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AbstractPolitical corruption poses a serious threat to the stability of developing democracies by eroding the links between citizens and governments. Using data on national levels of corruption (Transparency International 1997 CPI index) and individual opinion (1995-97 World Values Survey), this study finds that Latin Americans are quite aware of the seriousness of corruption in their countries. The ensuing question is whether citizens can connect their views about corruption to appraisals of their authorities and institutions and of democracy more generally. Collectively, the findings suggest that they can, and that the necessary ingredients for accountability are present in Latin America. The possible dark side of mass opinion on corruption is that pervasive misconduct may poison public sentiment toward democratic politics. On this score, the analysis found that this attitude affected only support for specific administrations and institutions.

A review essay on books by: John M. Kirk, Politics and the Catholic Church in Nicaragua (Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida, 1992; Daniel H. Levine, Popular Voices in Latin American Catholicism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton U Press, 1992); & Rowan Ireland, Kingdoms Come: Religion and Politics in Brazil (Pittsburgh, PA: U of Pittsburgh Press, 1991 [see listings in IRPS No. 76]). Kirk takes a traditional institutional approach to the study of religion & politics in Nicaragua. Emphasis is placed on the dynamics of church structures & their impact on the political sphere through church membership. The church in Nicaragua is largely portrayed as a political actor interested in accommodation & maintaining the status quo. Levine takes an individualized approach to the church in Latin America by emphasizing the faith & religious motivation of church members to take personal, social, & political action to better their lives. The rise & significance of liberation theology & the Christian community movement are discussed. Ireland utilizes a qualitative, ethnographic approach to study religion & politics in the northeastern Brazilian community of Campo Alegre. Politics is portrayed as a contrast between different ways of living & is exemplified through analysis of the community's three major religious groupings: evangelical Protestants, Afro-Brazilian spiritists, & the Roman Catholic church. D. Generoli

The most widely-professed fact in the field of Latin American politics is unquestionably the dominant role of the president. The task facing Latin Americanists is not the defense of this theme but the elaboration of it. One of the most confining factors — so often lamented at conferences where these matters are discussed — is the lack of information in depth concerning all of the revelancies of power structure. This is particularly evident in appraising cultural factors although it must be admitted that much excellent work is now being done. A very challenging problem in the area of comparative government is involved, a problem admitting of some of the methodological uneasiness associated with that branch of political inquiry. Obviously, in the study of Latin American politics one may proceed with greater assurance with the "variations on a theme" technique than would be possible in many other areas; however, some disillusionment and appreciable inaccuracies lie in wait if one submits to this temptation too extensively.

Racial disparities in Latin America exist in poverty levels, income, education, infant mortality, political representation, access to social services, and other key indicators. However, researchers in comparative politics face an uphill challenge to prioritize racial politics in studies of democratization, democratic consolidation, representation, and even social movements and inequality, despite racial hierarchies being quite harmful to democracy in Latin America. This article argues for the centering of Black politics and racial hierarchies in Latin American politics and highlights recent literature to map just how that can be done. More than adding race as a variable or a control, we must understand racial identification and anti-Black racism in Latin America: how they operate, and how they influence, complicate, motivate, affirm, and inspire politics. In this article, I address ( a) why we should center racial politics in Latin American politics, ( b) how comparative racial scholars have centered Black politics, ( c) the methodologies necessary to accurately measure racial identification, and ( d) recent research that examines the interplay between racial self-identification, Black group consciousness, and voting behavior.

The Latin American Area Studies Program was designed to enable students to cross college and departmental lines to pursue, with the study of Spanish, a coordinated study of the geographical, cultural, socio-economic and political life of Latin American countries. The collection is composed of newsletters and an announcement for a course in Latin American politics.