The United Kingdom's economy is relatively highly concentrated and the importance of decisions taken by very large firms for the economy as a whole encourages direct contacts between government and such firms. The scale and importance of such direct contacts has created a need within very large firms for a specialized capability to interpret the external political environment, and to relate that appreciation to the development of the firm's corporate strategy. A number of large firms in the United Kingdom have developed specialized government relations divisions in the last ten years. The titles of such divisions vary, but their most important function is the strategic co-ordination of the firm's relationships with government and other political actors.
Relevance. University-business-government relations drive regional innovation. Therefore, in order to stimulate innovation, a favourable institutional environment is necessary. Research objective. The article proposes an original methodology to examine regional institutional environment based on the analysis of the interactions between the government, business and universities.Methods and data. The study relies on the statistical data on 12 Russian regions for a 6-year period. The data are used to create three sets of indicators characterizing the institutional sectors 'Government', 'Business' and 'Universities'. Regions are divided into clusters and ranked according to the state of their institutional environments by calculating subindices and the integral index. Other research methods include cluster analysis and correlation regression analysis. Results. The regions were grouped according to their innovation performance: in lagging regions, the interactions between the government, business and universities are inefficient, which means that their regional institutional environment is not conducive to innovation. The opposite situation is observed in the group of leaders. We also found that interactions between the government, business and universities have a direct influence on GRP.Conclusion. For each group of regions, areas for improvement and the corresponding measures were identified. Interventions may vary in terms of intensity and government participation.
Social media platforms such as Twitter and Facebook offer new opportunities for co-production and interaction between citizens and government agencies. Until now, explanations of why citizens use social media to interact with government have been lacking in the literature. This article concludes on the basis of survey data gathered among Canadian citizens that social media use in citizen-government relations is explained by citizens' perceived effectiveness and trust in social media organizational infrastructure, with trust in government, social media anxiety and ease of use not having an impact. Implications for research and practice are discussed.
This paper examines emerging citizen and local government relations in a village in the Junglemahal region of the state of West Bengal, once a major bastion of the Maoist insurgency in India. Since 2014, Junglemahal has not experienced a single Maoist-related incident. This has been widely attributed to the West Bengal government's "model" handling of the insurgency, which rests on the rapid mobilization of public services through the non-elected arms of local governments, bypassing elected officials. How have Junglemahal's residents experienced this particular form of post-conflict governance? Drawing on the culture-centered approach that ethnographically observes the processes of identifying development problems and developing community-grounded solutions to these problems, our findings indicate that the hyper-developmental state was paradoxically experienced by our respondents as a very distant entity. A recurrent theme in our interviews is the absence of a locally embedded party leadership that could be approached regarding issues of distributive justice. We argue that this desire for party mediation in public service delivery is an expression of a powerful social norm that has survived the conflict and ought to be integrated into post-conflict governance structures if the current peace is to endure. (Crit Asian Stud/GIGA)
The Mexican state of Sinaloa has not developed diaspora policies directed to the Sinaloan Diaspora in the United States, even though the economic and social contributions to the state are significant and despite the existence of a significant group of Sinaloans in a situation of extreme vulnerability due to their precarious legal status. Current literature on diaspora policies has not developed a framework to understand atypical cases such as the case of Sinaloa. I developed a mixed method research design case study of state-diaspora relations in the Sinaloa-Los Angeles transnational field. I argue that political, economic, and organizational factors explain the absence of diaspora policies. Findings suggest that this is due to anti-democratic orientations of Sinaloan local governments, lack of strong Sinaloan Hometown Associations, and low remittance dependency at the state level. Only municipalities with few resources have developed a relationship with the diaspora or are willing to do so.
THE PROBLEM OF INFORMATION RELEASE IS AN ASPECT OF GOVERNANCE THE WORLD OVER. OPEN GOVERNMENT IS NOT THE DEMAND OF THE NAIVE OR THE SIMPLY IGNORANT--IT IS NECESSARY FOR BETTER GOVERNMENT AND A POLITICALLY EDUCATED CITIZENRY. IN BRITIAN THERE APPEARS TO BE A LARGE GAP BETWEEN WHAT IS PUBLICLY KNOWN--AND KNOWABLE--AND WHAT IS UNOFFICIALLY AND UNATTRIBUTABLY UNDERSTOOD. THIS ARTICLE CLARIFIES THE COMPLEX POSITION OF BRITISH GOVERNMENTS AND ADDRESSES THE GOVERNMENT'S CAPACITY TO MANAGE THE FLOW OF INFORMATION TO ITS ADVANTAGE AND THE HIGHLY QUALIFIED RIGHT OF CITIZEN TO INFORMATION IN RELATION TO THEMSELVES. SUSPICIONS THAT THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT NEWS MANAGEMENT RANGED OVER A WIDER AREA THAN HITHERTO ARE ALSO ADDRESSED.
In: Homburg , V & Moody , R 2022 , ' Weibo to the Rescue? A study of social media use in citizen–government relations in China ' , Transforming Government: People, Process and Policy , vol. 16 , no. 1 , 9 , pp. 128-139 . https://doi.org/10.1108/TG-06-2021-0101
Purpose: In this study, the authors explain citizens' adoption of social media in citizen–government relations in China, a country that blends an authoritarian governance regime with limited tolerance of and responsiveness to online citizen participation. Design/methodology/approach: Original survey data were gathered using a vignette survey among 307 respondents living in the People's Republic of China. Multivariate analysis of the data was used to test four hypotheses and identify antecedents of Chinese citizens' social media adoption for "thin" participation purposes. Findings: Citizens' perceived impact of "thin" participation, citizens' skills and capabilities and citizens' trust in institutions are significantly associated with citizens' social media adoption. Social media anxiety was found not to be associated with Chinese citizens' social media adoption. Research limitations/implications: This study demonstrates how vignettes can be used to study adoption of technological and institutional innovations in an authoritarian governance regime and how in this context existing adoption theories can be extended with notions of institutional trust to adequately explain citizens' adoption of technological and institutional innovations in citizen–government relations. Social implications: Although some argue that social media activity could potentially mitigate democratic deficits caused by the state, in the case of China, the intertwinement of state and social media platform renders this argument unsustainable. Originality/value: This study is one of the few systematic survey studies focusing on Chinese citizens' adoption of social media in citizen–government relations.
Theory suggests that relations between authorities affect implementation. This article studies the link between central and local government agencies in the Swedish labour market sector. The analysis is based on new quantitative data. The results indicate that central and local government agencies have very different priorities, but they nonetheless cooperate to a considerable extent. However, cooperation and 'good' implementation only coincide under certain conditions. If the collaborative endeavours are explicitly designed to lead to implementation of a specific and demanding task, cooperation is positively related to implementation performance. Agencies that collaborate to a considerable extent at a general level do not, however, perform better than others. Thus, I argue that theories should be developed and tested to indicate when cooperation between public authorities will promote implementation, instead of assuming that cooperation, in general, is a 'good thing'.
Recent problems in the performance of the American steel industry have prompted a number of calls for an "industrial policy" for this sector. Before any such programs of public intervention can be considered, however, it would behoove public policymakers to examine why the industry fell into its present state of decline. This paper, an abstract of a longer study, analyzes the relations of business and government in American steel from 1945 to 1960, and concludes that public policies had as much to do with subsequent industry decline as did other factors previously delineated by scholars.
This is a historical cartographic analysis of Indian and Euro-American relations in the United States. We explore the threefold roles of government, academic, and tribal mapping, and bring them together with some findings. As can be seen, government and academia have shared cartographic data; both have learned from the tribes, and in turn, the tribes have learned from the others, not always to their well-being. All of these issues are involved in the affairs of Indians in our country and are discussed to analyze the ongoing spatial activities across the dynamic landscape of Native America.