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"Few developments in contemporary politics are more striking than the frequency with which the term "fascist" is used to describe specific actors and groups. This marks a qualitative shift in our political discourse. For decades, "fascist" was an epithet used to brand one's political opponents, regardless of political ideology or governing philosophy, but most often to attack a specific individual. With the rise of extremist parties and candidates in Europe, the U.S., and around the globe, however, even mainstream political commentators have begun using the term "fascism" to describe what they see as a dangerous movement that has revived and repackaged many of the strategies long thought to have been relegated to the margins of political rhetoric. This book defines and interprets the common persuasive devices that characterize fascist discourse to understand the nature of its enduring appeal, and which has resurfaced as one of the most pressing problems of our time. A definition of fascism that guides the contributors here draws from the work of Kenneth Burke: the sustained and systematic deployment of rhetorical devices aimed at promoting the cult of irrationality by identifying both the victimhood and the inborn dignity of a newly crystalized social group, sanctioned by tradition, whose rebirth requires the spiritualization of injustice and internal and external purification through redemptive violence. This definition has much in common with established understandings of fascism, but a rhetorical approach emphasizes less how fascism manifests itself in parties, platforms, regimes, movements, and organizations, but rather on the tendencies in language itself that make these manifestations possible. Introductory chapters focus on general theories of fascism drawn from 20th-century history and theory. The remaining chapters investigate specific historical figures and their relationship to contemporary rhetorics. As indicated by their titles, each chapter focuses on defining a specific rhetorical device that seems characteristic of fascist rhetoric. This book does not promise a comprehensive inquiry into all aspects of fascism. The topics were selected by the authors based on their own expertise and because they illuminate a specific rhetorical device. A reader, by the end, should have acquired many of the conceptual critical resources by which to identify familiar fascist strategies of persuasion and propaganda"--

Rhetoric is a persuasive device that has been studied for centuries by philosophers, thinkers, and teachers. In the political sphere of the Trump era, the bombastic, social media driven dissemination of rhetoric creates the perfect space to increase its effect. Today, there are clear examples of how rhetoric influences policy. This Article explores the link between divisive political rhetoric and policies that negatively affect minority health in the U.S. The rhetoric-policy-health (RPH) paradigm illustrates the connection between rhetoric and health. Existing public health policy research related to Health in All Policies and the social determinants of health combined with rhetorical persuasive tools create the foundation for the paradigm.

This book is the first extended study about the relationship between Marxism and the rhetorical tradition. Aune suggests that the classical texts of Marx and Engels wavered incoherently between positivist and romantic views of language and communication-views made possible by the decline of the rhetorical tradition as a cultural force. Though Western Marxism attempted to resolve this incoherence, it lacked a satisfactory theory of its own. Aune argues that the liberating impulse of Marxist tradition, ultimately, would be better served if we paid closer attention to the rhetorical history of the labor movement and to the role of public discourse in arousing or quieting revolutionary consciousness.

East India Company, a commercial enterprise of United Kingdom, came to the Indo-Pakistan sub-continent, gradually succeeded in transforming itself into a 'political power'. In 1757 landmark event of the Battle of Plassey firmly established the Company as the supreme power. Within a few years followed the Grant of the Diwani to the East India Company by Emperor Shah Alam (1765). For a trifling sum of Rs.26 lacs per annum the Company secured the entire control of the affairs of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa.The wording in which the grant was made would be considered amusing if the consequence of this action were not so tragic for a whole person who suffered foreign subjugation for a period of nearly two centuries. A document described as 'strange' in 'Bengali Literary Review' (1973) edited by Prof. Syed Ali Ashraf says:"At this happy time (i.e. after the defeat at Buxar) our royal Firmaund (i.e Farman) indispensably requiring obedience, is issued: that whereas in consideration of the attachment of the services of the high and mighty, the noblest of exalted nobles, the chief of illustrations of royal favours, the English Company, we have granted them the Dewanny of the Provinces of Bengal, Behar and Orissa… It is requisite that our royal descendants, the viziers, the bestowers of dignity… as well as the future as the present, using their constant endeavours for the establishment of the royal command, leave the said office in possession of the said Company from generation to generation, forever and ever…. Knowing our commands to be most strict and positive, let them not deviate there from."That was how the right of collecting the revenues of these provinces along with which went administration of criminal law came into the hands of the Company. For all practical purposes the Financial Instrument the (Diwani) meant the surrender of sovereignty by the Mughal Emperor. This surrender had far reaching effects especially on the position of the Muslims. Great deterioration was noticeable not only in their political status but also in their economic condition. Politically they lost all the importance which they had possessed and the privileges they had enjoyed for centuries as rulers of the land. And since the British had replaced as rulers, they saw to it that the Muslims did not lift their heads once more. This study is a narration of the struggle of Muslim Bengal that describes the role of various actors that finally destined to the struggle for Pakistan.

Competing but not binding, Article 19 is a 'fine piece of aspiratlonal rhetoric' still more widely honoured in the breach than the observance