congregations making in addressing these challenges, not just f~or the sake of new members, but for the sake of present membership? . . Some congregations are responding by honestly saying to each other and to others that they prefer to go onliving and working just as they are. Other congregations see a need for some changes. I have attempted to name some of the common reali-ties in religious life that have had an impact on community life. These include models of governance, ways of praying,' living space, aging members, and ministry demands. I would contend that, to the extent that realities in religious life have changed, religious are. invited to develop new skills for living contemporary religious life, giving new shape to religious community life. Skills Needed What are some of the skills to be considered?~ The following list is neither definitive nor exhaustive, but I offer it as a help toward further consideration and dialogue: ' ¯ The need for self-disclosure heads the list, in part because this element of religious life has changed radically in recent years. The change affects not only how one,share~ in dialogue, but also how one participates in prayer with one or more persons. There is an increased need both for sharing and for keeping a healthy sense of boundaries. . ¯ Skills for other-centeredness are key. It is no small challenge to be able to enter into the reality of another, to be generous, to listen. It means taking time for people and situations in commu-nity that may not always be one's first choice of how to use time and energy. It may mean not allowing ministry demands to always come first. ¯ Hospitality As an "in" word these days, but in some situa~- tions it may be as basic as developing social and conversational skills that make life better as occasions arise for religious to invite others into their homes and into their lives. This is particularly key Review for Religious in attracting new members. People cannot choose or ~upport what they do not know, unders(and, or experience. ¯ Skills for healthy sexuality and intimacy are critical elements in the life of any person, and these impact,community life. They affect the way individual religious express who they are, how "at home" they might be as loving, intimate, sexual human beings. They assist religious in having .a sense of self that can support o~hers in their celibate choice and can help still others under-stand celibacy as a viable option. A healthy sexuality includes developing friendsl~ips within and outside community life. It also involves doing whatever is necessary to be a physically and psy-chologically healthy person, someone with whom others would like to share community. ¯ A healthy spirituality is another key element in quality com-munity life, having both a communal and individual dimension. It means looking for ways to be supportive of the spiritual life of others in community, participating in the liturgical life of the church, and expressing the shared spirituality of a particular con-gregation. It also means finding ways to participate in the ongo-ing revelation of God through individuals and in community. ¯ Skills for shared living involve negotiating living space, being attentive to the little .things that can make or break community liv-ing, These skills make it possible for religious to choose to live with one or more fellow religious when it would be easier to live alone, or they may suggest ways of creatively sharing life with others if particular circumstances' demand living alone for a time. They help one to be open to sharing life with a variety of people, in a variety of ways, ways that are life-giving, not death-dealing. ¯ To be attentive to ongoing learning and enrichment demands that one strive to be updated about religious life, spirituality, the, ology, and so forth, in: addition to fulfilling~"professional" demands for ongoing education. It also means being attentive to one's development as an "interesting" person who can contribute.to community discussions and learning. It means taking time for enrichment, alone and with others. ¯ Friendship in community also involves skills, though no one can make friendship happen. One must look for ways to come to know the people .with whom one shares life, and must do whatever one can to create a community to.which people want to come home. Friendship skills include being able ~nd willing to cele-brate people .and events 4n the company of others. November-December 1998 Bertrand ¯ Common Threads ¯ Leadership ski'lls need to be nurtured in every community member even though such skills will be expressed in many dif-ferent ways on a variety of levels. These skills include taking indi-vidual responsibility within a community of adults, having a voice and being honest and up-front in using that voice for the good of the whole, getting involved in the workings of the congregation ~3n the local level and beyond, and keeping actively in touch with congregational leaders. ¯ Conflict-management skills invite the convictitn that each person is worth the time it~takes to live together well. They involve being honest as well as kind with feedback, being account-able for any effort or lack of effort at being a positive presence in a community. Conflict management calls for a healthy sense of self that allows one to deal with issues, not destroy persons. These are some skills that seem key to living contemporary community life. Some Other Threads .There continue to be questions. Are religious setting them-selves up for failure,and disappointment in taking another look at quality community life, another look at that particular thread? Is this a challenge beyond them? No one can make 'a significant responge alone, not the. congregational leader or any individual member, not a new member or potential candidate, not the voca-tion director. A significant response requires the efforts of as man, y as possible--many interwoven threads. There are people among us who lack either the desire, the aptitude, or both for living community life in this day and age. There are ministerial situations that demand different ways of being community. But in many congregations a substantial group of peo-ple have both the desire and the aptitude to make co.mmunity life work, even under one roof. Community life takes time and energy. There 'is no way around that, even in the best-case scenarios. If congregations want the future to be different, some radical decisions must be made in the present-'if not always big deci-sions, then some smaller ones that are no less radical: These are the ones that touch the day-to-day living of the entire community. How willing am I to be "inconvenienced" for the sake of our future, ~for the sake of not just new members, but also present members? This question is screaming for anoanswer.from indi=' Review for Religious vidual religious and from congregations. The answer may mean reclaiming community as ministry, community as mission. The final thread I will touch upon is perhaps stating the obvi-ous. Vocation ministers, who are some of the most hopeful peo-ple around, indidate time and again that in their work the greatest challenge 4s their own congregational members' lack of aware-ness and response. They do not assume ill will, for they see that people are very busy, involved in many things. How, then, are communitymembers to be made more alert to ways of promot-ing vocations? Congregational leaders are critical players 'in these efforts, b~t congregational members are no less important. Do we pas-sionately desire another generation of religious for the sake of God's people? Are we willing to invite new generations to consider religious life as a viable option, or by our silence have we made the decision for them? The responses to these questions cannot be postponed, to be considered at some other time, Our only time is ,' Questions for Individuals and Communities Something to do now is raise some of the ,following questions in the privacy of your o~n mind and heart--but also to raise them in discussion with other religious in your own congregation, in your own local community, or in any number of other settings.,~ Skills for Self-disclosure What in your life indicates that you have a sense of legitimate boundaries, your own and those of others? What enables .you to express your thoughts and feelings in dialogue and in faith shar-ing? How do you nurture mental and emotional health that allows you to be self-disclosing? How do yob develop healthy self-esteem, self-confidence that allows you to share yourself with others? What gives you the sense that others enjoy being with you? Skills for Other-cehteredness How do you balance self-maintenance with generous pres-ence and service? What gets most attention and energy in your local community? How do you foster local' community life that reaches beyond itself?. What enables you to enter into the re~ility of another? How do you present religious life as a viable option Noventber-Decentber 1998 Bertrand ¯ Common Threads for someone else? How do you share ministry with each other, even if you are in different settings? What sharpens your ability to be a good listener? Skills four Hospitality What do you do to develop social and conversational skills? How are you willing to be inconvenienced for the sake of wel-coming others? What do you do to encourage, potential new mem-bers and to invite them, and others as well, into yo~ur life and into your home? How do you cope with diversit'v? What prevents you at times from being hospitable and welcoming? Skills/:or Healthy Sexuality and lntimaey How would someone, describe your outlook on life? What helps you .to be happy and hopeful? How do you express that sense? How do. you express your celibate choice? How do you describe it? How are you generative in your celibate choice?. What steps do you take to develop and sustain healthy friendships? How does the way you live speak to health and wholeness? Skills for a Healthy Spirituality How :are you faithful to personal and communal'prayer? What other elements of your life indicate a seritusness about your rela-tionship with God? How do you participate in the liturgical life of the church? How does your prayer life reflect the .spirituality of your congregation? How does your spiritual life reflect and support a concern for others? ~ Skills for Shared Living How does the shared living space where you live facilitate quality community life? When are you~generous or territorial in your useof common space and, goods? How are you attentive to the "litde things" that can cause friction or tranquillity in a shared living space? How willing, are you to negotiate, and sometimes settle for conditions that are not to your liking? The persons you live with--what keeps your expectations of them realistic? Skills fo, r Ongoing Learning and Enrichment ~ What steps do you take to keep updated regarding religious-life trends, spirituality, theology? How do you make time for cur-rent reading, awareness of world issues, which can be shared in Review for Religious community? What do you do for enrichment and leisure, indi-vidually and as a local community? What are some of the best ways to "waste time" together? Skills for Friendship in Community What helps you to come to know and appreciate the people with whom you share community life? How do you reflect an openness to potential friendship in community without demand-ing it? What about you would give other people a desire to live in community with you? What about local community makes it a situation to which you want to come home? How do you make choices for quality community time in the face of ministerial demands? How do you celebrate people and events in your local community? How do you share your family and friends with your congregation? How do you give yourself and others a sense of freedom in community relationships? Skills for Leadership What is the role and understanding of leadership in your local community? How do you participate in those responsibilities? What is your expectation of those in congregational leadership in relating to local communities? In what ways do you take ini-tiative in your local community? Sk(lls for Conflict Management , What helps you to be honest and up-front in dealing with conflict in community? How do you give helpful feedback to peers, and how, do you receive it from them? To whom do you hold yourself accountable for trying to live quality community life? For you, what elements of local community can become sources of conflict? What are the most effective ways for you to resolve conflict in your local community? Are you, are we, weaving or unraveling? November-December 1998 SHANTI ABEYASINGHA The Decline in Religious Vocations: : ,A Weberian Perspective y-783 _ religious life, that many who join religious congregations give up halfway, and that some leave even after final profession are things that merit inquiry. For many a religious congregation, vocation questions and vocation promotion are top priorities. A superior of a women's religious congregation told me that she and the sis-ters were trying desperately to get young girls to join because comphter statistics had shown that the congregation would die out if a hundred or more new persons did not come in every year. Deaths each year were outnumbering the entrants, and, accord= ingly, aging.itself had become a more serious~problem too. There are instances where some congregations in the West have come to Asia, Africa, and Latin America (places with more .vocations) in search of candidates. The phenomenon of men;'and women religious coming from the West to work as missionaries also seems to be a thing of the past. In fact, the reverse process seems to be taking place. Religious congregations with branches in Asia, Africa, and Latin America are asking them to come up with volunteers for missionary work in other lands. These instances and others would seem to indicate that religious life is in disarray. Shanti Abeyasingha CSSR has held administrative positions in his order, has done socioeconomic development work in Sri Lanka, and has con-ducted retreats and missions in Sri Lanka, India, and Malaysia. His address is: Redemptorists, Santa Maria; George E. de Silva Mawatha; Kandy, 20000; Sri Lanka. Review for Religious The interesting thing, however, is that the problem of a lack of vocations, which many modern-day religious congregations are facing, was seldom an issue for the founders and foundresses ofireligious congregations~ They do not stem to have had diffi-culty getting people to join their ranks. As their histories often tell us, .people were attracted to the particular work they started and to their commitment and deilication. Many a °person was ready to give up everything and join them. God's Fidelity and Religious Congregations' Continued Existence The Bible speaks again and again about the faithfulness of God. Evenothough we humans are unfaithful, God is shown as the one who is ever faithful to his pr~mises. Along with his faith-fulness, his caring love is always there, ever ready to come to our aid. This' love is brought out clearly in the Exodus experience. The words "I have seen the affliction of my people who are in Egypt, and have heard their cry 'because of their taskmasters; I know their suffering, and I have comedown to deliver them" (Ex 3:7- 8) expresses it all. vWhen God makes his covenant with the Israelites at Mount Sinai, the people experience and~ understand their God precisely as one who always intervenes on their behalf to alleviate suffering and oppressiom All through human history we encounter human suffering and misery. These are vestiges df sin and .are manifest in the self-ishness of persons who do not care 'for their brothers and sisters. God continues to care for these unfortunate persons all through history. He continues to prove his faithfulness .and concern by raising up women and men who dedicate their lives in the ser-vice of people whom others oppress or ignore and even history forgets. These charismatic personalities emerge especially in moments of, crisis and,decadeffce in society. They, like Moses, are inspired to do God's bidding on behalf of his people. They are in line'with ~the prophets, who denounced oppression while at the same time announcing to the people the good news of liberation and deliverance. In the line of the prophets, these founders of congregations interpreted the signs of the times and responded vigorously. They highlighted something ~hat answered a need in society. They manifested through their actions the faith~lness andthe ¯ November-DecembD" 1998 L -79 Abeyasingba * The Decline in Religious Vocations caring presence of God as he continues to come down and deliver his people from their bondage. Here we have the actual reason for the beginning and the continued exi~stence of religious congre-gations, namely, t~o be extensions of God's presence in the world. The "Routinization" of a charism Max Weber has something to say about such charismatic lead-ers. He says that charismatic leaders are creative and do things that are not in line with the normal run of things in society. He is quick to add, however, that such charismatic leaders do not last. They are a passing phenomenon in society. They appear at cer-tain times in history to answer particular needs of the time. In the course of time, especially after the death of the charismatic leader, his or her original insight becomes traditi~nalized or ratio-nalized or both.~ Weber adds: "It is only in the initial stages, and so long as the charismatic leader acts in a way which is completely outside every day social organization, that it is possible for his followers to live communistically in a community of faith and enthusiasm.''2 Thus, according to Weber, it is only a question of time before the initial charism of the leader becomes "routinized.''3 Usually this takes place after his or her death. In this transformation into a permanent routine structure, one of the first things altered is the anti-economic character of the original charisma.4The followers pursue security and economic stability (as part of security) to. make up for the absence of the founder. Everyday needs and the ordi-nary details of administration necessitate such an adaptation. This process took place even in the church after the death of the Lord Jesus Christ. With routinization comes an attempt to preserve the leader's thought and way of life. Normally this takes the form of pre-serving his or her letters, instructions,- documents, and sayings, along with eyewitness reports, accounts from the~first companions, and so on. Guidelines are set for the training of future followers. These are usually spelled out in documents such as rules, consti-tutions, and statutes, which are updated from time to time by general chapters and by special commissions appointed by them. The result is a system of organization different from that which existed during the time of the charismatic leader. During the leader's lifetime, the way of making decisions, the way of act- Review for Religious ing, and in short the whole way the group functioned could be said to have been somewhat arbitrary and unpredictable. There was no formal or well-defined way of doing a particular thing. The leader's personality was the key factor, and it overshadowed what-ever structures and procedures were already in place, regarding the community and its mission. Max Weber says that "the routinization of charisma also takes the form of the appropriation of powers of control and of eco-nomic advantages by the followers,or disciples and of regulation of the recruitment of these groups.''5 In other words, the rou-tinization process in a congregation includes the manner and the basis of choosing leaders, the training or tests of eligibility of the new recruits, the way of governing the members, their rights and duties, and so on.6 Also, it is very much akin to the adaptation that constantly takes place in economic life--for the economy is on~ of the principal and continually operating forces in everyday life. In the whole question of routinization, the economic condi-tions play a leading role'and do not constitute merely a dependent variable.7 Bureaucratic Org.anization and Religious Life From the foregoing it will be clear that accompanying the whole process of the routinization of a charism is the attempt to coordinate activities. Weber calls this the process of rationaliza-tion or the process of bureaucratic organizatipn. He goes on to say that this is a distinctive mark of the modern era. Bureaucracy has shaped modern politics, the modern economy, modern technol'- ogy, and modern church life and religious life too. Max Weber considered the bureaucratic organization to be technically supe-rior to all other forms of administration. He says' also that only through this device, namely bureaucracy, has large-scale planning of the modern state and the modern economy become possible,s The main characteristics of a bureaucratic organization are: ¯ It is organized according to rational principles: rules, con-stitutions, and statutes. (This is something that developed in religious congregations.) ¯ The offices are ranked in a hierarchical order. (Religious congregations, too, have a hierarchical order, that is, gen-eral, his or her consulto~rs, the different secretariats, provin-cials, vice-provincials, and so on.) Novetttber-December 1998 Abeyasingba * The Decline in Religious Vocations Efficiency has hhd the effect of making religious congregations inefficient in answering the changed needs of the times. ¯ The operations (of offices) are characterized by imper-sonal rules. (The various offices in religi~ous congregations, too, have clearly defiiaed procedures.) ¯ The members are governed by methodical allocation of areas of jurisdiction.(Today the members of religious con-gregations fire allocdted 'into provinces, vice-provinces, regions, and so on.) ¯ Appointments to offices are generally made according to specialized qualifications. Those who can fit into the bureaucratic administrative set-up are the ones who are normally considered for s~h offices. Just as bureaucracy has its advantages, it also has its draw-backs. Its very strengths are also its weaknesses. Because of its rationalized organization, bureaucracy sometimes becomes unwieldy and even stultifying in dealing with individual cases. Modern rationalized and bureaucratized systems find themselves incapable of dealing with particularities. In other words, the individual's initiative and creativity are submerged under a deluge of reasons that are derived mechanically from the 0 code of behavior.~° Depersonalization is another result of bureaucratization. The organization seems to take precedence over the personhood of the individual." In the last analysis, although bureaucratization and rationalization may have increased the efficiency of the o.r, ga: nization, this very efficiency threatefis to dehumanize its ere-ators. 12 In such a setup, 0there is little room for charismatic personalities to emerge. , From what has been said, one sees the implications of bureau-cratization for the functioning~of religious life. While on the one hand it has organized and systematized administration, on the other hand it has stifled some new initiatives and new thinking. Persons who propose changes in hitherto :accepted ways of doing things could very well find themselves isolated or labeled rebel-lious or considered excrescences that need to be removed because they are a hindrance to the smooth running of the ihstitute. Worse still would be the sad refility of some finding themselves outside the institute because their ideas do not find acceptance with the Review for Religious administration. To put it in another way,. this very efficiency has had the effect of making religious congregations inefficient in answering the changed conditions and changed needs of the times. Understanding Vatican II's Renewal Guidelines Something that should not be forgotten is that the intention of these charismatic leaders was to answer particular needs in society. They were answering a local need. What took priority was the need of the people, not the organization of a group with rules and. regulations. Only much later, as numbers increased and in some cases lived far from the original local area, did the group give ,special attention to its own formation. This fact should be kept in mind when we speak of the inspiration of the founder or foundress. As has been explained, with the death of the charismatic ,leader, the routinization process took. over,' bringing .to the now more organized institute a corresponding sense of securityoand stability ,among the members. This in turn created a certain insen-sitivity to the actual needs of the people, espec!ally the poor. It is in this context that one has to understand the appeal made by the Second Vatican Council: The appropriate renewal of religious life involves two simul-taneous pr%cesses: (I) a continuous return to the sources ~ 9f all Christian life and to the original inspiration b~hind a given community and (2) an adjustment of the community to the changed conditions of the times. Clearly, the council envisaged two simultaneous processes for the renewal of religious life. It went on to enumerat.e certain princi-ples in accord with which such renewal was to proceed: to follow Christ, to participate in the life of the church, to seek to identify the institute's,particular character and purpose, and to be aware of contemporary human conditions and of the needs of the church. Renewal in the Context of Max Weber's Routinization With such an impetus given by the council, one could have noticed certain initiatives taken by various communities. Many congregations set up commissions to study their roots, going into the history of their founding inspirations. General chapters made it their chief objective to redraft their respective rules and con- Novonber-Dece~nber 1998 Abeyasingba * The Decline in Religious Vocations stitutions according to the mind and spirit of the documents of the Second Vatican Council. That the various congregations made a sincere effort to adjust themselves to the changed conditions of the times cannot be denied. In the renewed constitutions one could notice that provision was made for individual initiatives. Furthermore, units of the congregation in various countries were given the freedom to adapt and change according to their par-ticular situation. These were praiseworthy changes indeed, which by and large were done after a general consultation of all the members. One could not help noticing, however, that the final outcome was worked out within a bureaucratic setup.which was hierarchical in its composition. Any new efforts were to be tried out within a certain organizational framework of the congregation. Furthermore, the starting point of such ventures was a position of economic security. This meant that the inSecurity, the uncertainty. the risk--very much a part of the life and experience of the fouflders when they first set out to answer the need of the hour!- was not there. Also~ the Vatican Council's guidelines for adjusting the com-munity to the changed conditions of the times were not followed fully. There was a general move towards a more simple lifestyle. Institutes made changes in their religious garb, in food customs, in their cloister regulations, and so forth. There was, however, no sign of a change of structures in keeping with what the founders had had during their lifetime. Changes took place only within confines that ensured that the boat would not be rocked too much. It had to be so, inasmuch as the process of roudnization was firmly entrenched. Adjusting to the changed co.n.ditions of the times (at the coun-cil's direction) was, then, not an easy task. In practical terms, con-gregations, in spite of all their goodwill and efforts to be relevant in the present day, found themselves up against a bureaucratic system incapable of providing room for the charismatic figures who might have renewed them by making the necessary paradigm shifts. By and large this could be attributed to the routinization of the charism that religious congregations underwent after the death of their founders. As a result, the religious-life renewal that the council proposed could not be realistically achieved. If the needs of people in the various areas had been met, there would have been no dearth of vocations in the religious congregation. In Review.for Religious other words, there is no need for advertising a product that is selling and is in demand in the market. Efficiency or Effectiveness ~Max Weber's sociological observations, when applied to a reli-gious institute, do indeed seem to throw some light on the reasons for the'almost universal decline in religious vocations. As long as a bureaucratic way of life governs religious congregations, they will almost always manifest a certain efficiency in whatever work they do. The work, however, ma3i not be effective, for such a system of administration does not always respond in a vigorously prophetic manner to the urgent and crying needs of the people. ' The history of the church shows that ~hange has often come from areas off the beaten track, where some indi-viduals had found a way for themselves. In modern religious cong.regations, organized in the way they are, it is almost impossible to accommodate such trailblazing elements. It can be noted historically that only the dark eras of history witness the emergence of new religious congregations. Critical times almost always bring about a breakdown of existing systems, but it is .in these chaotic and confusing situations that charismatic per-sonalities seem to apEear out of nowhere. The late Mother Teresa's Missionaries of:Charity were such a response to a chaotic situation in one of the most populated and crowded' cities in the-world, Calcutta. Her prophetic voice of compassion and kindness to the poorest of the poor cut through such barriers as caste, religion, and class. Her living witness and work proclaimed to all people the dignity of each and every per-son, which a world had lost sight of in its quest for power and wealth. Her response had a universal and global character. Her message is clear, something that religious congregations could ponder as they rethink their charisms while they and the world step into the 21 st century. The decline in religious vocations is not an entirely negative thing. A search through the crisis will make us see the reasons It is in chaotic and confusing situations that charismatic personalities seem to appear out of nowhere. L5"_S.5"__ Noventber-December 1998 Abeyasingba ¯ The Decline in Religious Vocations why such a situation has come to pass. Instead of looking at pres-ent- day confusion with tunnel vision, one should see it in.a global perspective and as a precursor of growth. Mother Teresa's e~tam-pie could help towards such a rethinking. So also could the obser-vations made by Max Weber. They can facilitate taking stock and analyzing the present situation of religious congregations. From thls starting point religious congregations could proceed to make the drawbacks and weaknesses that are found in current struc-tures irrelevant. They could make themselves ready to face the challenges of tomorrow. Weber's.Ansights, by helping us learn the truth about ourselves, can ready us to proceed to generatiye and creative actions. They can challenge us to do some honest and humble soul searching about our present situation, In St. Paul's words (2 Co 12:10), "When I am weak, then Iam strong." Notes l Max Weber, The Theory of Social and Economic Organizqtion, trans. A.R. Henderson and Talcott Parsons (U.K.: William Hodge~ and Company, 1947), p. 334. :2 Weber, Theory, p. 337. 3 "Routinization" is Max Weber's term for the phenomenon of an original idea (here, that of the charismatic leader) becoming organized a~d conceptualized in the course of time. This is the result~of the interpret-ing, analyzing,, rationalizing, and so forth that take place when congre-gations study the writings of their founders, the accounts, of' their immediate companions and a.ssociates, the recollections of others Eho knew them, and so forth. 4 In their initial insight, almost all charismatic leaders are anti-eco~ nomic; they set t~p almost no economic system for collecting or raising funds. It is the personali.ty of the leaders that attracts others~' td them and also brings in donations and gifts. The aim of charism~itic le'aders is to achieve a special goal (filling a need of the society at that time, usually serving the poor), not to meet their own day-to-day needs. SWeber, Theory, p. 337. 6 The original basis of recruitment was the founders' personal charism. A .charism is something that can only be ;'awakened" and ".tested," not something that can be taught and learned. Novitiates arid houses of for° marion, however, tend to assume a teaching stance. See W~eber, Theory, pp. 337-338. 7 Weber, Theory, p. 342. s When religious congregations spread beyond their original geo-~ graphical area and the routinization process had been set in motion, there was no preventing a bureaucratic organization. Review for Religious o Lewis A. Coser, Masters of Sociological Thought: Ideas in Historical and Social Context (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1971), pp. 230- 231. 10 Reinhard Bendix, Max Weber, An Intellectual Portrait (Garden City, N Y.: Doubleday, 1960), p. 421. ~ Bendix, pp. 421-422. 12 Coser, Masters, pp. 231-232. ,3 Decree on the Appropriate Renewal of the Religious Life (Perfectae caritatis), §2. the departed say we are not dead see ohr faces hear ohr voices when you leadt expect like neighbors visitihg unhnnounced we are'some~lace ~ withih view within earshot like others in your house but we are, at liberty to come and go without weight.or circumscription like winds in harp strings like real answers to your real questions Avis Kunca Kubick Novetttber-Decetttber 1998 JOHN BLAKE MORE Spiritual Maturity ife.in the spirit Reading my first Thomas Merton book back in my early twenties, I came across the phrase "spiritual maturity," an expression that delighted and fascinated me even though I had no clue of what it was designed to express. I won-dered about it for several months and even reflected on its possible meaning, but then it receded into the less acces-sible regions of my consciousness and enjoyed untroubled slumber for some time. But not forever. Over the years, as I have become more life-mature and more di'scernibly chronologically mature, the phrase "spiritual matur!ty" has--through reading, conversation, and simple observa-tion- returned to my sight and consciousness many times, to haunt me but also to stimulate me to explore further its possible meanings and its probable connections to every-day life. What would.a spiritually mature person look like or act like? Am I a spiritually mature person? Is it possi-ble for me to become one? Do I know any spiritually mature persons? All this questioning and thinking over the years has led me to formulate tentatively some answers, some ideas that I think have helped me and that I want to share with others. Some of these ideas are derivative: I got them from other folks. Others are either original or synthetic, fash-ioned from items found in reading and conversation and from observing the behavior and attitudes of people I meet. John Blake More, new to our pages, writes from Tejtn 34 - Sm. 20; Cancfin Quintana Roo; 77500 Mexico. Review for Religious A spiritually mature person is probably creative. At least one religious tradition holds that we are made in the image and like-ness of God, and, if we ask ourselves in what this image and like-ness really consist, we naturally come up with the notion that we are like God because we are creative as he is creative. We are ere- ~tive because God made us that way. He made us free and there-fore creative. As humans we show our creativity in at least three 'important spheres (and here I follow Paul Ricoeur): having, power, and valuing. Having. In the exercise of creativity all people, even the spir-itually mature, need to have some material.goods for their own use. Maybe a little, maybe a lot. But the major religious tradi-tions and the spiritual values they represent do not seem to place much importance on the acquisition of wealth, do they? In fact, they see great riches as a disvalue. So spiritually mature persons are not much concerned with acquiring wealth and possessions beyond what they need to get along decently in life. On the other hand, people who have lots of possessions have greater opportu-nities to be creative. They can create new jobs for others, build libraries ~nd museums, or Simply give some of their excess money to .people who need it to survive. In itself; possessing wealth really seems to be spiritually neutral. If one sees possession as steward-ship, it can be something positive. If, however, people believe they are the outright owners without considering that God has entrusted them with these possessions and that they must appor-tion them responsibly, then they are probably not much con-cerned with growth in the Spirit. ~ 0 Power. Spiritually mature persons are probably aware of their own need for power, but are also conscious that everyone else has the same need. We need, in the first place, power over ourselves: self-determination to decide where to live or work, who our friends and associates will be, what kind of lifestyle we will adopt or develop for ourselves. We also need to be able to exercise power over others, but this must be legitimate power, the kind of power society assigns to us and expects us to exercise intelli-gently for the cbmmon good. We have to make choices for, our children. We have to determine the ~activities of our employees if we have any. But, in these activities and others like them, if we allow strength and power to become force and coercion, we can be pretty sure we are not much interested in becoming spiritually mature. We are dismayed when we read of dictatorial aggression, November-December 1998 More ¯ Spiritual Maturity ruthless kidnappings, tribal wars, but force and coercion can occur in little things of daily life and they can have the appearance of being extremely civilized and in the best of taste. :Valuing. In the sphere of valuing, we show our creativity by making determinations about the relative worth of things and activities. Nowadays it is out of fashion to be what people call "judgmental" "because, if you tell p6ople they are doing some-thing wrong, like putting a round peg into a square hole, the~ may feel threatened or embarrassed, feelings which may be owing to a kind of paranoia rather than to comments one may offer con-structively. Spiritually mature persons seldom if ever "condemn," but th.ey must in certain situations be judgmental.Th'at is why ¯ we':haSte crii:ical faculties: to make decisions about what is worthy and what is not, to be ab!e.to distinguish between the junk and the good stuff. And that is what prophecy is all about: shouting from the housetops when you see injustice and abuse.The spiritually mature person, then, distinguishes between healthy and modest criticism done in a spirit of love, and foolish or malicious remarks made in some other spirit. We must evaluate or criticize our cul-ture, our government, our friendships, and of course ourselves. While smiling permissiveness is no virtue, it is also true that unwavering tolerance and spiritual maturity have .always been on the closest terms. One good sign of spiritual growth is a weakening of our most cherished prejudices. When we hate, fear, or feel threatened by another person simply because he is different from us, then we are failing to appreciate the image and likeness of God in that person. These are three general areas that merit consideration as we ponder the nature of spiritual maturity, but other things, too, should be looked at. Frie.ndship is of great importance in the spir-itual life. All the grea( figures of the .important religious tradi-tions, those who had the ,primal mystical experience that gave .rise to those traditions, had friendships with other people. They loved their friends dearly and openly. We, too, are right to treat, our friends lovingly, with tenderness. We look forward to seeing them and spending time with them. We talk with them about'our desires and aspirations, and we confide to them our fears and failures. We inspire them and corisole them.Sometimes we revive ~them when their spirits droop. ,Some people who are mature in the spirit experience some' difficulty in maintaining, friendships for reasons of transport, distance, or schedule, but such difficulties are ! Review for Relig4ous not insurmountable. People can ha-be a firm and meaningful frien'dghip by correspondence. Sure, by mail. Why not? If you know someone whose values and outlook are compatible with yours, you can have an ongoing correspondence with him or her that will be significant for both your live~, and also enriching. You do not have to write anything world-shaking or mind-bog-gling. Writing takes a little more time and effort than a face-to-face chat, and it does not offer the same consolations and pleasures as real face-to-face togetherness, but it is still something of great worth. Growth in the spirit is closely connected to skill in the ~ine art of listening. When I told a friend that some-one had said I was a good conversationalist, he answered that what she really meant was that I am a good listener. I wonder how right he was.'The plain fact, though, i~ that people do like to be listened to, and the spiritually mature person is a master at listening lovingly, corn-" passionately, but also selectively. By this I do not mean the kind of selective listening that'~ filters all I hear through my own ego supports in order to register only those things that satisfy or interest me. Although an interchange between friends may involve a recounting of events or a descrip-tion of facts, when I listen to a friend I am not trying to acquire factual information. I am trying to get a sense of his or her state of mind and soul. This is not always easy, in view of personality differences and of people's varying ability to articulate their inner dispositions. But~ When we listen, we need to care mostly about the person we are listening to. Spiritually mature persons have a delightful sense of child-like wonder that makes everything new. Sophisticated people who have seen it all and done it all, or just do not want to get involved, area lov less fun to be with than men and women who have a deep spiritual sense of wonder. Wonder leads to openness and surprise, contentment and faithfulness, curiosity and enthusiasm. It also brings an appreciation of the uniqueness of each person along with a sense of brotherhood and equality. " Surprising as it may seem, spiritually mature people are hardly ever highly disciplined people. This is because they are loving persons. They do everything that has to be done, they do it at the appointed time, and they 'do it right--not because they have discipline, but because they have love. They are.motivated to read Friendship is of great importance in the spiritual life. November-December 1998 More ¯ SpiritualMaturity Surprising as it may seem, spiritually mature people are hardly ever highly disciplined people. books and wash floors and get to work on time because they live out Augustine's dictum "Love and do as you please." A sullen-faced p4rson probably has too much discipline and too little love. When the persons I am talking about look out at the world, they-see a lot of ambiguity and they embrace it heartily as a major component of human life. If the Creator is good, why does he allow us to suffer so much? Why should I help the poor if poverty is not eradicable? This kind of ambiguity is embraced and accepted by mature .persons of all spiritual tradi-tions, and in the case of Christian spir-ituality there is the model of the ambiguity of the cross. Why should I forgive these people if they are killing me? Why should I ask my Father for help if he has abandoned me? And, putting the two questions together, why should I ask my Father to forgive these people who are killing me if my Father has already abandoned me? For the spiritually mature these are actually non.questions, even as they represent realities that have to be faced. Not because maturity pro-duces historical or social blindness, but because serious consider-ation of such issues leads to acceptance of reality. Such questions, when formulated as questions, are not answerable. And even here ~here is a further ambiguity: how can I accept the reality of drug abuse, teenage pregnancy, rampant poverty and ignorance, and on and on, and still work to change all these social ills, to provide some alleviation to all the suffering they cause? Does "That's the way the world is" mean "why try to change it!"? Language use, too, has to be considered in connection,with spiritual maturity. As little children we learn to use language as an instrument to further our own designs and to get others to behave in ways that promote our own interests. If we learn this skill well as children and then refine it as adults, we become wonderful manipulators or even politicians, and this is why. spiritually mature people hardly ever go into politics. They lack skill in using lan-guage instrumentally. They say what they mean and they mean what they say. They use language to inform or to persuade, but never to.manipulate. Modern societies view independence as a positive andhighly desirable virtue. Mos't parents say they want their children to Review for Religious become independent. We admire the "independent spirit." Actually, such independence is a fiction and a most undesirable one. In reality, each of us is highly dependent on at least a few other humans, and we should be. Living in human society means being interdependent: I depend on you and you depend on me. This is an important ingredient in the cement that holds human society together and promotes the development of culture. Instead of~insisting on their independence, spiritually mature persons consider themselves autonomous--which suggests the ability to live and act in freedom from outside control, coercion, or manip-ulation. That is different from independence because in my free-dom I acknowledge that I depend--sometimes radically--on others, and they on me. In our day most of us are aware (sometimes painfully aware) that the subject matter of life (the real business of human exis-tence) is change and that, in the best case, change takes the form of transformation of the person into an ever more human creature. Being human is a good thing and does not mean, as the cynic 'believes, unremitting egotism and venality. Before he started feel-ing hi.s oats, Adam was so perfect that he had conversations with God as they walked "in the cool. of the day." Being human should mean changing arid becoming perfect, as our Father is perfect. Since most of us consider such perfection an unrealizable ideal, persons who think about becoming spiritually mature prob-ably have a set of unattainable goals that they take quite seriously and adhere to assiduously. They have probably formulated a set of precepts which relate to these goals and which articulate their creatureliness and humanness during their inner conversations with themselves and with' the Spirit of God. In my own thinking about becoming mature in the Spirit, I have come up tentatively with three precepts that reflect my own human creatureliness, but are also ordered toward my capacity to become a "partaker of the divine naturE." I use them to talk to myself. Let me offer them here. Deepen your understanding of reality. Try to get a good grasp of reality by asking the ~right questions. The right questions always have three distinguishing characteristics: they.are unanswerable, they always lead to other and better questions, and they almost always begin with why. Acquiring knowledge requires study and learning from good teachers and good books, along with the will-ingness to undergo the suffering involved in replacing stale beliefs November-December 1998 More ¯ Spiritual Maturity with new data. It also dem'ands increasing connectedness to the culture in which I live and awareness of how life is lived in other cultures. What I should be looking for are meaning and connec-tion: the ultimate unity of all being and its essential oneness with the Absolute. ' Refine your tastes. Begin by distinguishing the merely attractive or pretty from the truly beautiful. If you were brought up on rock music, Mozart probably leaves you cold. Praxiteles probably has little to say to you if you think Schwarzenegger and Stallone are beautiful, Biat we should perhaps not consider ourselves less wor~ thy humans if we are drawn.to the merely attractive or pretty. ' This happens in the best of families, doesn't it? As young peo-ple, when we are most curious about the world and our place in it, we are bombarded with sounds and images and esthetic val-ues from the popular culture. Butwe eventually grow out of that; we ~"put away the things of a child," as St. Paul says. Evil is, of course, the ultimate ugliness, and our involvement in it dimin-ishes our humanity and tarnishes the image of God in us. ~ Formalize your ethics. Here we make a distinction between for-mal and material moral norms. Material norms deal with specific actions and decisions such as killing, steal!ng, and lying (not rec-ommended); and with praying, respecting authority, and being faithful (highly approved and even urged). There is only one norm for those who follow the way of formal ethics: Always seek the good and avoid what is evil. This norm is assimilated and interi-orized by spiritually mature persons to the ext~nt that it becomes part of their nature. In all their decisions and actions, attitudes and dispositions, they keep both eyes on the truly good: good for themselves, their family, their society, their nation, their 151anet: The more this single norm gets imprinted on their souls, the less they have to run through a mental checklist of material norms (do's and don'ts) to see what is prohibited and what is approved. "Seek what is good and avoid what is evil." 'Finally, spiritually mature persons are surely happy persons who radiate to o~hers their joy at living in this world with other people and at spending periods of time in prayerful silence com-muning with the Absolute. Their joy is increased by the knowl-edge that whatever spiritual maturity they may have attained is in fact a free gift from a loving and gracious God. Review for Religious DENNIS J. BILLY A "Spiritdal Turn" for Catholic Moral Theology MGY first encounter with Bernard H~iring,'ithe renowned erman Redemptorist who wrote such significant w. orks as The Law of Christ (1954)~and Free and Faithful in Christ (1978- 1981) and whom many have hailed as the father of contemporary Catholic moral theology, came during a' congress of Redemptorist moral theblogians held at Aylmer; Quebec~ 26-30June 1989. Or/ the second day of the congress,, after he had given an insightful presentation to the general assembly on the state of moral theol-ogy since Vatican Council II, I found myself sitting next to him at lunch as hemused out loud in his weak, barely audible voice (from his long and difficult battle with throat cancer) on the future of moral,theological reflection within the Catholic tradition. Then, as now, a single thought stood out from all the rest: "We have lost sight of the Holy Spirit. In the future, moral theology must give more emphasis to the role of the Spirit. Otherwise, all is lost." Hiiring was so insistent on ~his point that he stated it out-right .at a later session in a rare personal intervention from the floor, For more than eight years, I hav~ been p~ndering the mean-ing of these quiet, unassuming words perhaps in ways which he himself might not have accepted. Retrieving the Spirit Given the vast varieties of pseudo-mysticism in the history of Christianity and the great facility with which the name of the Dennis J. Billy CSSR, a frequent contributor, writes again from Rome, where his address is Accademia Alfonsiana; C.P. 2458; 00100 Roma, Italy. November-December 1998 Billy * A "Spiritual Turn" for Catholic Moral Theology Spirit can be and has been invoked as a way of avoiding critical moral reflection, it is easy to understand how, quite early on, within orthodox circles a latent (and sometimes overt) suspicion grew of anything that even vaguely resembled a charismatic ren-dering of truth by a small "Spirit-filled" elite. To a large extent the church's magisterial structure (that is, its emphasis on apostolic succession and the role of tradition) took shape as a result of its struggle against the esoteric (and sometimes laxist) tendencies of Gnostic mysticism, on theone hand, and the rigorist tenets of Montanist spiritualism, on the other (to name two of the more prominent examples). Historians point to the church's institu-tionalization of the Spirit in the office of the episcopacy and its subsequent control of the sacramental life of the Christian faith-ful as the predominant means by which, down through the cen-turies, it has safeguarded itself from similar threats. One of the unfortunate by-products of this process of insti-tutionalization was the gradual marginalization of the Spirit from the inner workings of Catholic theological reflection. As the mag-isterium became more and more centralized, it consolidated its hold over what it considered the "authentic" utterings of the Spirit and helped to create an atmosphere in which theologians were constrained to pursue their goals within increasingly limited notions of rationality. The gradual shift in Western hermeneuti-cal thought from allegory to syllogism to induction gives evi-dence to this effect, as does the roughly parallel movement in rational theory from analogy to univocity to equivocation. By most counts, this momentous restructuring of the rational pro-cesses of Western thought was as much a function of rising mag-isterial control of the sacred as of an ever changing philosophical terrain (as witnessed in the successive preeminence of Neoplatonic, Aristotelian, and Nominalist thought patterns). Localizing spiritual authority in ecclesiastical institutions, in other words, had the unforeseen .effect of gradually .disassociating ratio-nal discourse from its roots in the intuitive dimension of human existence, that side of human nature most likely to sustain a close experiential rapport with the Spirit. To speak in broad historical terms, the "despiritualization" of human reason had barely begun in the patristic and monastic traditions of late antiquity and the early Middle Ages (when the centralization of ecclesiastical power was hardly underway in Rome), had made recognizable progress during the early Scholastic period (near the time of the Gregorian Review for Religious Reform and the Investiture crisis), was in full swing with the rise of Nominalism in the early 14th century (not long after Boniface VIII's proclamation of Unam sanctam in 1302), and had reached its highest stage of development during the Age of the Enlightenment (just before Vatican Council I's proclamation of papal infallibility). Putting aside the more difficult task of discerning which histor-ical progression was influenced by which, and recognizing the probability of a circular relationship between the two (as well as the likely involvement of other discernible historical factors), one cannot help wondering if the present-day postmodern disillu-sionment with human reason--itself a reaction against the failed hopes of Reason's .coming of age--will herald an attempt to retrieve reason's lost association with the spiritual. If so, one would also have to wonder if the present tendency in the governing structures of Roman Catholicism toward increased centralization is nothing more than a momentary stay in a larger process of decentralization, the forces of which were at work long before the opening of Vatican II and will probably continue. An Anthropological Turn t Such a retrieval or "reinvestment" of reason's ties with "things spiritual" must proceed from the ins'~ghts of a sound Christian anthropology. In the present circumstances, the Pauline body/soul/spirit arrangement as formulated in 1 Thessalonians 5:23 proves especially helpful: "May the God of peace himself sanctify you wholly; and may your ~spirit and soul and' body be kept sound and blameless at the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ." Here Paul provides an anthropology that construes the human person as a union of three distinct (albeit intimately related) ele-ments: body (soma), soul (psyche), and spirit (pneuma). These ele-ments exist together in the human person and cannot be isolated one from another (as if a human body can be separated from the soul and spirit and still be examined intact). So closely are they related, in fact, that one cannot speak of spirit outside the context of soul and body, and vice versa. Since Paul proposes these anthro-pological terms while addressing the community of believers in the church at Thessalonica, care must be taken not to isolate his understanding of human existence from either its inherent social context or the life of faith. Account must also be taken of the fact that, although he insists on their intimate union in the human m Noventber-Decentber 1998 Billy * A "Spiritual Turn" for Catholic Moral Theology person, he actually says precious little about how body, soul, and spirit relate to one another in the concrete circumstances of daily living. Given these significant contextual details (or lack thereof), the following claims appear generally continuous with the main lines of Paul's anthropological vision and offer correctives to pres-ent- day exaggerated emphasis on the rational. (1) In addition to body and soul, a person can also experience his or her spirit. ,(2) A retrieval or "'reinvestment " of reason's ties with "things spiritual" must proceed from the insights of a sound Christian anthropo!ogy. The mutual relationship between body. and soul suggests a similar rapport between soul and spirit. (3) The spirit touches ~he body through the medidtion of the soul.~(4) Generally speak-. ing, the Holy Spirit touches an individual by communicating its grace first to a person's spirit and then through the .spirit to the person.'s soul and body. (5) God and the human person can enjoy a close interpersonal rapport by.virtue of their communing spirits. (6)People relate to one another on the level of body. soul, and spirit. (7) The Spirit unites the Body of Christ, the church, not only theologically (that is, to God), but also anthropologically (that is, among its members). (8) It does so primarily on the .level of human spirit and only secondarily on the other dimensions of human existence. Elicited from the Paulin4 anthropology of 1 Thessaloni~ns 5:23, these anthropological claims provide the parameters by which a discussion abo,ut reason's "spiritual renewal" may pro-deed. Key to this discussion is the need for all theologians (and moral theologians in particular) to recognize the competence (and the limits) of reason's rule. Just as reason extends to the body through its ordering of the passions (and is thereby "enfleshed"), so the spirit extends to the soul (the seat of the rational faculty) by means of its quiet in.tuiting presence. Clearly, both movements have moral significance that must be taken into account for the future of moral theology. The Criteria of Reason's Spiritual Rebirth What,might such limits be? Without exhausting the possi-bilities, the following list provides some guidelines for discerning Review for Religious the genuine ways in which reason and spirit mutually influence one another. 1. An anthropological relationship of circularity exists between spirit and reason; that is, the insights of one complement the scope and competence of the other in such a way that, when taken together, their interaction generates a field of understanding unique to themselves and which neither would be fully capable of penetrating on its own. Spirit .brings intuition and moments of keen insight to the movement of discursive thought; reason artic-ulates through language something of the inexpressible utterings of the human spirit. Authentic theological reflection taps into this relationship of circularity and allows it to open up for each succeeding generation the meaning of the symbols of the Christian faith, ~. 2. The spirit influences the mind through prayer, and vice versa. When a person.'s spirit communes with God's Spirit, there is a natural reverberation (however slight) in the other, anthro-pological dimensions of human existence. This subtle influence, which will become a veritable overflowing (redundantia) in the beatific vision, strengthens the transcendent orientation of an individual's rational operation. A "spiritua!" person tends to Con-centrate on holy things and seeks to view all things with th'e mind of God. The person?s prayer (contemplative prayer in particular) plays a transforming rather than merely ancillary role in reason's spiritual homecoming, 3. The human spirit is not "irrational," but "supranational." It does not ask reason to go against its own internal principles, but seeks continually to broaden reason's, scope by providing intu-itions that challenge previously unquestioned (and possibly falla-cious) arguments. When reason is in tune with wholesome human spirit (and even more so whefiit is in touch with God's Spirit), it is. constantly prompted to reach beyond itself and to stretch the boundaries within which it normally functions. This extended x~ange is a welcome corrective to that narrowing univocity which nowadays often masquerades as the sole legitimate face of ratio-nal inquiry. ~ 4. Theologians who reintegrate spirit and reason demonstrate a guarded yet profound respect for church authority. The gradual marginalization of spirit from the center of theological reflec-tion, which came at least in part as a result of magisterial cen-tralization and control of the sacred, does not mean that a November-December 1998 Billy ¯ A~'Spiritual Turn"for Catholic Moral TheoloKF .--7- 600 "respiritualized" reason will ignore or, worse, openly disdain the valuable hermeneutical role the magisterium has played in the history of the Catholic tradition. On the contrary, a reintegra-tion of spirit and reason should bring about an even closer work-ing relationship between theologians (in. their concern for reasoned clarity and the e.xploration of' the faith) and the magis-terium (in its concern for the preservation and purity of the faith). While neither will always agree with the other, a close working relationship between them will provide helpful correctives against the extremes of overrationalization and pseudo-mysticism that can all too often get in the way of and even obscure sound theo-logical reflection. 5. A closer working rapport between spirit anal reason will require a reintegrated understanding of the various theological disciplines, especially dogmatic, moral, and spiritual theology. The unfortunate breakup of theology in recent centuries into sep-arate and highly specialized disciplines can itself be understood as a symptom of reason's ongoing despir, itualization. A renewed or "respiritualized" understanding of reason will operate success-fully only in a context ~at seeks to preserve the unity of theology in the midst of its highly specialized and sometimes .seemingly disconnected parts. 6. Renewing reason's link with the spirit will also move a per-son's sense of vocation to the center of theological reflection. No longer will theology, be construed as something existing "in the abstract," as if proceeding outside the theologian's own personal and communal faith experience. Any presentation and consequent systematization of the symbols~of the faith will be valid only to the extent that it remains faithful to and. authentically expresses the deepest sense of a,person's call in life before God through the church and in the world. One's reflection on God, in other words. must tak~ place in the context of one's sense of self in the presence of God and the community of believers. 7. The reason/spirit relationship sheds greater ligh~ on the importance of there being a continuity between theologians' pro-fessional work and their moral behavior. Sound theological reflec-tion stems from a stable interplay between spirit and reason. It reflects the contours of individuals' calls from God in this life and reaches its fullest expression when it is enfleshed in the con-crete circumstance~ of their daily existence. This cannot happen, however, if reason is deprived of all access to the nourishing roots Review for Religious of the spirit, where the human person communes with the Spirit of God through a grace that is freely given and freely received. Sound theological reflection challenges the theologian to int~- grate reason and spirit, theological discourse and personal sanc-tity. The church needs theologians who want to be saints, who admit this desire without false humility, and who bring this desire to the forefront of their theological inquiry. 8. Finally, a reintegration of spirit and reason would sustain within theological reflection a healthy tension between "theol-ogy as science" and "theology as art." Reason's desire to ver-ify corfipl~ments the spirit's yearning for m3?stery, and vice versa. Together they provide useful correctives to the ten-dencies of overrationalization and exaggerated rhetoric, which lessen theology's scope by seekings to turn it into something it is not and should not be, Theology is more than science and mole than art, It Future moral,theological discussion will have to develop a greater sensitivity to the ethical content of humanity's symbolic xpressions. is science and.art, a rare "field-encompassing" discipline which touches all areas of human knowl-edge in its attempt to convey the meaning of the Christian faith to each successive generation.1 By preserving this tension, theo-logical reflection retains a ~.ay of expressing the faith ever anew yet always ina~cord with th~ church's theological tradition. New and creative insights emerge from the tradition precisely in this way, .thereby allowing it to expand its theologic.al horizons and to move 'forward. Implications for Moral Theology The above criteria represent just some of the ways in which a deeper understanding of the relationship between spirit and reason would change ~he way in which theology itself is conceived and carried out. As one might expect, they have very concrete implications for the future of moral theology. 1. Moral theology would be challenged to break out of its hylomorphic rendering of the human (that is, moral) act that has "get the parameters for serious discussion within the Catholic tra- Noventber-December 1998 Billy ¯ A "Spiritual Turn" for Catholic Moral TbeoloKF ~dition since the time of Aquinas. A human action is more than just an expre~ssion of body (as the object of the external action) and mind (as the internal movement of deliberated will). Greater sen-sitivity mu~t be given in futur, e moral-theological reflection to the influence which a person's spirit brings to moral action. A good place to begin would be to apply the insights of Aquir~as's teaching on grace (which, intere~stingly, he considers under the New Law at the end of his treatment of the fundamental princi-ples of morality, that is, Summa tbeologiae, I-lI, qq. 109-114, to the Pauline rendering of 'human anthropology as body (soma), soul (psyche), and spirit (pneuma). 2. Eor ~this to occur, a shift must take place in the under-standing of the nature and role of rationality in current moral-the-ologiEal reflection. In its attempt in recent years to model itself after the empirical and social sciences, theology in general (and moral theology in particular) has adopted a univocal understand-ing of rational inquiry that prevents a balanced interplay of rea-son and spirit from entering into the legitimate bounds of serious theological refledtion. The result has been an unfortunate nar-rowing (some would say "impoverishment") of theology's rightful scope. The current deadlock in the deontologist/proportionalist discussion is but one symptom of this reductive theological under-taking. 3. Since the spirit expresses itself more .through images than in the "clear and distinct" ideas of rational discoul:se, future moral~ theological discussion will have to .develop a greater, sensitivity to the ethical content of humanity's symbolic expressions. To modify Aristotle's definition: Man is not just a rational but also:a symbolic animal. In developing this sensitivity, moral theology will draw closer to the arts than ever before (at least within recent memory) and begin to effect a transformation of the genres and literary style in which it expresses itself. It will also spark a renewed interest in the ethical Content of the images and sym-bols found in the Scriptures and the church's liturgy. 4. Future moral-theological discussion will develop close ties with the three levels of Christian spirituality: (1) the experien-tial, (2) the sapiential, and (3) the analytical.2 Ethical kngwledge will be understood as something to be-garnered from the whole of human experience (that is, throughout the body/soul/spirit continuum) with special emphasis given to the social .aspects of human moral-spiritu.a! discourse and to the role of prayer and~ Review for Relig4ous discernment in moral decision making. This heightened awareness Of the spiritual aspects of its theological heritage will give moral theology a deeper awareness of its own most distinctive traits and enable it to make serious contributions in discussions with other ethical traditions. 5. Given its decision to approach moral knowledge through a reintegrated understanding of the rapport between spirit and rea-son, Catholic moral theology would do best to enter into future dialogue with other ethical traditions--be they philosophical or theological--not by seeking a least common methodological denominator (usually fully acceptable to neither side), but by maintaining without compromise its position on the close anthro-pological (and hence ethical) connection between human reason and human spirit. It is precisely on this level that an answer to the question of the existence of an autonomous Christian ethics will be found. An I~tegral U, nity, a Spiritual Turn" No longer can the Christian life be artificially divided into the way of the law and the way of ~erfection. Precept and coun-sel, .commandment and beatitude, virtue and gift are,all bound together in an integral, inseparable unity. If moral theology is to give more emphasis to the role of the Holy Spirit (as H~iring sug-gests), it must first retrieve' its lost ti~ with the inner movements of the human spirit--the place within the person where the divine and human meet. Only by including th~s neglected anthropolog-ical dimension in moral-theo!ogical reflection will the human perspective of those concerned be broad enough to allow foFa proper discerfiment of the divine. The future orientation of Catholic moral theology will depend to a large degree on how its spokesmen, both magisterial and pro-fessorial, construe (or perhaps "reconstrue") the relationship between rationality and spirituality. Reintegrating these key aspects of the tradition would have two important theological and institutional effects. On the one hand, moral decision making would evidence a notable swing toward prayer and spiritual dis-cernment in helping to solve the dilemmas of conscience that arise among the faithful. This marked "spiritual turn" would move Catholic moral theology away from its present fascination with the problem-solving machinations of quandary ethics to a relational November~December 1998 Billy ¯ A "Spiritual'Turn"for Catholic Moral Theology paradigm rooted in the divine-human encounter. Bishops and theologians, on the other hand. would move away from their all too often adversarial positions to a more collaborative, mutually supportive stance. The changed dynamics would show the impor-tance of rooting moral-theological reflection in the fullness of human experience (that is, body, soul, and spirit) while at the same time highlighting the complementary ways in which the magis-terium and church theologians elucidate the tradition. What is the future of moral theology? The answer to this question is as elusive as time itself. For the moment, let it simply be said that, while the moral theology of the~future will invariably include many things, it cannot afford to exclude or marginalize "the life of the Spirit." In the present context the latter phrase refers to rational theological reflection rooted in a profound awareness of the human spirit as it opens itself up to God's Spirit and allows the word of God to take shape and utter itself, however softly, within the cor~fines of the limited words and deeds by which ¯ we construct our human exp, erience. Such a word, however spo-ken, would resonate with authority and not return in vain. Notes t The notion of a "field-encompassing" discipline comes from Van A. Harvey, The Historian and the Believer: The Morality° of Historical Knowledge and Christian Belief(Philadelphia: Westminister Press, 1966), pp. 81-82. A similar application to spirituality appears in Sandra M. Schneiders, "Spirituality in the Academy," Theological Studies 50 (1989): 692. 2 These levels of spirituality are developed under a slightly different nomenclature in Walter H. Principe, "Toward Defining Spirituality," Studies in Religion/Sciences religieuses 12 (1983): 135-136. See also The New Dictionary of Catholic Spirituality, ed. Michael Downey (Collegeville: Liturgical Press, 1993), s.v. "Spirituality, Christian,", by Walter H. Principe. Review for Religious REGIS J. ARMSTRONG Consecrated Life: Anointed with Joy A passage once "noted with pleasure" by the New York Times Book Review was one by Albert Camus, whose writings express a strong current ofthe, pessimism in EuroPe in the wake of.World War II. It contains these words: "One of the temptations of the artist is to believe himself solitary. But this is not true. He stands in the midst of all, in the same rank,' neither highe~ nor lower, with all those who are working and struggling. His very vocation is. to give a voice to the sorrows and the joys of all."~ . Artists whose vocation is "to give a voice to the sor-rows and joys of all"--this could well be a description of consecrated persons standing with "all those who are working and struggling." It is a description of people called to identify deeply with the mission of Jesus, who came among us and stood in. the midst of all,,.giving voice to their sorrows and joys. How does one assume the stance of "artist" of some-thing so elusive, inexpressible, paradoxical, and fragile? To become such an artist demands entering into the pathos of life and experiencing compassion deeply, that is, as com-passio, suffering or feeling deeply with another. How does one give voice to joy at all? "Silence is the perfectest her-ald of joy," Shakespeare's Claudio says wisely in Much Ado Regis J. Armstrong OFMCap presented this paper (here some-what revised) at the annual conference of vicars of religious held in San Antonio in March 1998. His address is St. Fidelis Friary; 7790 Country Road 153; Interlake6, New York 14847. consecrated life November-Decentber 1998 Armstrong * Consecrated Life About Nothing.2 Joy, thenl is perhaps best ex~pressed transparently, whether one's focus on so paradoxically universal and personal a subject be psychological, sociological, cultural, philosophical, the- 916gical, spiritual, or liturgical. Perspectives From a biblical perspective'~ joy is an incredibly rich theme. In the Old Testament, profound joy is the chosen people's response to Yahweh's redemptive presence or, in the lager tradition, to Yahweh's ever present hesed or lovi'ng mercy. Various forms of the word joy appear in the Old Testament well over a hundred times, giving an inkling or anticipation of the New Testament, of Mary's proclamation of joy in "God my Savior'; and Paul's dramatic exhortation to the Philippians "Rejoice in the Lord always." Over and over agaifi Luke colors his Gospel and Acts with joy:'"To the poor he proclaimed the good news of salvation . and to those in sorrow, joy." If Yahweh is the supreme joy and the greatest delight for the pegple of the Old Testament, the self-giving of God in Christ provides those of the New Testament an essential quality of life, joy. The Holy One of Israel is now incarnate in the person of Jesus: the unfathomable, ineffable joy at the heart of God is now tangible. The Dictionnaire de Spiritualit~ Asc~tique et Mystique offers a variety of perspectives from which to reflect on joy. In its entry on joie, the reader can find, in addition to biblical considerations, summaries of the different theologies.3 There are considerations ' of people such as the early theological giants Origen .and Augustine, the. medieval mystics Bernard of Clairvaux and Francis of Assisi, and the much later doctors of the church Francis' de Sales and Thdr~se Of the Child' Jesus. Each of these writers, the author maintains, offers a different interpretation of the same reality. For Origen, knowledge of the gospel was a source of joy, a joy epitomized in the reaction of the aged Simeon when hd had the Infant in his arms.4 Augustine found joy in the Lord's ever-for-giving mercy, but saw its fullness in the eternal bliss of heaven;5 while Bernard repeatedly disEovered it in God's love.6 Francis of Assisi sang its praises in' hiE descrip.tioia of True Joy,7 and Francis de Sales urged his audienc~ to find joy by putting aside the plea-sures of this world and focusing on those of heaven,s Thdr~se wallowed in the joy of faith when her Beloved seemed most Review for Religious absent,9 From that vantage point alone, Franqois Bussini, author of the Dictionnaire's study, offers a variety of rich ways of study-ing joy, that is, through, the different traditions of,spirituality that provide insights into the meaning and gift of joy. ~' Gaudete in Domino Bussini might easily have added one significant name to his list of "theologians of joy": Paul VI, the author of the first papal doc-ument on the mystery of Christian joy, Gaudete in Domino, 9 May 1975., From his days as cardinal archbishop of Milan to the address of hi~ very last audience on 2 August 1967; four days before his death, joy was a leitmotif of his, a theme to which he continually returried. He offered an insight into the reason for this when he rhetorically asked the people of Milan:: "Have you ever met a saint? And, if you have, tell me: What is the characteristic you found in that soul?" His response to those questions suggests how closely he associated joy with~ the pursuit of happiness: "It will be joy [that you have found], a happiness so tranquil, so pro-found, so simple, but so true. And it is this transparency of joy that makes us declare: That is truly a good soul, because he has joy in his heart.''1° It is not surprising that as pope he took the opportunity to write a major statement on the Christian pursuit of joy. In addition to being an exhortation to pr~y for tile gift of joy, Gaudete in Domino expre~ssed in the mid- 1970s the pope's firm belief that peoples throughout the world desperately desired this "fragile and threatened" gift. ¯ Paul VI introduced his apostolic exhortatiori with a simple description of the need for joy in the contemporary ~orld (GD §1) and con'cluded with three others describing the cry of humanity, especially of the young, for the gift of joy. "We should be atten-tive to the appeal tliat rises from the hearts of humanity," Paul exhorts, "from the age of wondering childhood to serene old age, as a presentiment of the divine mystery" (GD §1). From this atten-tiveness or focusing on the joys of our hearts, Paul discovers an While never losing sight of the fact that joy is a ~timension of human life, Paul Vl found that the mystery of the Incarnate Word transformed its meaning. November-December 1998 Armstrong ¯ Consecrated Life energy and enthusiasm to share the reason for our joy with oth-ers. "In no way," he says, "can [joy] encourage the person ~vho enjoys it to have an attitudd of p.reoccupoation with self. [It] is the result of a human-divine communion, one that aspires to a com-munion ever more universal." In retrospect, Gaudete in Domino provided an insight into the call of Evangelii nuntiandi issued seven months later, which many. consider the Magna Carta of Paul VI'S papacy. There he dramatically exhorted all Christians, and espe-cially religious: "The privileged means of effective, evangeliza-tion" is to proclaim with joy "the joyful news of the fulfillment of the promises of the covenant offered by God" (EN §§69 and 6)~ At the core of the seven brief chapters of Gaudete in Domino, written in his elegant poetic style, Paul sketched the biblical foun. dations of both the Old and New Testaments and the enduring heritage bf Christian joy found in the lives of the saints. The pope may well have had Bussini's article before him,.-especially as he reflected on those saints who expressed joy in their lives and writ-ings. But it is striking how, in addition to Francis of Assisi and Th&~se of L!sieux, Paul draws special attention to the joy of the Conventual Franciscan Maximilian K01be, whom he had canon-ized a few years earlier: "His interior peace, serenity, and joy somehow transformed the place of suffering [Auschwitz]--which was usually like an image of hell--into the antechamber of eter-nal life, both for his unfortunate companions and for himself" (GD §4). While never losing sight of the fact that joy is a dimension of human life, Paul vI found that the,mystery of the,Incarnate Word transformed its meaning: Jesus himself knew, appreciated, and celebrated a whole range of human joys. More wonderfully, how-ever, Jesus revealed the s'ecret.of the unfathomable joy of.the "secret life of the Trinity," that is, the joy of living in God's l~ve (GD §3). "The ~ather is seen here," Paul teaches, "as the one who gives himself to the. Son, without reserve and without ceas-ing, in a burst of joyful generosity, and the Son is seen as he who gives himself in the same way to the Father, in a burst of joyful gratitude, in the Holy Spirit" (GD §3). The joy revealed by Jesus of Nazareth, then, "is the reverberation in human consciousness of the love that he has always known as God in the bosom of the Father" (GD §3). As the Incarnate Son of God, Jesus revealed a new, infinite dimension of joy, one that makes the human soul restless and ever eager to partake of its fullness. "In essence," Review for Religious t Paul e~iplains, "Christian joy is the spiritual sharing in the unfath-omable joy, both divine and human, which is in the heart of Jesus Christ glorified" (GD §2). But, more ~than reflecting on the rev-elatory dimension of Jesus' joy, the pope accentuates its paschal dimension as he underscores that by his death and resurrection Jesus poured the Spirit into the hearts of believers. "The Spirit, who proceeds from the Father and the Son and is their mutual love, is henceforth communicated to the people of the New Covenant and to each soul ready for his secret action. Together with him the human heart is inhabited by the Father and the Son" (GD §3). This, then, is experience of a joy that is truly spiritual, the fruit of the Spirit's presence and a characteristic of fill Christian virtue (see GD §3). Shortly before his death Paul VI shared with John Magee, his secretary, "the secret of my spirituality": .I have to recognize God the Father's action in his Son in my regard. Once I acknowledge that God can work in me through his Son, he gives me grace, the grace of baptism. After the grace of being reborn to God's life, my life becomes a tension of love with God drawing me to him-self. Always, in all of us, there is this tension betwe.en my mise-ria and God's misericordia. The whole spiritual life of every one of us lies between these two poles. If I open myself to the action of God and the Holy Spirit and4et them do with me what they will, then my tension becomes ioyous and feel within myself a great desire to come to him and receive his mercy; more than ever I recognize the need to be for-given, to receive the gift of rnercy,l~ This passage offers a m~arvelous insight~in,to'Paul's preoccupa-tion with the gift of Christian joy. That "tension of love" that stretched or expanded his entire life and made him continually aware of his sinfulness and the overwhelming love of God became joyous and made him ever more desirous to possess the joy of God's presence. Evangelica testificatio, Paul VI's apostolic exhortation on the renewal of the religious life, was significant in this regard. It expresses his conviction that the joy radiating from religious com-munities would be proof of the validity Of religious life. Joy, he maintained, would be "proof to everyone that the state of life which [religious] have chosen is h~lping [them] to realize the greatest possible expansion of [their] life in Christ." Moreover, November-Decentber 1998 Armstrong ¯ Consecrated Life it would be a magnet attracting the young to understand the appeal of Jesus, and be "the most effective invitation to embrace ttie religious life" (ET §55). Vita Consecrata Twen~ty-one years later John Paul II published his postsyn-odal apostolic exhortation Vita consecrata. Curiously, Vita conse-crata contains only scattered references to joy, fourteen in all. There are certainly echoes of Paul VI's Evangelica testificatio in phrases such as "the joyful witness [of consecrated life] to [God's] loving concern for every human being" (VC §16). Unlike Paul vI, however, John Paul II seems more concerned with the dwelling on the foundations of consecrated life. He only touches on the joy that the consecrated life brings through monasticism (VC §§6, 2.7), virginity (VC §7), and common life (VC §51), rather than off the dynamics of a spirituality of joy. Does .this mean that Vita con-secrata does not assist us in understanding consecrated life as being anointed with joy? No, but Michael Novak's observatior~ into the thought of John Paul II is apropos. The pope, Novak claims, is an artist at home in the world of the intellectual as well as in.that of the poet. To understand these dimensions of his thought, it is important to remember that he is a phenomenologist. "Simply put," Novak maintains, phenomenology is a sustained effort to bring back into phi-losophy everyday things, concrete wholes, the basic expe-riences of life as they come to us. It wishes to recapture ~those quotidian realities from the empiricists, on the one hand, who analyze them into sense data, impressions, chem-ical compositions, neural reactions, etc., and from the ide-alists, on the other hand, who break them 6p into ideal types, categories,and forms.12 -.To understand his thought, then, demands being attentive to both his language and the underpinnings of his thought. In addressing religious communities and consecrated persons "in the introduction to Vita consecrata, the pope writes of the "dif-ficult and trying period" .and of the "time of tension and struggle" in which they live. By referring to,Acts 15:31, he expresses his hope that consecrated women and men will receive the document as 'the Christians of Antioch did; by being joyful at the hope and encouragemen't which it gives. Immediate!y, however, he turns Review for Religious his attention to the entire people of'God and expresses his hope that the document will increase their joy as they become more aware of the consecrated life and, as a result, "thank almighty God for this great gift [of consecrated life]" (VC §13). Does this mention of consecrated life as a "great gift" provide a hint at the underpinnings of John Paul's understanding of what it means to be "anointed with joy"? Even a superficial reading of ¼"ta consecrata reveals John Paul's view of the consecrated life and the evangelical counsels as gifts. This perspective undoubtedly flows from his per-ception of Vatican II's emphasis on the profound reality of ecclesial communion, "in which all gifts ¯ converge for the building up of the Body of Christ and for the church's mission in the world" (VC §4). Seventy-three times he writes in Vita conse-crata of the gifts of consecrated life, of the evan-gelical counsels, of the radical gift of self for love, of the gifts of consecrated communities that com-plement one another, and so on. From John Paul's perspective, then, an awareness of the great gift of consecrated life, an awareness of being gifted; is a source of joy as well as a reason for thanksgiving". Thus Vita consecrata clearly offers an under-standing of conse, crated life that clearly supports seeing it as "anointed with j6y," for consecrated women and men have been gifted, have been sin-gled out as recipients of a special love tha~ brings joy. Fourteen times these gifts are specifically attributed to the Holy Spirit, a reminder that adds an extra note of joy~ Joy'flows from a conscious-ness of being loved--and thereby gifted. The joy of consecrated life flows from a consciousness of being '.'plunged into the fir~ of love which burns in them and which is none other than the Holy Spirit" (VC §26). It implies being gifted with an energy that pushes them beyond any joy this world offers. Like all joy, it leads to two things: a fuller.dove or union and a more profound eagerness or restlessness tha't this love be expressed and known. The joy of consecrated life demands, in the pope's words, that consecrated life "become one of the tangible seals which the Trinity impresses upon history, so that people can sense with longing the attrac-tion of divine beauty" (VC §20). From J~ohn Paul's perspective, then, an awareness of the great gift of consecrated life,. an awareness of being gifted, is a source of joy as well as a .reason for thanksgiving. Novetnber-Decen*ber 1998 Armstron~ ¯ Consecrated Life Were we to attempt a summary of John Paul's understanding of the consecrated life, we might choose this one sentence of Vita consecrata: "This special way of 'following Christ' expresses in a particularly vivid way the Trinitarian nature,of the Christian life and anticipates in a certain way that eschatological fulfillment toward which the whole church is tending" (VC § 14). Expressing those two dimensions of consecrated life--the Trinitarian and the eschatological--seems to form for John Paul lI the challenges of consecrated life and the foundations for joy. To live that conse-crated life as anointed with joy implies doing the same: reflecting in a joyful way the inner life of God in which we are caught up and, at the same time, expressing our restless pursuit 'of the full-ness of joy that will be achieved only in heaven. Our contempo- "rary struggles in rethinking the role of consecrated life in the mystery of-the church suggest two fundamental questions. First, have we plumbed the depth of the gift of the Holy Spirit that ¯ consecrated life is? And, second, have we developed a passion for the ~onsecrated life that makes it "a daring adventure of love" driving us to "that eschatological fulfillment toward which the whole church is .tending.''13 Answering those two difficult ques-tions has not been an easy enterprise. The answers seem to be as elusive as the full meaning of "anointed with joy." The Trinitarian Nature of Consecrated Life The contemporary sensitivity to inclusive language has under-scored a fundamental problem of contemporary Christian spiri-. ,tuality, namely, the failure to pay adequate attention to its Trinitarian underpinnings.14 If this is the case, focusing on the joy inherent in consecrated life through the prism of the gift of the Holy Spirit, which demands reflecting on the Trinity, might bor-dernot on being risky, but on being reckless. Language becomes a mjnefield not only because of images, for example, masculine and feminine, but also because of the elusive, transparent, incon-spicuous nature of the Spirit itself. Wind, power, light--these are some of the poetic images used to express its presence. Never pointing to itself, the Spirit cries,out "Abba!" and "Jesus is Lord!" While it is our Father and our Lord Jesus Christ, the Spirit pos-sesses us and catches up our unique spirits as its own. Following the teaching of Augustine, medieval theologians remark that within the mystery of.the triune God there is an Review for Religqous energy or quality expressed in two words: esse ad, "to be to" or "to be for" the other.~5 The phrase is undoubtedly another way of expressing that God is love, but it implies that that love means being present to or for another. Richard 6f St. Victor and the relation-oriented theology of the 12th century paved the way for Bonaventure, who identifies the Holy Spirit as the nexus or the bond joining the Father and the Son, the power of mutually being to or for the other. The Spirit is the love with which the Father loves the Son and the Son loves the Father. Therefore, the Spirit brings to both Father and Son the fruit of its presence, joy. It makes them esse adl present, to and for one another. Bonaventure goes a step further. The Spirit, he maintains, is the love with which the Father and Son love us: It is that power of love or, as Paul vI describes it, that "tension of love" which draws us into the infinite love of the triune God. It is that which enables us to respond to that divine love with the same love. Being overwhelmed by and responding to love--that is the meaning of a graced or gifted life; It makes us restless for the perfectioh of love. It is that which lifts us above ourselves, challenges us to let go of everything and be filled with love. Of necessity it calls all J Christians to a mystical embrace'of God', one that flows from the knowledge that the gift of the Spirit sweeps those who are gifted into the very heart of God. As Thomas Merton writes in Life and Holiness, "To be a Christian is to be committed to a largely mys-tical life,., to live within the dimensions of a completely mys-tical revelation and communication of the divine being." 16 What this means, of course, is dependent on the mystery of the ~ncarnate Word, for he is the revelation of the triune God. What it means to be loved by God is dependent on our knowledge of h~ow Christ reveals he is loved. As John Paul II tells us, "In the countenance of Jesus, the 'image of the invisible God' (Col 1:15) and the reflection of the Father's glory (see Heb 1:3), we glimpse the depth of an eternal and infinite love which is at the root of OUl~ being" (VC ~ 18). What it means to respondto that"love depends on our awareness of the kenosis, the self-emptying of Jesus. It makes our struggle as Christians--and, more to the point, as con-seerated women and men--to be essentially this: being Christ-centered. Understandably, then, Vita consecrata speaks of those called to consecrated life as persons called to "let themselves be seized by this love [to the point of] abandoning everything" (VC §18). He speaks of them devoting themselves "with undivided 1-6-1"November-December 1998 Armstrong ¯ Consecrated Life heart" (VC §1), making a "choice of total ~elf-giving to God in Christ" (VC §2), and expressing themselves "in a radical gift of self for love of~the Lord Jesus Christ" (VC §§.3,.12). This becomes a never ending recognition of philokalia, or the love of the divine beauty revealed in Jesus, and a progressive following of the Spirit's lead,to conformity with Christ (see VC §19). E~chat~logical Dimensidn of the Consecr~ated Life This ~focus onthe revelation of God's love in.the person of Jesus, however, leads John Paul to the secon~d dimension of con7 secrated life: its eschatological charhcter. "It is the duty of,the consecrated life," he maintains, "to show that the incarnate Son of God is the eschatological goal toward which all things tend, the splendor before which every other light pales, :and the infinite beauty which ~alone can fully satisfy the human heart" (VC §16). Here. too the gift of the Spirit is of quintessential importance. It enables "new men and women;to recognize the appeal of such a demanding choice, . . . awakens .the desire to respond, fully, . . . and guides the growth of this desire" (VC §19). "By allowing them-selves to be guided by the Spirit on an endless journey of purifi-cation," the pope maint~ains, "they become, day by day, conformed to Christ, the prolongation in history of a special presence of the risen Lord" (VC §19). In Vita consecrata John Paul II speaks of the Holy Spirit ninety-five times. The Spirit of Vita consecrata is power unlimited (VC §25), ,works without ceasing (VC 921), continually animates (VC §25) and gives strength (VC §30), and shapes and molds the hearts of those who are called (VC §19). The work of the Spirit as it guides us on its purifying journey is clearly one of calling, us beyond ourselv~es and beyond our limited experience of God's love~ Although ¼"ta consecrata clearly expresses this traditional, oth-erworldly spirituality, the pope also sees that the ardent expecta-tions of those consecrated persons demand an expression in the world in which~they live. Since "here we have no lasting city" (Heb 13:14), their longing "expresses itself in work and mission through a spirit capable of giving rise in human society to effec-tive aspirations for justice, peace, sglidarity, and forgiveness" (VC~ §27). These are the ones who "bring.hope to their brothers and sisters who are often discouraged and pessimistic about the future, . . . ~ hope founde~ on God's promise con~tained in the revealed Review for Religious word: the history of humanity is moving toward 'a new heaven and a new earth'" (VC §27). The hope they have discovered in the mystery of God's love, in other words, makes them eager to encourage others. And so their eschatological spirituality calls for active and renewed involvement in programs of systemic social change that are sensitive to the signs of the times, to the prefer-ential option for the poor, and to the promotion of,justice (see VC, §§81, 82). "Eschatological expectation becomes mission," John Paul teaches, "so that the kingdom may become ever more fully established here and now" (VC §27). Above all, however, this eschatolog- ~ ical thrust is oriented toward the future, a theme the pope introduces fourteen times in his exhortation. "By their charisms," he states, "consecrated per- ,~ sons become signs of the Spirit point-ing to a new future enlightened by.faith and.by Christian hope" (.VC §27), Thus the gift of the Spirit:is always prompting (VC §§1, 19, 22, 25), guiding (VC §§19, 63), awakening desire (VC §19), and teaching the hearts of those who are ca!l.ed, ~for it is the "educator par excel-lence of those who are consecrated" (VC §60). The Spirit's role in shaping the~future of consecrated life is perhaps best captured in the phrase "the creative guidance," in a section that speaks of the future (V.C §63). The phrase is similar to another, "creative fidelity," found earlier in the. document where the pope invites consecrated women and men to propose anew and with courage the enterprising initiative, creativity, and holi-ness of their founders and foundresses in response to the signs of the times,emerging in today's world" (VC §37). The Spirit's creative energy, then, flows throughout ¼"taxonsecrata, as the pope sees it, fashioning new expressions of consecrated life (VC §§ 10, 12), pointing to a new future (VC §27), and rejuvenating the Bride of Christ by the consecrated life (VC §64). "You haveonot only a glorious history to remember and recount," he declares, "but also a great history still to be accomplished" (VC §110). There is a built-in dynamic here. Rahner called it "The Dynamic Element in the Church" and suggested that it could very easily be a point of tension between the hierarchy and consecrated religious. Recent The Spirit's role in shaping the future of consecrated life is perhaps best captured in the phrase "the creative guidance.'" November-Decentber 1998 Armstrong * Consecrated Life history has shown us that it can easily be a point of tension among consecrated religious themselves, especially between the more traditional and the more creative brothers and sisters or between those without grounding .in the tradition, frequently older mem-bers, and those willing to "try anything" new without the tradi-tion's guidance. "Proposing anew the initiatives, creativity, and holiness of founders or foundresses" or developing "a dynamic fidelity to their mission" is easie'r said than done. Nevertheless, it is this very energy of the Spirit that John Paul II understands as revitalizing consecrated life and enabling new men and women to recognize its appeal. In this context, too, itis striking that John Paul writes of "the perennial youth of the church" and sees it integrally tied to "the new spiritual and apostolic impulses" of "new or renewed forms of the consecrated life" (VC §12). VChere is joy in all this? Perhaps it is found best in John Paul's image of "the perennial you. th of the church." No one could ques-tion the pope's concern for the young; his repeated meetings with and addresses to young people throughout the world are proof of that concern. The prerogative of the young, he frequently reit-erates, is to be concerned about the future, to dream about its unfolding, and to be excited about its shape. Is it not precisely in their dreaming and excitement that they find joy, a joy that is contagious and that enlivens even the more depressed? An echo of"ad Deum qui laetificat iuventutem meam" may be heard here, "to God who gives joy to my youth." As G.K. Chesterton observed, "The ~arpe diem religion is not the religign of happy people, but of very unhappy people. Great joy does not gather the rosebuds while it may; its eyes are fixed on the immortal rose which Dante saw. Great joy has in it the sense of immortality; the very splendor of youth is the sense that it has all space to stretch its legs in." 17 The pope's eschatological vision wisely notes the perennial youth that flows from the energy of the Spirit and keeps it ever young. With that alone comes joy! Tucked away among the more mystica! passages of T.S. Eliot's Four Quartets is one that is appropriate here: "The hint half guessed, the gift half understood, is Incarnation." 18 Eliot reminds his readers that the incarnation, is the only prism through which "to apprehend the point of intersection of the timeless with time ¯. something given and taken." A marvelous description of Con-secrated life! The Johannine tradition undoubtedly offers' the strongest Review for Religious :hints about the mystery of joy. The term chara, joy, occurs nine times in the Gospel of John and once each in the three Letters. Of all the references to joy in the Gospel, all but one are in the Last ~Supper discourse (15:17; 16:20-24; 17:13), where it is a future possibility opened up for Jesus' followers by his victorious death and th
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Daniel Deudney on Mixed Ontology, Planetary Geopolitics, and Republican Greenpeace
This is the second in a series of Talks dedicated to the technopolitics of International Relations, linked to the forthcoming double volume 'The Global Politics of Science and Technology' edited by Maximilian Mayer, Mariana Carpes, and Ruth Knoblich
World politics increasingly abrasions with the limits of state-centric thinking, faced as the world is with a set of issues that affect not only us collectively as mankind, but also the planet itself. While much of IR theorizing seems to shirk such realizations, the work of Daniel Deudney has consistently engaged with the complex problems engendered by the entanglements of nuclear weapons, the planetary environment, space exploration, and the kind of political associations that might help us to grapple with our fragile condition as humanity-in-the world. In this elaborate Talk, Deudney—amongst others—lays out his understanding of the fundamental forces that drive both planetary political progress and problems; discusses the kind of ontological position needed to appreciate these problems; and argues for the merits of a republican greenpeace model to political organization.
Print version of this Talk (pdf)
What is, according to you, the biggest challenge / principal debate in current IR? What is your position or answer to this challenge / in this debate?
The study of politics is the study of human politics and the human situation has been—and is being—radically altered by changes in the human relationships with the natural and material worlds. In my view, this means IR and related intellectual disciplines should focus on better understanding the emergence of the 'global' and the 'planetary,' their implications for the overall human world and its innumerable sub-worlds, and their relations with the realization of basic human needs. The global and the planetary certainly don't comprise all of the human situation, but the fact that the human situation has become global and planetary touches every other facet of the human situation, sometimes in fundamental ways. The simple story is that the human world is now 'global and planetary' due to the explosive transformation over the last several centuries of science-based technology occurring within the geophysical and biophysical features of planet Earth. The natural Earth and its relationship with humans have been massively altered by the vast amplifications in dispersed human agency produced by the emergence and spread of machine-based civilization. The overall result of these changes has been the emergence of a global- and planetary-scale material and social reality that is in some ways similar, but in other important ways radically different, from earlier times. Practices and structures inherited from the pre-global human worlds have not adequately been adjusted to take the new human planetary situation into account and their persistence casts a long and partially dark shadow over the human prospect.
A global and planetary focus is also justified—urgently—by the fact that the overall human prospect on this planet, and the fate of much additional life on this planet, is increasingly dependent on the development and employment of new social arrangements for interacting with these novel configurations of material and natural possibilities and limits. Human agency is now situated, and is making vastly fateful choices—for better or worse—in a sprawling, vastly complex aggregation of human-machine-nature assemblies which is our world. The 'fate of the earth' now partly hinges on human choices, and helping to make sure these choices are appropriate ones should be the paramount objective of political scientific and theoretical efforts. However, no one discipline or approach is sufficient to grapple successfully with this topic. All disciplines are necessary. But there are good reasons to believe that 'IR' and related disciplines have a particularly important possible practical role to play. (I am also among those who prefer 'global studies' as a label for the enterprise of answering questions that cut across and significantly subsume both the 'international' and the 'domestic.')
My approach to grappling with this topic is situated—like the work of now vast numbers of other IR theorists and researchers of many disciplines—in the study of 'globalization.' The now widely held starting point for this intellectual effort is the realization that globalization has been the dominant pattern or phenomenon, the story of stories, over at least the last five centuries. Globalization has been occurring in military, ecological, cultural, and economic affairs. And I emphasize—like many, but not all, analysts of globalization—that the processes of globalization are essentially dependent on new machines, apparatuses, and technologies which humans have fabricated and deployed. Our world is global because of the astounding capabilities of machine civilization. This startling transformation of human choice by technological advance is centrally about politics because it is centrally about changes in power. Part of this power story has been about changes in the scope and forms of domination. Globalization has been, to state the point mildly, 'uneven,' marked by amplifications of violence and domination and predation on larger and wider scales. Another part of the story of the power transformation has been the creation of a world marked by high degrees of interdependence, interaction, speed, and complexity. These processes of globalization and the transformation of machine capabilities are not stopping or slowing down but are accelerating. Thus, I argue that 'bounding power'—the growth, at times by breathtaking leaps, of human capabilities to do things—is now a fundamental feature of the human world, and understanding its implications should, in my view, be a central activity for IR scholars.
In addressing the topic of machine civilization and its globalization on Earth, my thinking has been centered first around the developing of 'geopolitical' lines argument to construct a theory of 'planetary geopolitics'. 'Geopolitics' is the study of geography, ecology, technology, and the earth, and space and place, and their interaction with politics. The starting point for geopolitical analysis is accurate mapping. Not too many IR scholars think of themselves as doing 'geography' in any form. In part this results from of the unfortunate segregation of 'geography' into a separate academic discipline, very little of which is concerned with politics. Many also mistake the overall project of 'geopolitics' with the ideas, and egregious mistakes and political limitations, of many self-described 'geopoliticans' who are typically arch-realists, strong nationalists, and imperialists. Everyone pays general lip service to the importance of technology, but little interaction occurs between IR and 'technology studies' and most IR scholars are happy to treat such matters as 'technical' or non-political in character. Despite this general theoretical neglect, many geographic and technological factors routinely pop into arguments in political science and political theory, and play important roles in them.
Thinking about the global and planetary through the lens of a fuller geopolitics is appealing to me because it is the human relationship with the material world and the Earth that has been changed with the human world's globalization. Furthermore, much of the actual agendas of movements for peace, arms control, and sustainability are essentially about alternative ways of ordering the material world and our relations with it. Given this, I find an approach that thinks systematically about the relations between patterns of materiality and different political forms is particularly well-suited to provide insights of practical value for these efforts.
The other key focus of my research has been around extending a variety of broadly 'republican' political insights for a cluster of contemporary practical projects for peace, arms control, and environmental stewardship ('greenpeace'). Even more than 'geopolitics,' 'republicanism' is a term with too many associations and meanings. By republics I mean political associations based on popular sovereignty and marked by mutual limitations, that is, by 'bounding power'—the restraint of power, particularly violent power—in the interests of the people generally. Assuming that security from the application of violence to bodies is a primary (but not sole) task of political association, how do republican political arrangements achieve this end? I argue that the character and scope of power restraint arrangements that actually serve the fundamental security interests of its popular sovereign varies in significant ways in different material contexts.
Republicanism is first and foremost a domestic form, centered upon the successive spatial expansion of domestic-like realms, and the pursuit of a constant political project of maximally feasible ordered freedom in changed spatial and material circumstances. I find thinking about our global and planetary human situation from the perspective of republicanism appealing because the human global and planetary situation has traits—most notably high levels of interdependence, interaction, practical speed, and complexity—that make it resemble our historical experience of 'domestic' and 'municipal' realms. Thinking with a geopolitically grounded republicanism offers insights about global governance very different from the insights generated within the political conceptual universe of hierarchical, imperial, and state-centered political forms. Thus planetary geopolitics and republicanism offers a perspective on what it means to 'Think Globally and Act Locally.' If we think of, or rather recognize, the planet as our locality, and then act as if the Earth is our locality, then we are likely to end up doing various approximations of the best-practice republican forms that we have successfully developed in our historically smaller domestic localities.
How did you arrive at where you currently are in IR?
Like anybody else, the formative events in my intellectual development have been shaped by the thick particularities of time and place. 'The boy is the father of the man,' as it is said. The first and most direction-setting stage in the formation of my 'green peace' research interests was when I was in 'grade school,' roughly the years from age 6-13. During these years my family lived in an extraordinary place, St Simons Island, a largely undeveloped barrier island off the coast of southern Georgia. This was an extremely cool place to be a kid. It had extensive beaches, and marshes, as well as amazing trees of gargantuan proportions. My friends and I spent much time exploring, fishing, camping out, climbing trees, and building tree houses. Many of these nature-immersion activities were spontaneous, others were in Boy Scouts. This extraordinary natural environment and the attachments I formed to it, shaped my strong tendency to see the fates of humans and nature as inescapably intertwined. But the Boy Scouts also instilled me with a sense of 'virtue ethics'. A line from the Boy Scout Handbook captures this well: 'Take a walk around your neighborhood. Make a list of what is right and wrong about it. Make a plan to fix what is not right.' This is a demotic version of Weber's political 'ethic of responsibility.' This is very different from the ethics of self-realization and self-expression that have recently gained such ground in America and elsewhere. It is now very 'politically incorrect' to think favorably of the Boy Scouts, but I believe that if the Scouting experience was universally accessible, the world would be a much improved place.
My kid-in-nature life may sound very Tom Sawyer, but it was also very Tom Swift. My friends and I spent much of our waking time reading about the technological future, and imaginatively play-acting in future worlds. This imaginative world was richly fertilized by science fiction comic books, television shows, movies, and books. Me and my friends—juvenile technological futurists and techno-nerds in a decidedly anti-intellectual culture—were avid readers of Isaac Asimov, Arthur C. Clarke, Ray Bradbury, and Robert Heinlein, and each new issue of Analog was eagerly awaited. While we knew we were Americans, my friends and I had strong inclinations to think of ourselves most essentially as 'earthlings.' We fervently discussed extraterrestrial life and UFOs, and we eagerly awaited the day, soon to occur, we were sure, in which we made 'first contact.' We wanted to become, if not astronauts, then designers and builders of spaceships. We built tree houses, but we filled them with discarded electronics and they became starships. We rode bicycles, but we lugged about attaché cases filled with toy ray guns, transistor radios, firecrackers, and homemade incendiary devices. We built and fired off rockets, painstaking assembled plastic kit models of famous airplanes and ships, and then we would blow them apart with our explosives. The future belonged to technology, and we fancied ourselves its avant garde.
Yet the prospect of nuclear Armageddon seemed very real. We did 'duck and cover' drills at school, and sat for two terrifying weeks through the Cuban Missile Crisis. My friends and I had copies of the Atomic Energy Commission manuals on 'nuclear effects,' complete with a slide-rule like gadget that enabled us to calculate just what would happen if near-by military bases were obliterated by nuclear explosions. Few doubted that we were, in the words of a pop song, 'on the eve of destruction.' These years were also the dawning of 'the space age' in which humans were finally leaving the Earth and starting what promised to be an epic trek, utterly transformative in its effects, to the stars. My father worked for a number of these years for a large aerospace military-industrial firm, then working for NASA to build the very large rockets needed to launch men and machines to the moon and back. My friends and I debated fantastical topics, such as the pros and cons of emigrating to Mars, and how rapidly a crisis-driven exodus from the earth could be organized.
Two events that later occurred in the area where I spent my childhood served as culminating catalytic events for my greenpeace thinking. First, some years after my family moved away, the industrial facility to mix rocket fuel that had been built by the company my father worked for, and that he had helped put into operation, was struck by an extremely violent 'industrial accident,' which reduced, in one titanic flash, multi-story concrete and steel buildings filled with specialized heavy industrial machinery (and everyone in them) into a grey powdery gravel ash, no piece of which was larger than a fist. Second, during the late 1970s, the US Navy acquired a large tract of largely undeveloped marsh and land behind another barrier island (Cumberland), an area 10-15 miles from where I had lived, a place where I had camped, fished, and hunted deer. The Navy dredged and filled what was one of the most biologically fertile temperate zone estuaries on the planet. There they built the east coast base for the new fleet of Trident nuclear ballistic missile submarines, the single most potent violence machine ever built, thus turning what was for me the wildest part of my wild-encircled childhood home into one of the largest nuclear weapons complexes on earth. These events catalyzed for me the realization that there was a great struggle going on, for the Earth and for the future, and I knew firmly which side I was on.
My approach to thinking about problems was also strongly shaped by high school debate, where I learned the importance of 'looking at questions from both sides,' and from this stems my tendency to look at questions as debates between competing answers, and to focus on decisively engaging, defeating, and replacing the strongest and most influential opposing positions. As an undergraduate at Yale College, I started doing Political Theory. I am sure that I was a very vexing student in some ways, because (the debater again) I asked Marxist questions to my liberal and conservative professors, and liberal and conservative ones to my Marxist professors. Late in my sophomore year, I had my epiphany, my direction-defining moment, that my vocation would be an attempt to do the political theory of the global and the technological. Since then, the only decisions have been ones of priority and execution within this project.
Wanting to learn something about cutting-edge global and technological and issues, I next went to Washington D.C. for seven years. I worked on Capitol Hill for three and a half years as a policy aide, working on energy and conservation and renewable energy and nuclear power. I spent the other three and a half years as a Senior Researcher at the Worldwatch Institute, a small environmental and global issues think tank that was founded and headed by Lester Brown, a well-known and far-sighted globalist. I co-authored a book about renewable energy and transitions to global sustainability and wrote a study on space and space weapons. At the time I published Whole Earth Security: a Geopolitics of Peace (1983), in which my basic notions of planetary geopolitics and republicanism were first laid out. During these seven years in Washington, I also was a part-time student, earning a Master's degree in Science, Technology and Public Policy at George Washington University.
In all, these Washington experiences have been extremely valuable for my thinking. Many political scientists view public service as a low or corrupting activity, but this is, I think, very wrong-headed. The reason that the democratic world works as well as it does is because of the distributive social intelligence. But social intelligence is neither as distributed nor as intelligent as it needs to be to deal with many pressing problems. My experience as a Congressional aide taught me that most of the problems that confront my democracy are rooted in various limits and corruptions of the people. I have come to have little patience with those who say, for example, rising inequality is inherent in capital C capitalism, when the more proximate explanation is that the Reagan Republican Party was so successful in gutting the progressive tax system previously in place in the United States. Similarly, I see little value in claims, to take a very contemporary example, that 'the NSA is out of control' when this agency is doing more or less what the elected officials, responding to public pressures to provide 'national security' loudly demanded. In democracies, the people are ultimately responsible.
As I was immersed in the world of arms control and environmental activism I was impressed by the truth of Keynes's oft quoted line, about the great practical influence of the ideas of some long-dead 'academic scribbler.' This is true in varying degrees in every issue area, but in some much more than others. This reinforced my sense that great potential practical consequence of successfully innovating in the various conceptual frameworks that underpinned so many important activities. For nuclear weapons, it became clear to me that the problem was rooted in the statist and realist frames that people so automatically brought to a security question of this magnitude.
Despite the many appeals of a career in DC politics and policy, this was all for me an extended research field-trip, and so I left Washington to do a PhD—a move that mystified many of my NGO and activist friends, and seemed like utter folly to my political friends. At Princeton University, I concentrated on IR, Political Theory, and Military History and Politics, taking courses with Robert Gilpin, Richard Falk, Barry Posen, Sheldon Wolin and others. In my dissertation—entitled Global Orders: Geopolitical and Materialist Theories of the Global-Industrial Era, 1890-1945—I explored IR and related thinking about the impacts of the industrial revolution as a debate between different world order alternatives, and made arguments about the superiority of liberalist, internationalist, and globalist arguments—most notably from H.G. Wells and John Dewey—to the strong realist and imperialist ideas most commonly associated with the geopolitical writers of this period.
I also continued engaging in activist policy affiliated to the Program on Nuclear Policy Alternatives at the Center for Energy andEnvironmental Studies (CEES), which was then headed by Frank von Hippel, a physicist turned 'public interest scientist', and a towering figure in the global nuclear arms control movement. I was a Post Doc at CEES during the Gorbachev era and I went on several amazing and eye-opening trips to the Soviet Union. Continuing my space activism, I was able to organize workshops in Moscow and Washington on large-scale space cooperation, gathering together many of the key space players on both sides. While Princeton was fabulously stimulating intellectually, it was also a stressful pressure-cooker, and I maintained my sanity by making short trips, two of three weekends, over six years, to Manhattan, where I spent the days working in the main reading room of the New York Public Library and the nights partying and relaxing in a world completely detached from academic life.
When it comes to my intellectual development in terms of reading theory, the positive project I wanted to pursue was partially defined by approaches I came to reject. Perhaps most centrally, I came to reject an approach that was very intellectually powerful, even intoxicating, and which retains great sway over many, that of metaphysical politics. The politics of the metaphysicians played a central role in my coming to reject the politics of metaphysics. The fact that some metaphysical ideas and the some of the deep thinkers who advanced them, such as Heidegger, and many Marxists, were so intimately connected with really disastrous politics seemed a really damning fact for me, particularly given that these thinkers insisted so strongly on the link between their metaphysics and their politics. I was initially drawn to Nietzsche's writing (what twenty-year old isn't) but his model of the philosopher founder or law-giver—that is, of a spiritually gifted but alienated guy (and it always is a guy) with a particularly strong but frustrated 'will to power' going into the wilderness, having a deep spiritual revelation, and then returning to the mundane corrupt world with new 'tablets of value,' along with a plan to take over and run things right—seemed more comic than politically relevant, unless the prophet is armed, in which case it becomes a frightful menace. The concluding scene in Herman Hesse's Magister Ludi (sometimes translated as The Glass Bead Game) summarized by overall view of the 'high theory' project. After years of intense training by the greatest teachers the most spiritually and intellectually gifted youths finally graduate. To celebrate, they go to lake, dive in, and, having not learned how to swim, drown.
I was more attracted to Aristotle, Hume, Montesquieu, Dewey and other political theorists with less lofty and comprehensive views of what theory might accomplish; weary of actions; based on dogmatic or totalistic thinking; an eye to the messy and compromised world; with a political commitment to liberty and the interests of the many; a preference for peace over war; an aversion to despotism and empire; and an affinity for tolerance and plurality. I also liked some of those thinkers because of their emphasis on material contexts. Montesquieu seeks to analyze the interaction of material contexts and republican political forms; Madison and his contemporaries attempt to extend the spatial scope of republican political association by recombining in novel ways various earlier power restraint arrangements. I was tremendously influenced by Dewey, studying intensively his slender volume The Public and its Problems (1927)—which I think is the most important book in twentieth century political thought. By the 'public' Dewey means essentially a stakeholder group, and his main point is that the material transformations produced by the industrial revolution has created new publics, and that the political task is to conceptualize and realize forms of community and government appropriate to solving the problems that confront these new publics.
One can say my overall project became to apply and extend their concepts to the contemporary planetary situation. Concomitantly reading IR literature on nuclear weapons, I was struck by fact that the central role that material realities played in these arguments was very ad hoc, and that many of the leading arguments on nuclear politics were very unconvincing. It was clear that while Waltz (Theory Talk #40) had brilliantly developed some key ideas about anarchy made by Hobbes and Rousseau, he had also left something really important out. These sorts of deficiencies led me to develop the arguments contained in Bounding Power. I think it is highly unlikely that I would have had these doubts, or come to make the arguments I made without having worked in political theory and in policy.
I read many works that greatly influenced my thinking in this area, among them works by Lewis Mumford, Langdon Winner's Autonomous Technology, James Lovelock's Gaia, Charles Perrow's Normal Accidents (read a related article here, pdf), Jonathan Schell's Fate of the Earth and The Abolition, William Ophul's Ecology and the Politics of Scarcity... I was particularly stuck by a line in Buckminster Fuller's Operating Manual for Spaceship Earth (pdf), that we live in a 'spaceship' like closed highly interconnected system, but lack an 'operating manual' to guide intelligently our actions. It was also during this period that I read key works by H.G. Wells, most notably his book, Anticipations, and his essay The Idea of a League of Nations, both of which greatly influenced my thinking.
This aside, the greatest contribution to my thinking has come from conversations sustained over many years with some really extraordinary individuals. To mention those that I have been arguing with, and learning from, for at least ten years, there is John O'Looney, Wesley Warren, Bob Gooding-Williams, Alyn McAuly, Henry Nau, Richard Falk, Michael Doyle (Theory Talk #1), Richard Mathew, Paul Wapner, Bron Taylor, Ron Deibert, John Ikenberry, Bill Wohlforth, Frank von Hippel, Ethan Nadelmann, Fritz Kratochwil, Barry Buzan (Theory Talk #35), Ole Waever, John Agnew (Theory Talk #4), Barry Posen, Alex Wendt (Theory Talk #3), James der Derian, David Hendrickson, Nadivah Greenberg, Tim Luke, Campbell Craig, Bill Connolly, Steven David, Jane Bennett, Daniel Levine (TheoryTalk #58), and Jairus Grove. My only regret is that I have not spoken even more with them, and with the much larger number of people I have learned from on a less sustained basis along the way.
What would a student need to become a specialist in IR or understand the world in a global way?
I have thought a great deal about what sort of answers to this question can be generally valuable. For me, the most important insight is that success in intellectual life and academia is determined by more or less the same combination of factors that determines success more generally. This list is obvious: character, talent, perseverance and hard work, good judgment, good 'people skills,' and luck. Not everyone has a talent to do this kind of work, but the number of people who do have the talent to do this kind of work is much larger than the number of people who are successful in doing it. I think in academia as elsewhere, the people most likely to really succeed are those whose attitude toward the activity is vocational. A vocation is something one is called to do by an inner voice that one cannot resist. People with vocations never really work in one sense, because they are doing something that they would be doing even if they were not paid or required. Of course, in another sense people with vocations never stop working, being so consumed with their path that everything else matters very little. People with jobs and professions largely stop working when they when the lottery, but people with vocations are empowered to work more and better. When your vocation overlaps with your job, you should wake up and say 'wow, I cannot believe I am being paid to do this!' Rather obviously, the great danger in the life paths of people with vocations is imbalance and burn-out. To avoid these perils it is beneficial to sustain strong personal relationships, know when and how to 'take off' effectively, and sustain the ability to see things as an unfolding comedy and to laugh.
Academic life also involves living and working in a profession. Compared to the oppressions that so many thinkers and researchers have historically suffered from, contemporary professional academic life is a utopia. But academic life has several aspects unfortunate aspects, and coping successfully with them is vital. Academic life is full of 'odd balls' and the loose structure of universities and organization, combined with the tenure system, licenses an often florid display of dubious behavior. A fair number of academics have really primitive and incompetent social skills. Others are thin skinned-ego maniacs. Some are pompous hypocrites. Some are ruthlessly self-aggrandizing and underhanded. Some are relentless shirkers and free-riders. Also, academic life is, particularly relative to the costs of obtaining the years of education necessary to obtain it, not very well paid. Corruptions of clique, ideological factionalism, and nepotism occur. If not kept in proper perspective, and approached in appropriate ways, academic department life can become stupidly consuming of time, energy, and most dangerously, intellectual attention. The basic step for healthy departmental life is to approach it as a professional role.
The other big dimension of academic life is teaching. Teaching is one of the two 'deliverables' that academic organizations provide in return for the vast resources they consume. Shirking on teaching is a dereliction of responsibility, but also is the foregoing of a great opportunity. Teaching is actually one of the most assuredly consequential things academics do. The key to great teaching is, I think, very simple: inspire and convey enthusiasm. Once inspired, students learn. Once students take questions as their own, they become avid seekers of answers. Teachers of things political also have a responsibility to remain even-handed in what they teach, to make sure that they do not teach just or mainly their views, to make sure that the best and strongest versions of opposing sides are heard. Teaching seeks to produce informed and critically thinking students, not converts. Beyond the key roles of inspiration and even-handedness, the rest is the standard package of tasks relevant in any professional role: good preparation, good organization, hard work, and clarity of presentation.
Your main book, Bounding Power: Republican Security Theory from the Polis to the Global Village (2007), is a mix of intellectual history, political theory and IR theory, and is targeted largely at realism. How does a reading and interpretation of a large number of old books tell us something new about realism, and the contemporary global?
Bounding Power attempts to dispel some very large claims made by realists about their self-proclaimed 'tradition,' a lineage of thought in which they place many of the leading Western thinkers about political order, such as Thucydides, Machiavelli, Hobbes, Rousseau, and the 'global geopoliticans' from the years around the beginning of the twentieth century. In the book I argue that the actual main axis of western thinking about political order (and its absence) is largely the work of 'republican' thinkers from the small number of 'republics', and that many of the key ideas that realists call realist and liberals call liberal are actually fragments of a larger, more encompassing set of arguments that were primarily in the idioms of republicanism. This entails dispelling the widely held view that the liberal and proto-liberal republican thought and practice are marked by 'idealism'—and therefore both inferior in their grasp of the problem of security-from violence and valuable only when confined to the 'domestic.' I demonstrate that this line of republican security thinkers had a robust set of claims both about material contextual factors, about the 'geopolitics of freedom', and a fuller understanding of security-from-violence. The book shows how perhaps the most important insights of this earlier cluster of arguments has oddly been dropped by both realists (particularly neorealists) and liberal international theorists. And, finally, it is an attempt to provide an understanding that posits the project of exiting anarchy on a global scale as something essentially unprecedented, and as something that the best of our inherited theory leaves us unable to say much about.
The main argument is contained in my formulation of what I think are the actual the two main sets of issues of Western structural-materialist security theory, two problematiques formulated in republican and naturalist-materialist conceptual vocabularies. The first problematique concerns the relationship between material context, the scope of tolerable anarchy, and necessary-for-security government. The second problematic concerns the relative security-viability of two main different forms of government—hierarchical and republican.
This formulation of the first problematic concerning anarchy differs from the main line of contemporary Realist argument in that it poses the question as one about the spatial scope of tolerable anarchy. The primary variable in my reconstruction of the material-contextual component of these arguments is what I term violence interdependence (absent, weak, strong, and intense). The main substantive claim of Western structural-materialist security theory is that situations of anarchy combined with intense violence interdependence are incompatible with security and require substantive government. Situations of strong and weak violence interdependence constitute a tolerable (if at times 'nasty and brutish') second ('state-of-war') anarchy not requiring substantive government. Early formulations of 'state of nature' arguments, explicitly or implicitly hinge upon this material contextual variable, and the overall narrative structure of the development of republican security theory and practice has concerned natural geographic variations and technologically caused changes in the material context, and thus the scope of security tolerable/intolerable anarchy and needed substantive government. This argument was present in early realist versions of anarchy arguments, but has been dropped by neorealists. Conversely, contemporary liberal international theorists analyze interdependence, but have little to say about violence. The result is that the realists talk about violence and security, and the liberals talk about interdependence not relating to violence, producing the great lacuna of contemporary theory: analysis of violence interdependence.
The second main problematique, concerning the relative security viability of hierarchical and republican forms, has also largely been lost sight of, in large measure by the realist insistence that governments are by definition hierarchical, and the liberal avoidance of system structural theory in favor of process, ideational, and economic variables. (For neoliberals, cooperation is seen as (possibly) occurring in anarchy, without altering or replacing anarchy.) The main claim here is that republican and proto-liberal theorists have a more complete grasp of the security political problem than realists because of their realization that both the extremes of hierarchy and anarchy are incompatible with security. In order to register this lost component of structural theory I refer to republican forms at both the unit and the system-level as being characterized by an ordering principle which I refer to as negarchy. Such political arrangements are characterized by the simultaneous negation of both hierarchy and anarchy. The vocabulary of political structures should thus be conceived as a triad-triangle of anarchy, hierarchy, and negarchy, rather than a spectrum stretching from pure anarchy to pure hierarchy. Using this framework, Bounding Power traces various formulations of the key arguments of security republicans from the Greeks through the nuclear era as arguments about the simultaneous avoidance of hierarchy and anarchy on expanding spatial scales driven by variations and changes in the material context. If we recognize the main axis of our thinking in this way, we can stand on a view of our past that is remarkable in its potential relevance to thinking and dealing with the contemporary 'global village' like a human situation.
Nuclear weapons play a key role in the argument of Bounding Power about the present, as well as elsewhere in your work. But are nuclear weapons are still important as hey were during the Cold War to understand global politics?
Since their arrival on the world scene in the middle years of the twentieth century, there has been pretty much universal agreement that nuclear weapons are in some fundamental way 'revolutionary' in their implications for security-from-violence and world politics. The fact that the Cold War is over does not alter, and even stems from, this fact. Despite this wide agreement on the importance of nuclear weapons, theorists, policy makers, and popular arms control/disarmament movements have fundamental disagreements about which political forms are compatible with the avoidance of nuclear war. I have attempted to provide a somewhat new answer to this 'nuclear-political question', and to explain why strong forms of interstate arms control are necessary for security in the nuclear age. I argue that achieving the necessary levels of arms control entails somehow exiting interstate anarchy—not toward a world government as a world state, but toward a world order that is a type of compound republican union (marked by, to put it in terms of above discussion, a nearly completely negarchical structure).
This argument attempts to close what I term the 'arms control gap', the discrepancy between the value arms control is assigned by academic theorists of nuclear weapons and their importance in the actual provision of security in the nuclear era. During the Cold War, thinking among IR theorists about nuclear weapons tended to fall into three broad schools—war strategists, deterrence statists, and arms controllers. Where the first two only seem to differ about the amount of nuclear weapons necessary for states seeking security (the first think many, the second less), the third advocates that states do what they have very rarely done before the nuclear age, reciprocal restraints on arms.
But this Cold War triad of arguments is significantly incomplete as a list of the important schools of thought about the nuclear-political question. There are four additional schools, and a combination of their arguments constitutes, I argue, a superior answer to the nuclear-political question. First are the nuclear one worlders, a view that flourished during the late 1940s and early 1950s, and held that the simple answer to the nuclear political question is to establish a world government, as some sort of state. Second are the populist anti-nuclearists, who indict state apparatuses of acting contrary to the global public's security interests. Third are the deep arms controllers, such as Jonathan Schell, who argue that nuclear weapons need to be abolished. Fourth are the theorists of omniviolence, who theorize situations produced by the leakage of nuclear weapons into the hands of non-state actors who cannot be readily deterred from using nuclear weapons. What all of these schools have in common is that they open up the state and make arguments about how various forms of political freedom—and the institutions that make it possible—are at issue in answering the nuclear-political question.
Yet one key feature all seven schools share is that they all make arguments about how particular combinations and configurations of material realities provide the basis for thinking that their answer to the nuclear-political question is correct. Unfortunately, their understandings of how material factors shape, or should shape, actual political arrangements is very ad hoc. Yet the material factors—starting with sheer physical destructiveness—are so pivotal that they merit a more central role in theories of nuclear power. I think we need to have a model that allows us to grasp how variations in material contexts condition the functionality of 'modes of protection', that is, distinct and recurring security practices (and their attendant political structures).
For instance, one mode of protection—what I term the real-state mode of protection—attempts to achieve security through the concentration, mobilization, and employment of violence capability. This is the overall, universal, context-independent strategy of realists. Bringing into view material factors, I argue, shows that this mode of protection is functional not universally but specifically—and only—in material contexts that are marked by violence-poverty and slowness. This mode of protection is dysfunctional in nuclear material contexts marked by violence abundance and high violence velocities. In contrast, a republican federal mode of protection is a bundle of practices that aim for the demobilization and deceleration of violence capacity, and that the practices associated with this mode of protection are security functional in the nuclear material context.
What emerges from such an approach to ideas about the relation between nuclear power and security from violence is that the epistemological foundations for any of the major positions about nuclear weapons are actually much weaker than we should be comfortable with. People often say the two most important questions about the nuclear age are: what is the probability that nuclear weapons will be used? And then, what will happen when they are used? The sobering truth is that we really do not have good grounds for confidently answering either of those two questions. But every choice made about nuclear weapons depends on risk calculations that depend on how we answer these questions.
You have also written extensively on space, a topic that has not recently attracted much attention from many IR scholars. How does your thinking on this relate to your overall thinking about the global and planetary situation?
The first human steps into outer space during the middle years of the twentieth century have been among the most spectacular and potentially consequential events in the globalization of machine civilization on Earth. Over the course of what many call 'the space age,' thinking about space activities, space futures, and the consequences of space activities has been dominated by an elaborately developed body of 'space expansionist' thought that makes ambitious and captivating claims about both the feasibility and the desirability of human expansion into outer space. Such views of space permeate popular culture, and at times appear to be quite influential in actual space policy. Space expansionists hold that outer space is a limitless frontier and that humans should make concerted efforts to explore and colonize and extend their military activities into space. They claim the pursuit of their ambitious projects will have many positive, even transformative, effects upon the human situation on Earth, by escaping global closure, protecting the earth's habitability, preserving political plurality, and enhancing species survival. Claims about the Earth, its historical patterns and its contemporary problems, permeate space expansionist thinking.
While the feasibility, both technological and economic, of space expansionist projects has been extensively assessed, arguments for their desirability have not been accorded anything approaching a systematic assessment. In part, such arguments about the desirability of space expansion are difficult to assess because they incorporate claims that are very diverse in character, including claims about the Earth (past, present, and future), about the ways in which material contexts made up of space 'geography' and technologies produce or heavily favor particular political outcomes, and about basic worldview assumptions regarding nature, science, technology, and life.
By breaking these space expansionist arguments down into their parts, and systematically assessing their plausibility, a very different picture of the space prospect emerges. I think there are strong reasons to think that the consequences of the human pursuit of space expansion have been, and could be, very undesirable, even catastrophic. The actual militarization of that core space technology ('the rocket') and the construction of a planetary-scope 'delivery' and support system for nuclear war-fighting has been the most important consequence of actual space activities, but these developments have been curiously been left out of accounts of the space age and assessments of its impacts. Similarly, much of actually existing 'nuclear arms control' has centered on restraining and dismantling space weapons, not nuclear weapons. Thus the most consequential space activity—the acceleration of nuclear delivery capabilities—has been curiously rendered almost invisible in accounts of space and assessments of its impacts. This is an 'unknown known' of the 'space age'. Looking ahead, the creation of large orbital infrastructures will either presuppose or produce world government, potentially of a very hierarchical sort. There are also good reasons to think that space colonies are more likely to be micro-totalitarian than free. And extensive human movement off the planet could in a variety of ways increase the vulnerability of life on Earth, and even jeopardize the survival of the human species.
Finally, I think much of space expansionist (and popular) thinking about space and the consequences of humans space activities has been marked by basic errors in practical geography. Most notably, there is the widespread failure to realize that the expansion of human activities into Earth's orbital space has enhanced global closure, because the effective distances in Earth's space make it very small. And because of the formidable natural barriers to human space activity, space is a planetary 'lid, not a 'frontier'. So one can say that the most important practical discovery of the 'space age' has been an improved understanding of the Earth. These lines of thinking, I find, would suggest the outlines of a more modest and Earth-centered space program, appropriate for the current Earth age. Overall, the fact that we can't readily expand into space is part of why we are in a new 'earth age' rather than a 'space age'.
You've argued against making the environment into a national security issue twenty years ago. Do the same now, considering that making the environment a bigger priority by making it into a national security issue might be the only way to prevent total environmental destruction?
When I started writing about the relationships between environment and security twenty years ago, not a great deal of work had been done on this topic. But several leading environmental thinkers were making the case that framing environmental issues as security issues, or what came to be called 'securitizing the environment', was not only a good strategy to get action on environmental problems, but also was useful analytically to think about these two domains. Unlike the subsequent criticisms of 'environmental security' made by Realists and scholars of conventional 'security studies', my criticism starts with the environmentalist premise that environmental deterioration is a paramount problem for contemporary humanity as a whole.
Those who want to 'securitize the environment' are attempting to do what William James a century ago proposed as a general strategy for social problem solving. Can we find, in James' language, 'a moral equivalent of war?' (Note the unfortunately acronym: MEOW). War and the threat of war, James observed, often lead to rapid and extensive mobilizations of effort. Can we somehow transfer these vast social energies to deal with other sets of problems? This is an enduring hope, particularly in the United States, where we have a 'war on drugs', a 'war on cancer', and a 'war on poverty'. But doing this for the environment, by 'securitizing the environment,' is unlikely to be very successful. And I fear that bringing 'security' orientations, institutions, and mindsets into environmental problem-solving will also bring in statist, nationalist, and militarist approaches. This will make environmental problem-solving more difficult, not easier, and have many baneful side-effects.
Another key point I think is important, is that the environment—and the various values and ends associated with habitat and the protection of habitat—are actually much more powerful and encompassing than those of security and violence. Instead of 'securitizing the environment' it is more promising is to 'environmentalize security'. Not many people think about the linkages between the environment and security-from-violence in this way, but I think there is a major case of it 'hiding in plain sight' in the trajectory of how the state-system and nuclear weapons have interacted.
When nuclear weapons were invented and first used in the 1940s, scientists were ignorant about many aspects of their effects. As scientists learned about these effects, and as this knowledge became public, many people started thinking and acting in different ways about nuclear choices. The fact that a ground burst of a nuclear weapon would produce substantial radioactive 'fall-out' was not appreciated until the first hydrogen bomb tests in the early 1950s. It was only then that scientists started to study what happened to radioactive materials dispersed widely in the environment. Evidence began to accumulate that some radioactive isotopes would be 'bio-focused', or concentrated by biological process. Public interest scientists began effectively publicizing this information, and mothers were alerted to the fact that their children's teeth were become radioactive. This new scientific knowledge about the environmental effects of nuclear explosions, and the public mobilizations it produced, played a key role in the first substantial nuclear arms control treaty, the Limited Test Ban Treaty of 1963, which banned nuclear weapons testing in the atmosphere, in the ocean, and in space. Thus, the old ways of providing security were circumscribed by new knowledge and new stakeholders of environmental health effects. The environment was not securitized, security was partially environmentalized.
Thus, while some accounts by arms control theorists emphasize the importance of 'social learning' in altering US-Soviet relations, an important part of this learning was not about the nature of social and political interactions, but about the environmental consequences of nuclear weapons. The learning that was most important in motivating so many actors (both within states and in mass publics) to seek changes in politics was 'natural learning,' or more specifically learning about the interaction of natural and technological systems.
An even more consequential case of the environmentalization of security occurred in the 1970's and 1980's. A key text here is Jonathan Schell's book, The Fate of the Earth. Schell's book, combining very high-quality journalism with first rate political theoretical reflections, lays out in measured terms the new discoveries of ecologists and atmospheric scientists about the broader planetary consequences of an extensive nuclear war. Not only would hundreds of millions of people be immediately killed and much of the planet's built infrastructure destroyed, but the planet earth's natural systems would be so altered that the extinction of complex life forms, among them homo sapiens, might result. The detonation of numerous nuclear weapons and the resultant burning of cities would probably dramatically alter the earth's atmosphere, depleting the ozone layer that protects life from lethal solar radiations, and filling the atmosphere with sufficient dust to cause a 'nuclear winter.' At stake in nuclear war, scientists had learned, was not just the fate of nations, but of the earth as a life support system. Conventional accounts of the nuclear age and of the end of the Cold War are loath to admit it, but it I believe it is clear that spreading awareness of these new natural-technological possibilities played a significant role in ending the Cold War and the central role that nuclear arms control occupies in the settlement of the Cold War. Again, traditional ways of achieving security-from-violence were altered by new knowledges about their environmental consequences—security practices and arrangements were partly environmentalized.
Even more radically, I think we can also turn this into a positive project. As I wrote two decades ago, environmental restoration would probably generate political externalities that would dampen tendencies towards violence. In other words, if we address the problem of the environment, then we will be drawn to do various things that will make various types of violent conflict less likely.
Your work is permeated by references to 'material factors'. This makes it different from branches of contemporary IR—like constructivism or postmodernism—which seem to be underpinned by a profound commitment to focus solely one side of the Cartesian divide. What is your take on the pervasiveness and implications of this 'social bias'?
Postmodernism and constructivism are really the most extreme manifestations of a broad trend over the last two centuries toward what I refer to as 'social-social science' and the decline—but hardly the end—of 'natural-social science'. Much of western thought prior to this turn was 'naturalist' and thus tended to downplay both human agency and ideas. At the beginning of the nineteenth century—partly because of the influence of German idealism, partly because of the great liberationist projects that promised to give better consequence to the activities and aspirations of the larger body of human populations (previously sunk in various forms of seemingly natural bondages), and partly because of the great expansion of human choice brought about by the science-based technologies of the Industrial Revolution—there was a widespread tendency to move towards 'social-social science,' the project of attempting to explain the human world solely by reference to the human world, to explain social outcomes with reference to social causes. While this was the dominant tendency, and a vastly productive one in many ways, it existed alongside and in interaction with what is really a modernized version of the earlier 'natural-social science.' Much of my work has sought to 'bring back in' and extend these 'natural-social' lines of argument—found in figures such as Dewey and H.G. Wells—into our thinking about the planetary situation.
In many parts of both European and American IR and related areas, Postmodern and constructivist theories have significantly contributed to IR theorists by enhancing our appreciation of ideas, language, and identities in politics. As a response to the limits and blindnesses of certain types of rationalist, structuralist, and functional theories, this renewed interest in the ideational is an important advance. Unfortunately, both postmodernism and constructivism have been marked by a strong tendency to go too far in their emphasis of the ideational. Postmodernism and constructivism have also helped make theorists much more conscious of the implicit—and often severely limiting—ontological assumptions that underlay, inform, and bound their investigations. This is also a major contribution to the study of world politics in all its aspects.
Unfortunately, this turn to ontology has also had intellectually limiting effects by going too far, in the search for a pure or nearly pure social ontology. With the growth in these two approaches, there has indeed been a decided decline in theorizing about the material. But elsewhere in the diverse world of theorizing about IR and the global, theorizing about the material never came anything close to disappearing or being eclipsed. For anyone thinking about the relationships between politics and nuclear weapons, space, and the environment, theorizing about the material has remained at the center, and it would be difficult to even conceive of how theorizing about the material could largely disappear. The recent 're-discovery of the material' associated with various self-styled 'new materialists' is a welcome, if belated, re-discovery for postmodernists and constructivists. For most of the rest of us, the material had never been largely dropped out.
A very visible example of the ways in which the decline in appropriate attention to the material, an excessive turn to the ideational, and the quest for a nearly pure social ontology, can lead theorizing astray is the core argument in Alexander Wendt's main book, Social Theory of International Politics, one of the widely recognized landmarks of constructivist IR theory. The first part of the book advances a very carefully wrought and sophisticated argument for a nearly pure ideational social ontology. The material is explicitly displaced into a residue or rump of unimportance. But then, to the reader's surprise, the material, in the form of 'common fate' produced by nuclear weapons, and climate change, reappears and is deployed to play a really crucial role in understanding contemporary change in world politics.
My solution is to employ a mixed ontology. By this I mean that I think several ontologically incommensurate and very different realities are inescapable parts the human world. These 'unlikes' are inescapable parts of any argument, and must somehow be combined. There are a vast number of ways in which they can be combined, and on close examination, virtually all arguments in the social sciences are actually employing some version of a mixed ontology, however implicitly and under-acknowledged.
But not all combinations are equally useful in addressing all questions. In my version of mixed ontology—which I call 'practical naturalism'—human social agency is understood to be occurring 'between two natures': on the one hand the largely fixed nature of humans, and on the other the changing nature composed of the material world, a shifting amalgam of actual non-human material nature of geography and ecology, along with human artifacts and infrastructures. Within this frame, I posit as rooted in human biological nature, a set of 'natural needs,' most notably for security-from-violence and habitat services. Then I pose questions of functionality, by which I mean: which combinations of material practices, political structures, ideas and identities are needed to achieve these ends in different material contexts? Answering this question requires the formulation of various 'historical materialist' propositions, which in turn entails the systematic formulation of typologies and variation in both the practices, structures and ideas, and in material contexts. These arguments are not centered on explaining what has or what will happen. Instead they are practical in the sense that they are attempting to answer the question of 'what is to be done' given the fixed ends and given changing material contexts. I think this is what advocates of arms control and environmental sustainability are actually doing when they claim that one set of material practices and their attendant political structures, identities and ideas must be replaced with another if basic human needs are to going to continue to be meet in the contemporary planetary material situation created by the globalization of machine civilization on earth.
Since this set of arguments is framed within a mixed ontology, ideas and identities are a vital part of the research agenda. Much of the energy of postmodern and many varieties of critical theory have focused on 'deconstructing' various identities and ideas. This critical activity has produced and continues to produce many insights of theorizing about politics. But I think there is an un-tapped potential for theorists who are interested in ideas and identities, and who want their work to make a positive contribution to practical problem-solving in the contemporary planetary human situation in what might be termed a 'constructive constructivism'. This concerns a large practical theory agenda—and an urgent one at that, given the rapid increase in planetary problems—revolving around the task of figuring out which ideas and identities are appropriate for the planetary world, and in figuring out how they can be rapidly disseminated. Furthermore, thinking about how to achieve consciousness change of this sort is not something ancillary to the greenpeace project but vital to it. My thinking on how this should and might be done centers the construction of a new social narrative, centered not on humanity but on the earth.
Is it easy to plug your mixed ontology and interests beyond the narrow confines of IR or even the walls of the ivory tower into processes of collective knowledge proliferation in IR—a discipline increasingly characterized by compartimentalization and specialization?
The great plurality of approaches in IR today is indispensible and a welcome change. The professionalization of IR and the organization of intellectual life has some corruptions and pitfalls that are best avoided. The explosion of 'isms' and of different perspectives has been valuable and necessary in many ways, but it has also helped to foster and empower sectarian tendencies that confound the advance of knowledge. Some of the adherents of some sects and isms boast openly of establishing 'citation cartels' to favor themselves and their friends. Some theorists also have an unfortunate tendency to assume that because they have adopted a label that what they actually do is the actually the realization of the label. Thus we have 'realists' with limited grasp on realities, 'critical theorists' who repeat rather than criticize the views of other 'critical theorists,' and anti-neoliberals who are ruthless Ayn Rand-like self aggrandizers. The only way to fully address these tendencies is to talk to people you disagree with, and find and communicate with people in other disciplines.
Another consequence of this sectarianism is visible in the erosion of scholarly standards of citation. The system of academic incentives is configured to reward publication, and the publication of ideas that are new. This has a curiously perverse impact on the achievement of cumulativity. One seemingly easy and attractive path to saying something new is to say something old in new language, to say something said in another sect or field in the language of your sect or field, or easiest of all, simply ignore what other people have said if it is too much like what you are trying to say. George Santyana is wide quoted in saying that 'those who forget the past are condemned to repeat it.' For academics it can unfortunately be said, 'those who can successfully forget what past academics said are free to say it again, and thus advance toward tenure.' When rampant sectarianism and decline in standards of citation is combined with a broader cultural tendency to valorize self-expression and authenticity, academic work can become an exercise in abstract self expressionism.
Confining one's intellectual life within one 'ism' or sect is sure to be self-limiting. Many of the most important and interesting questions arise between and across the sects and schools. Also, there are great opportunities in learning from people who do not fully share your assumptions and approaches. Seriously engaging the work and ideas of scholars in other sects can be very very valuable. Scholars in different sects and schools are also often really taking positions that are not so different as their labels would suggest. Perhaps because my research agenda fits uncomfortably within any of the established schools and isms, I have found particularly great value in seeking out and talking on a sustained basis with people with very different approaches.
My final question is about normativity and the way that normativity is perceived: In Europe and the United States, liberal Internationalism is increasingly considered as hollowed out, as a discursive cover for a tendency to attempt to control and regulate the world—or as an unguided idealistic missile. Doesn't adapting to a post-hegemonic world require dropping such ambitions?
American foreign policy has never been entirely liberal internationalist. Many other ideas and ideologies and approaches have often played important roles in shaping US foreign policy. But the United States, for a variety of reasons, has pursued liberal internationalist foreign policy agendas more extensively, and successfully, than any other major state in the modern state system, and the world, I think, has been made better off in very important ways by these efforts.
The net impact of the United States and of American grand strategy and particularly those parts of American brand strategy that have been more liberal internationalist in their character, has been enormously positive for the world. It has produced not a utopia by any means, but has brought about an era with more peace and security, prosperity, and freedom for more people than ever before in history.
Both American foreign policy and liberal internationalism have been subject to strong attacks from a variety of perspectives. Recently some have characterized liberal internationalism as a type of American imperialism, or as a cloak for US imperialism. Virtually every aspect of American foreign policy has been contested within the United States. Liberal internationalists have been strong enemies of imperialism and military adventurism, whether American or from other states. This started with the Whig's opposition to the War with Mexico and the Progressive's opposition to the Spanish-American War, and continued with liberal opposition to the War in Vietnam.
The claim that liberal internationalism leads to or supports American imperialism has also been recently voiced by many American realists, perhaps most notably John Mearsheimer (Theory Talk #49). He and others argue that liberal internationalism played a significant role in bringing about the War on Iraq waged by the W. Bush administration. This was indeed one of the great debacles of US foreign policy. But the War in Iraq was actually a war waged by American realists for reasons grounded in realist foreign policy thinking. It is true, as Mearsheimer emphasizes, that many academic realists criticized the Bush administration's plans and efforts in the invasion in Iraq. Some self-described American liberal internationalists in the policy world supported the war, but almost all academic American liberal internationalists were strongly opposed, and much of the public opposition to the war was on grounds related to liberal internationalist ideas.
It is patently inaccurate to say that main actors in the US government that instigated the War on Iraq were liberal internationalists. The main initiators of the war were Richard Cheney and Donald Rumsfeld. Whatever can be said about those two individuals, they are not liberal internationalists. They initiated the war because they thought that the Saddam Hussein regime was a threat to American interests—basically related to oil. The Saddam regime was seen as a threat to American-centered regional hegemony in the Middle East, an order whose its paramount purpose has been the protection of oil, and the protection of the regional American allies that posses oil. Saddam Hussein was furthermore a demonstrated regional revisionist likely to seek nuclear weapons, which would greatly compromise American military abilities in the region. Everything else the Bush Administration's public propaganda machine said to justify the war was essentially window dressing for this agenda. Far from being motivated by a liberal internationalist agenda the key figures in the Bush Administration viewed the collateral damage to international institutions produced by the war as a further benefit, not a cost, of the war. It is particularly ironic that John Mearsheimer would be a critic of this war, which seems in many ways a 'text book' application of a central claim of his 'offensive realism,' that powerful states can be expected, in the pursuit of their security and interests, to seek to become and remain regional hegemons.
Of course, liberal internationalism, quite aside from dealing with these gross mischaracterizations propagated by realists, must also look to the future. The liberal internationalism that is needed for today and tomorrow is going to be in some ways different from the liberal internationalism of the twentieth century. This is a large topic that many people, but not enough, are thinking about. In a recent working paper for the Council on Foreign Relations, John Ikenberry and I have laid out some ways in which we think American liberal internationalism should proceed. The starting point is the recognition that the United States is not as 'exceptional' in its precocious liberal-democratic character, not as 'indispensible' for the protection of the balance of power or the advance of freedom, or as easily 'hegemonic' as it has been historically. But the world is now also much more democratic than ever before, with democracies old and new, north and south, former colonizers and former colonies, and in every civilizational flavor. The democracies also face an array of difficult domestic problems, are thickly enmeshed with one another in many ways, and have a vital role to play in solving global problems. We suggest that the next liberal internationalism in American foreign policy should focus on American learning from the successes of other democracies in solving problems, focus on 'leading by example of successful problem-solving' and less with 'carrots and sticks,' make sustained efforts to moderate the inequalities and externalities produced by de-regulated capitalism, devote more attention to building community among the democracies, and make sustained efforts to 'recast global bargains' and the distribution of authority in global institutions to better incorporate the interests of 'rising powers.'
Daniel Deudney is Associate Professor and Director of Undergraduate Studies in Political Science at Johns Hopkins University. He has published widely in political theory and international relations, on substantive issues such as nuclear weapons, the environment as a security issue, liberal and realist international relations theory, and geopolitics.
Related links
Deudney's Faculty Profile at Johns Hopkins Read Deudney & Ikenberry's Democratic Internationalism: An American Grand Strategy for a Post-exceptionalist Era (Council on Foreign Relations Working Paper, 2012) here (pdf) Read Deudney et al's Global Shift: How the West Should Respond to the Rise of China (2011 Transatlantic Academy report) here (pdf) Read the introduction of Deudney's Bounding Power (2007) here (pdf) Read Deudney's Bringing Nature Back In: Geopolitical Theory from the Greeks to the Global Era (1999 book chapter) here (pdf) Read Deudney & Ikenberry's Who Won the Cold War? (Foreign Policy, 1992) here (pdf) Read Deudney's The Case Against Linking Environmental Degradation and National Security (Millennium, 1990) here (pdf) Read Deudney's Rivers of Energy: The Hydropower Potential (WorldWatch Institute Paper, 1981) here (pdf)
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Timothy Mitchell on Infra-Theory, the State Effect, and the Technopolitics of Oil
This is the first in a series of Talks dedicated to the technopolitics of International Relations, linked to the forthcoming double volume 'The Global Politics of Science and Technology' edited by Maximilian Mayer, Mariana Carpes, and Ruth Knoblich
The unrest in the Arab world put the region firmly in the spotlights of IR. Where many scholars focus on the conflicts in relation to democratization as a local or regional dynamic, political events there do not stand in isolation from broader international relations or other—for instance economic—concerns. Among the scholars who has insisted on such broader linkages and associations that co-constitute political dynamics in the region, Timothy Mitchell stands out. The work of Mitchell has largely focused on highly specific aspects of politics and development in Egypt and the broader Middle East, such as the relations between the building of the Aswan Dam and redistribution of expertise, and the way in which the differences between coal and oil condition democratic politics. His consistently nuanced and enticing analyses have gained him a wide readership, and Mitchell's analyses powerfully resonate across qualitative politically oriented social sciences. In this Talk, Timothy Mitchell discusses, amongst others, the birth of 'the economy' as a powerful modern political phenomenon, how we can understand the state as an effect rather than an actor, and the importance of taking technicalities seriously to understand the politics of oil.
Print version of this Talk (pdf)
What is, according to you, the biggest challenge / principal debate in current globally oriented studies? What is your position or answer to this challenge / in this debate?
I'm not myself interested in, or good at, big debates, the kinds of debates that define and drive forward an academic field. The reason for that is partly that once a topic has become a debate, it has tended to have sort of hardened into a field, in which there are two or three positions, and as a scholar you have to take one of those positions. In the days when I was first trained in Political Science and studied International Relations, that was so much my sense of the field and indeed of the whole discipline of political science. This is part of one's initially training in any field: it is laid out as a serious debate. I found this something I just could not deal with; I did not find it intellectually interesting which I think sort of stayed with me all the way through to where I am now. So although big debates are important for a certain defining and sustaining of academic fields and training new generations of students, it is not the kind of way in which I myself have tended to work. I have tended to work by moving away from what the big debates have been in a particular moment. My academic interests always started when I found something curious that interests me and that I try to begin to see in a different way.
However, I suppose with my most recent book Carbon Democracy (2011), in a sense there was a big debate going on, which was the debate about the resource curse and oil democracy. That was an old debate going back to the 70's, but had been reinvigorated by the Iraq war in 2003. But that to me is an example of the problem with big debates, because the terms in which that debate was argued back and forth—and is still argued—did not seem to make sense as a way to understand the role of energy in 20th century democratic politics. Was oil good for democracy or bad for democracy? The existing debate began with those as two different things—as a dependent or independent variable—so you would already determine things in advance that I would have wanted to open up. In general I'm not a good person for figuring out what the big debates are.
But I think, moving from International Relations as a field to 'globally oriented studies', to use your phrase, one of the biggest challenges—just on an academic level, leaving aside challenges that we face as a global community—is to learn to develop ways of seeing even what seem like the most global and most international issues, as things that are very local. Part of the problem with fields such as 'global studies', the term 'globalization', and other terms of that sort, is that they tend to define their objects of study in opposition to the local, in opposition to even national-level modes of analysis. By consequence, they assume that the actors or the forces that they're going to study must themselves be in some sense global, because that is the premise of the field. So whether it is nation states acting as world powers; whether it is capitalism understood as a global system—they have to exist on this plane of the global, on some sort of universal level, to be topics of IR and global studies. And yet, on close inspection, most of the concerns or actors central to those modes of inquiry tend to operate on quite local levels; they tend to be made up of very small agents, very particular arrangements that somehow have managed to put themselves together in ways that allow them take on this appearance and sometimes this effectiveness of things that are global. I'm very interested in taking things apart that are local, on a particular level, to understand what it is that enables such small things, such local and particular agents, to act in a way that creates the appearance of the global or the international world.
Now this relates back to the second part of your question, about substantive concerns that we face as a global community. When I was writing Carbon Democracy there was all this attention on the problem of 'creating a more democratic Middle East', as it was understood at the time of the Iraq war. It struck me that when debating this problem—of oil and democracy, of energy and democracy—we saw it as somehow specific to these countries and to the part of the world where many countries were very large-scale energy producers. We were not thinking about the fact that we are all in a sense caught up in this problem that I call carbon democracy, and that there are issues—whether it is in terms of the increasing difficulty of extracting energy from the earth, or the consequences of having extracted the carbon and put it up in the atmosphere—that we, as democracies, are very, very challenged by. Those issues—and I think in particular the concerns around climate change—when you look at them from the perspective of U.S. politics, and the inability of the U.S. even to take the relatively minor steps that other industrialized democracies have taken: this inaction suggests a larger problem of oil and democracy that needs explaining and understanding and working on and organizing about. I also think there is a whole range of contemporary issues related to energy production and consumption that revolve around the building of more egalitarian and more socially just worlds. And, again, those issues present themselves very powerfully as concerns in American politics, but are experienced in other ways in other parts of the world. I would not single out any one of them as more urgent or important than another, and I do think we still have a long struggle ahead of us here.
How did you arrive at where you currently are in your approach to issues?
Well, I had a strange training as a scholar because I kept shifting fields. I actually began as a student of law and then moved into history while I was still an undergraduate, but then became interested in political theory; decided that I liked it better than political science. But by the time I arrived in political science to study for a PhD, I had become interested in politics of the Middle East. This was partly from just travelling there when I was a student growing up in England, but I also suppose in some ways the events of the seventies had really drawn attention to the region. So the first important thing that shaped me was this constant shifting of fields and disciplines, which was not to me a problem—it was rather that there was a kind of intellectual curiosity that drove me from academic field to field. And so if there was one thing that helped me arrive at where I am, it was this constant moving outside of the boundaries of one discipline and trespassing on the next one—trying to do it for long enough that they started to accept me as someone who they could debate with. And I think all along that has been important to the kind of scholarship I do; yet therefore I would say where I currently am in my thinking about my field is difficult in itself to define. But I think it is probably defined by the sense that there are many, many fields—and it is moving across them and trying to do justice to the scholarship in them, but at the same time trying to connect insights from one field with what one can do in another field. I have always tried to draw things together in that sense, a sense that one can call an interdisciplinary or post-disciplinary sensitivity.
I think the other part of what has shaped me intellectually was that, in ways I explained before, I was always drawn into the local and the particular and the specific and I was never very good at thinking at that certain level of large-scale grand theory. So having found myself in the field of Middle Eastern politics in a PhD-program, and being told that it involves studying Arabic which I was very glad to do, I then went off to spend summers in the Arab world, and later over more extended periods of time for field research. But to me, Egypt and other places I've worked—but principally Egypt—became not just a field site, but a place where I have now been going for more than 30 years and where I have developed very close ties and intellectual relationships, friendships, that I think have constantly shaped and reshaped my thinking. And even when I am reading about things that are not specifically related to Egypt—the work I do on the history of economics, or the work I have done on oil politics that are not directly connected with my research on Egypt—I am often thinking in relation to places and people and communities there that have profoundly shaped me as a scholar.
So traveling across different contexts I'd say I have not developed a kind of set of theoretical lenses I take with me. Rather, I would say I have developed a way of seeing—I would not necessarily call it 'meta', I see it as much more as sort of 'infra': much more mundane and everyday. While I have this sort of intellectual history of moving across disciplines and social sciences in an academic way, there is another sort of moving across fields, another sensibility, and that sensibility provides me with a sense of rootedness or grounding. And that is a more traditional way of moving across fields, because whether when one is writing about contemporary politics or more historically about politics, one is dealing constantly with areas of technical concern of one sort or another, with specialist knowledge. Engaging with that expert knowledge has always provided both a political grounding in specific concerns and with a kind of concern with local, real-world, struggles on the ground. So that might have been things like the transformation of irrigation in nineteenth-century Egypt, or the remaking of the system of law; or it might be the history of malaria epidemics in the twentieth century, or the relationship between those epidemics and transformations taking place in the crops that were grown; or, more recently—and more obviously—of oil and the history of energy, and the way different forms of energy are brought out of the ground. And I should mention beside those areas of technical expertise already listed, economics as well: a discipline I was never trained in, but that I realized I had to understand if I was to make sense of contemporary Egyptian politics—just as much as I had to understand agricultural hydraulics or something of the petroleum geology as a form of technical expertise that is shaping the common world.
In sum, what keeps me grounded is the idea that to really make sense of the politics of any of those fields, one has got to do one's best to sort of enter and explore the more technical level—with the closest attention that one can muster to the technical and the material dimensions of what is involved—whether it is in agricultural irrigation, building dams or combating disease. And entering this level of issues does not only mean interviewing experts but arriving at the level of understanding the disease, the parasite, the modes of its movement, the hydraulics of the river, the properties of different kinds of oil... So as you can see it is not really 'meta', it really is 'infra' in the anthropological way of staying close to the ground, staying close to processes and things and materials.
What would a student need to become a specialist in IR or understand the world in a global way?
A couple of things. I think one is precisely the thing I just mentioned in answer to your last question: that is, the kind of interest in going inside technical processes, learning about material objects, not being afraid of taking up an investigation of something that is a body of knowledge totally outside one's area of training and expertise. So, if I was advising someone or looking for a student, I would not say there is a particular skill or expertise, but rather a willingness to really get one's hands dirty with the messy technical details of an area—and that can be an area of specialist knowledge such as economics, but also technical and physical processes of, for instance, mineral extraction. I think to me this is—for the kind of work I am interested in doing—enormously important.
The other thing that I would stress in the area of globally-oriented studies, is that one could think of two ways of approaching a field of study. One is to move around the world and gather together information, often with a notion of improving things, such as development work, human rights work, international security work. This entails gathering from one's own research and from other experts in the field, with a certain notion of best practices and the state of field, and of what works, and therefore what can then be moved from one place to another as a form of expert knowledge. Some people really want that mobile knowledge, which I suppose is often associated with the ability to generalize from a particular case and to establish more universal principles about whatever the topic is. And in this case one's own expertise becomes the carrying or transmission of that expert knowledge. One saw a lot of that around the whole issue of democratization that I mentioned before in the Middle East, around the Iraq war when experts were brought in. They had done democracy elsewhere in the world and then they turned up to do it in Iraq, and again following the Arab Spring.
Against that, to me, there is another mode of learning, which is not to learn about what is happening but to learn from. So to give the example, if there is an uprising and a struggle for democracy going on in the streets of Cairo, one could try and learn about that and then make it fit one's models and classify it within a broader range of series of democratizations across the world, or one could try and learn from it, and say 'how do we rethink what the possibilities of democracy might be on the basis of what is happening?' To me those are two distinct modes of work. They are not completely mutually exclusive, but I think people are more disposed towards one or the other. I have never been disposed, or good at, the first kind and do like the second, so I would mention that as the second skill or attitude that is useful for doing this sort of work.
In which discipline or field would you situate yourself, or would we have to invent a discipline to match your work?
I like disciplines, but I do not always feel that I entirely belong to any of them. That said, I read with enormous profit the works of historians, political theorist, anthropologists, of people in the field of science and technology studies, geographers, political economists and scholars in environmental studies. There are so many different disciplines that are well organized and have their practitioners from which there is a lot to learn! But conversely, I also think, in ways I have described already, there is something to be learnt for some people from working in a much more deliberately post-disciplinary fashion. The Middle East, South Asian and African Studies department to which I have been attached here in Columbia for about five years, represents a deliberate attempt by myself and my colleagues to produce some kind of post-disciplinary space. Not in order to do away with the disciplines, but to have another place for doing theoretical work, one that is able to take advantage of not being bound by disciplinary fields, as even broad disciplines—say history—tend to restrict you with a kind of positive liberty of creating a place where you can do anything you want—as long as you do it in an archive. I quite deliberately situate myself outside of any one discipline, while continuing to learn from and trespass into the fields of many individual disciplines. They range from all of those and others, because I am here among a community of people who are also philologists; people interested in Arabic literature and the history of Islamic science; and all kinds of fields, which I also find fascinating. The first article I ever published was in the field of Arabic grammar! So I have interests that fit in a very sort of trans-disciplinary, post-disciplinary environment and I thrive on that.
Yet doing this kind of post-disciplinary work is in a practical sense actually absolutely impossible. If only for the simple fact that if it is already hardly possible to keep up with 'the literature' if one is firmly situated within one field, then one can never keep up with important developments in all the disciplines one is interested in. There are some people that manage to do this and do it justice. My information about contemporary debates in every imaginable field is so limited; I do not manage to do justice to any field. In the particular piece of research I might be engaged in, I try to get quickly up to pace on what's going on, and I often come back again and again to similar areas of research. I am currently interested in questions around the early history of international development in the 1940's and 1950's, and that is something I have worked on before, but I have come back to it and I found that the World Bank archives are now open and there is a whole new set of literatures. I had not been keeping up with all of that work. It is hard and that is why I am very bad at answering emails and doing many of the other everyday things that one is ought to do; because it always seems to me, in the evening at the computer when one ought to be catching up with emails, there is something you have come across in an article or footnotes and before you know it you are miles away and it has got nothing to do with what you were working on at the moment, but it really connects with a set of issues you have been interested in and has taken you off into contemporary work going on in law or the history of architecture… The internet has made that possible in a completely new way and some of these post-disciplinary research interests are actually a reflection of where we are with the internet and with the accessibility of scholarship in any field only just a few clicks away. Which on the one hand is fascinating, but mostly it is just a complete curse. It is the enemy of writing dissertations and finishing books and articles and everything else!
What role does expertise, which is kind of a central term in underpinning much of the diverse work or topics you do, play in the historical unfolding of modern government?
That is a big question, so let me suggest only a couple of thoughts here. One is that modern government has unfolded—especially if one thinks of government itself as a wider process than just a state—through the development of new forms of expertise, which among other things define problems and issues upon which government can operate. This can concern many things, whether it is problems of public health in the 19th or 20th century; or problems of economic development in the 20th century; or problems of energy, climate change and the environment today. Again and again government itself operates—as Foucault has taught us—simultaneously as fields of knowledge and fields of power. And the objects brought into being in this way—defined in important ways through the development of expert knowledge—become in themselves modes through which political power operates. Thanks to Foucault and many others, that is a way of thinking or field of research that has been widely developed, even though there are vast amounts of work still to do.
But I think there is another relationship between modes of government and expertise, and this goes back to things I have been thinking about ever since I wrote an article about the theory of the state (The Limits of the State, pdf here) that was published in American Political Science Review a long time ago (1991). The point I made then, is that it is interesting to observe how one of the central aspects of modern modes of power is the way that the distinction between what is the state and what is not the state; between what is public and what is private, is constantly elaborated and redefined. So politics itself is happening not so much by some agency called 'state' or 'government' imposing its will on some other preformed object—the social, the population, the people—but rather that it concerns a series of techniques that create what I have called the effect of a state: the very distinction between what appears as a sort of structure or apparatus of power, and the objects on which that power works.
More recently one of the ways I have thought about this, is in terms of the history of the idea of the economy. Most people think of 'the economy' either as something that has always existed (and people may or may not have realized its existence) or as something that came into being with the rise of political economy and commercial society in the European 18th and 19th century. One of the things I discovered when I was doing research on the history of development, is that no economist talked routinely about an object called 'the economy' before the 1940's! I think that is a good example of the history of a mode of expertise that exists not within the operations of an apparatus of government but precisely outside of government.
If you look in detail at how the term 'the economy' was first regularly used, you find that it was in the context of governing the U.S. in the 1940's immediately after the Second World War. In the aftermath of the war there was enormous political pressure for quite a radical restructuring of American society: there were waves of strikes, demands for worker control of industries, or at least a share of management. And of course in Europe, similar demands led to new forms of economy altogether, in the building of postwar Germany and in the forms of democratic socialism that were experimented with in various parts of Western Europe. As we know, the U.S. did not follow that path. And I think part of the way in which it was steered away from that path, was by constructing the economy as the central object of government, coupled with precisely this American cultural fear of things where government did not belong. So this was radically opposed to how the Europeans related government to economy: European governments had become involved in all kinds of ways, deciding how the relation between management and labor should operate in thinking about prices and wages; instituting forms of national health insurance and health care; and the whole state management of health care itself... Now this was threatening to emerge in the U.S., and was emerging in many ways in the wartime with state control of prices and production. In order to prevent the U.S. from following the European path after the war, this object outside of government with its own experts was created: the economy. And the economists were precisely people who are not in government, but who knew the laws and regularities of economic life and could explain them to people. It is interesting to think about expertise both as something that develops within the state, but also as something that happens as a creation of objects that precisely represent what is not the state, or the sphere of government.
Your most recent book Carbon Democracy (2011) focuses on the political structures afforded, or engendered, by modes of extraction of minerals and investigates how oil was constitutes a dominant source of energy on which we depend. Can you give an example of how that works?
Let me take an example from the book even though I might have to give it in very a simplified form in order to make it work. I was interested in what appeared to be the way in which the rise of coal—the dominant source of energy in the 19th century and in the emergence of modern industrialized states—seemed to be very strongly associated with the emergence of mass democracy, whereas the rise of oil in the 20th century seemed to have if anything the opposite set of consequences for states that were highly dependent on the production of oil. I wanted to examine these relations between forms of energy and democratic politics in a way that was not simply some kind of technical- or energy determinism, because it is very easy to point to many cases that simply do not fit that pattern—and, besides, it simply would not be very interesting to begin with. But it did seem to me, that at a particular moment in the history of the emergence of industrialized countries—particularly in the late 19th century—it became possible for the first time in history and really only for a brief period, to take advantage of certain kinds of vulnerabilities and possibilities offered by the dependence on coal to organize a new kind of political agency and forms of mass politics, which successfully struggled for much more representative and egalitarian forms of democracy, roughly between the 1880's and the mid 20th century. In general terms, that story is known; but it had been told without thinking in particular about the energy itself. The energy was just present in these stories as that which made possible industrialization; industrialization made possible urbanization; therefore you had lots of workers and their consciousness must somehow have changed and made them democratic or something.
That story did not make sense to me, and that prompted me to research in detail, and drawing on the work of others who had looked even more in detail at, the history of struggles for a whole set of democratic rights. The accounts of people at the time were clear: what was distinctive was this peculiar ability to shut down an economy because of a specific vulnerability to the supply of energy. Very briefly, when I switched to telling the story in the middle of the 20th with oil, it is different: partly just because oil was a supplementary source of energy—countries and people now had a choice between different energy sources—but also because oil did not create the same points of vulnerability. There are fewer workers involved, it is a liquid, so it can be routed along different channels more easily; there is a whole set of technical properties of oil and its production that are different. That does not mean to say that the energy is determining the outcome of history or of political struggles, and I am careful to introduce examples that do not work easily one way or the other in the history of oil industry in Baku, which is much more similar to the history of coal or the oil industry in California for that matter. But you can pay attention to the technical dimensions in a certain way, and the to the sheer possibilities that arise with this enormous concentration of sources of energy—which reflects both an exponential increase in the amount of energy but also an unprecedented concentration of the sites at which energy is available and through which it flows—that you can tell a new story about democratic politics and about that moment in the history of industrialized countries, but also the subsequent history in oil-producing countries in a different way. That would be an example of how attention for technical expertise translates into a different understanding of the politics of oil.
This leads to my next question, which is how do you speak about materials or technologies without falling into the trap of either radical social reductionism or a kind of Marxist technological determinism? Do you get these accusations sometimes?
Yes, I think so, but more so from people who have not read my work and who just hear some talks about it or some secondary accounts. To me, so much of the literature that already existed on these questions around oil and democracy, or even earlier research on coal, industrialization and democracy, suffered from a kind of technical determinism because they actually did not go into the technical. They said: 'look, you've got all this oil' or 'look, you had all that coal and steam power' and out of that, in a very determinist fashion, emerged social movements or emerged political repression. This was determinist because such accounts had actually jumped over the technical side much too fast: talking about oil in the case of the resource curse literature, it was only interested in the oil once it had already become money. And once it was money, then it of course corrupts, or you buy people off, or you do not have to seek their votes. The whole question of how oil becomes money and how you put together that technical system that turns oil into forms of political power or turns coal into forms of political power, does not get opened up. And that to me makes those arguments—even though there is not much of the technical in them—technically very determinist. Because as soon as you start opening up the technical side of it, you realize there are so many ways things can go and so many different ways things can get built. Energy networks can be built in different ways and there can be different mixes of energy. Of course most of the differences are technical differences, but they are also human differences. It is precisely by being very attentive to the technical aspects of politics—like energy or anything else, it could be in agriculture, it could be in disease, it could be in any area of collective socio-technical life—that one finds the only way to get away from a certain kind of technical determinism that otherwise sort of rules us. In the economics of growth, for instance, there is this great externality of technological change that drives every sort of grand historical explanation. Technology is just something that is kept external to the explanatory model and accounts for everything else that the model cannot explain. That ends up being a terrible kind of technical determinism.
The other half of the question is how this might differ from Marxist approaches to some of these problems. I like to think that if Marx was studying oil, his approach would be very little different. Because if you read Marx himself, there is an extraordinary level of interest in the technical; that is, whether in the technical aspects of political economy as a field of knowledge in the 19th century, or in the factory as a technical space. So, conventional political economy to him was not just an ideological mask that had to be torn away so that you could reveal the true workings of capitalism. Political economy has produced a set of concepts—notions of value, notions of exchange, notions of labor—that actually formed part of the technical workings of capitalism. The factory was organized at a technical level that had very specific consequences. The trouble with a significant part of Marx's theories is that he stopped doing that kind of technical work and Marxism froze itself with a set of categories that may or may not have been relevant to a moment of 19th century capitalism. There is still a lot of interesting Marxist theory going on, and some of the contemporary Italian Marxist theory I find really interesting and profitable to read, for example. Some of the work in Marxist geography continues to be very productive. But at the same time there are aspects of my work that are different from that—such as my drawing on Foucault in understanding expertise and modes of power.
How come so many of the social sciences seem to stick so rigidly to the human or social side of the Cartesian divide? It seems to be constitutive of social science disciplines but on the other hand also radically reduces the scope of what it can actually 'see' and talk about.
I think you are right and it has never made much sense to me. I suppose I have approached it in two kinds of ways in my work. First, this kind of dualism was much more clearly an object of concern in some of the early work I published on the colonial era, including my first book, Colonising Egypt (1988), where I was trying to understand the process by which Europeans had, as it were, come to be Cartesians; had come to see the world as very neatly defined it into mind on the one hand and matter or on the other—or, as they tended to think of it, representations on the one hand and reality on the other. And I actually looked in some detail, at the technical level, at this—beginning with world exhibitions, but moving on to department stores and school systems and modern legal orders—to understand the processes by which our incredibly complicated world was engineered so as to produce the effect of this world divided into the two—of mind or representation or culture on the one hand, and reality, nature, material on the other.
Second, what were the effects, what were the repetitive practices, that made that kind of simple dualism seem so self-evident and taken for granted? All that early work still informs my current work, although I do not necessarily explore this as directly as I did. One of the things I try to do is avoid all the vocabulary that draws you into that kind of dualism. So, nowhere when I write, do I use a term like 'culture', because you are just heading straight down that Cartesian road as soon as you assume that there is some hermetic world of shared meanings—as opposed to what? As opposed to machines that do not involve instructions and all kinds of other things that we would think of as meaningful? So I just work more by avoiding some of the dualistic language; the other kind would be the entire set of debates—in almost every discipline of the social sciences—around the question of 'structure versus agency' which just doesn't seems to me particularly productive. And I have been very lucky, recently, in coming across work in the fields of science and technology studies, because it is a field of people studying machines, studying laboratories and studying people, a field that took nature itself as something to be opened-up and investigated. In taking apart these things, they realized that those kinds of dualisms made absolutely no sense. And they have done away with them in their modes of explanation quite a long time ago. So there was already a lot in my own work before I encountered Science and Technology Studies (STS) that was working in that direction; but the STS people have been at it for a long time and figured out a lot of things that I had only just discovered.
Can you explain why it seems that perhaps implicitly decolonization, or the postcolonial moment—which is understood within political science and in development literature as a radical moment of rupture in which a complete transfer of responsibility has taken place, instituted in sovereignty—is an important theme in your work?
I have actually been coming back to this in recent work, because I am currently looking again at that moment of decolonization in Egypt. The period after World War II, around the 1952 revolution and the debacle around the building and the financing of the Aswan Dam, constitutes a wonderful way to explore questions on how much change decolonization really engendered and to see how remarkably short-lived that sort of optimism about decolonization, meaning a transfer of responsibility and sovereignty, actually was. Of course decolonization did transfer responsibility and sovereignty in all kinds of ways, but then that was exactly the problem for the former colonial regimes: because, from their perspective, then, how were all the people who had profited before from things like colonialism to continue to make profits? The plan to build the High Dam at Aswan—although there has always been Egyptians interested in it—initially got going because of some German engineering firms… For them, there was no opportunity in doing any kind of this large-scale work in Europe at the time because of the dire economic situation there. But they knew that Egypt had rapidly growing revenues from the Suez Canal and so they got together with the British and the French, and said: let's put forward this scheme for a dam so that we can recycle those revenues—particularly the income from the Suez Canal, which was about to revert to Egyptian ownership—back into the pockets of the engineering firms, or of the banks that will make the loans and charge the fees. And that is where the scheme came from. Then the World Bank got involved, because it too had found it had got nothing to do in Europe in the way of development and reconstruction, so it invented this new field of development. And it became a conduit to get the Wall Street banks involved as well. And the whole thing became politicized and led to a rupture, which provided then the excuse for another group, the militarists, the MI6 people, to invade and try to overthrow Nasser. So just in the space of barely four years from that moment of decolonization, Egypt had been reinvaded by the French, the British, working with the Israelis, and had to deal with the consequences and the costs of destroyed cities and military spending. That is an example of how quickly things went wrong; but also of how part of their going wrong was in this desperate attempt by a series of European banks and engineering firms trying to recover the opportunities for a certain profit-making and business that they had enjoyed in the colonial period and now they suddenly were being deprived of.
Last question. Has your work helped you make sense of what is currently going on in Egypt and would you shine your enlightened light on that a bit? Not on the whole general situation but perhaps on parts which are overlooked or which you find particularly relevant.
May be in a couple of aspects. One of them is this kind of very uneasy and disjunctive assemblage relationship between the West and forms of political Islam. It sometimes seemed shocking and disturbing and destabilizing that the political process in Egypt led to the rise and consolidation of power of the Muslim Brotherhood. But of course the U.S. and other Western powers have had a very long relationship going back at least to the 1950's—if not before—with exactly these kinds of political forces or people who were locally in alliance with them, in places like Saudi Arabia. I have a chapter in Carbon Democracy that explores that relationship and its disjunctions. And I think it is important to get away from the notion that is just a sort of electoral politics and uneasy alliances, but it is actually the outcome of a longer problem. Both domestically within the politics in the Arab states, of how to found a form of legitimacy that does not seem to be based on close ideological ties with the West, but at the same time operates in such in a way, that in practical terms, that kind of alliance can work. So that would be one aspect of it, to have a slightly longer-term perspective on those kinds of relationships and how disjunctively they function.
The other thing, drawing it a little more directly on some of the work on democracy in Carbon Democracy, is that so much of the scholarship on democracy is about equipping people with the right mental tools to be democrats; the right levels of trust or interpersonal relations or whatever. There is a very different view in my book, that the opportunities for effective democratic politics require very different sets of skills and kinds of actions—actions that are much more as it were obstructionist, and forms of sabotage, quite literally, in the usage of the term as it comes into being in the early 20th century to describe the role of strikes and stoppages. These are, I attempt to show, the effective tools to leverage demands for representation in more egalitarian democratic politics. I have been very interested in the case of Egypt, in the particular places and points of vulnerability, that gave rise to the possibility of sabotage. For instance, one of the less noted aspects of the Egyptian revolution in general, was the very important role played by the labor movement; this was not just a Twitter or Facebook revolution, but that was important as well. Although the labor movement was very heavily concentrated in industries—in the textile industry—the first group of workers who actually successfully formed an independent union were the property tax collectors. And there is a reason for that: there was a certain kind of fiscal crisis of the state—which had to do with declining oil revenues and other things—and there was the attempt to completely revise the tax system and to revise it not around income tax—because there were too few people making a significant income to raise tax revenues—but around property taxes. And that was a point of vulnerability and contestation that produced not just some of the first large-scale strikes but strikes that were effective enough that the government was forced to recognize a newly independent labor movement. This case is an instance of how the kind of work I did in the book might be useful for thinking about how the revolutionary situation emerged in Egypt.
Timothy Mitchell is a political theorist and historian. His areas of research include the place of colonialism in the making of modernity, the material and technical politics of the Middle East, and the role of economics and other forms of expert knowledge in the government of collective life. Much of his current work is concerned with ways of thinking about politics that allow material and technical things more weight than they are given in conventional political theory. Educated at Queens' College, Cambridge, where he received a first-class honours degree in History, Mitchell completed his Ph.D. in Politics and Near Eastern Studies at Princeton University in 1984. He joined Columbia University in 2008 after teaching for twenty-five years at New York University, where he served as Director of the Center for Near Eastern Studies. At Columbia he teaches courses on the history and politics of the Middle East, colonialism, and the politics of technical things.
Related links:
Faculty Profile at Colombia University Read Mitchell's Rethinking Economy (Geoforum 2008) here (pdf) Read Mitchell's The Limits of the State: Beyond Statist Approaches and Their Critics (The American Political Science Review 1991) here (pdf) Read Mitchell's McJihad: Islam and the U.S. Global Order (Social Text 2002) here (pdf) Read Mitchell's The Stage of Modernity (Chapter from book 'Questions of Modernity', 2000) here (pdf) Read Mitchell's The World as Exhibition (Chapter from book 'Colonising Egypt' 1991) here (pdf)
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