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Talmon's treatment of nationalism varies in his different writings. This study will try to characterize his views as expressed in his final work, The Myth of the Nation and the Vision of Revolution. Through most of the book Talmon's preference for dealing with the vision of revolution, its prophets and bearers is very conspicuous. Their total devotion to restructuring and refashioning the whole world in accordance with the socialist ideology fascinated Talmon before it provoked him into analyzing it to death. Nationalism, on the other hand, appears at best as a natural feeling of loyalty and at worst as a hateful, aggressive, and racist obsession. One of his outstanding interests in that book is in the internal debate among socialists about nationalism as a value and as a strategy, and in the tremendous prominence of Jews in this process. It is only towards the end of the book that Talmon presents his main thesis, the confrontation between the two totalitarian ideologies, Bolshevism and Fascism as deriving from socialism and nationalism, and embodying two kinds of determinism, economic and biological. Nationalism appears as an irrational phantasy, which had developed throughout the nineteenth century to its pivotal culmination in Nazism. This highly problematic thesis, though brilliantly expressed by captivating metaphors, should I think be explained and revised. [Copyright 2007 Elsevier Ltd.]

AbstractThe study of media nationalism has had a curious history. Some of the "classic" studies of nationalism have placed the media at the heart of their work but say very little about media theory or research. More recently, studies of populism and nationalist parties have talked quite a lot about the impact of digital technologies but have very little to say about nationalism. This piece first provides a brief overview of some of these classic studies before noting how insights from the study of media, and in particular audiences, began to filter through to nationalism research in the 1990s and early 2000s. It then addresses both the discursive and digital turns that influenced wider debates around the relationship between media and nationalism over the past decade or so, before outlining the limitations of such work and possible avenues for future research.

AbstractThis article explores the foundations of Nepali nationalism and its articulation in contemporary Nepal. It makes informed readings of the historical antecedents of Nepali national identity and argues that Nepali national identity was forged in an attempt to create and maintain a boundary with 'outsiders' – mainly India and China. Data collected through online content analysis of the editorial commentary pages of two Nepali print media, followed by in‐depth interviews, show that in the changed political context, the boundary still persists though its narrative has changed. This article argues that the expression of Nepali nationalism can be understood as the maintenance of this boundary; its forms and articulation shaped by the changing political contexts.

AbstractNationalism has long been understood to be a deeply gendered phenomenon. This article provides an overview of some of the key concepts and literature in the study of gender and nationalism, including women; gender; the nation and the intersection of sexuality, race, and migration; and gender within nationalist imaginations. It offers some future research agendas that might be pursued in work on gender and nationalism—namely the gendered dimensions of populism or "new" nationalism.

After a brief assessment of mainstream theories of nationalisms, those that stress boundary mechanisms are examined. The classical division of theories of nationalism into primordialist & instrumentalist approaches is rejected, arguing that at least three more approaches can bring a distinctive contribution to the field: homeostatic, transactionalist, & ethnosymbolist. Nationalism is defined as a process of border creation &/or maintenance. Boundaries are needed to ensure a distinction between two or more groups, or the spaces they inhabit. Hence, in all process of nationality formation, as well as in all ethnic conflicts, political leaders give a prominent place to the boundaries that define their national community. Finally, violence is used to reinforce ethnic boundaries when the latter are particularly weak or under threat. Adapted from the source document.

Draws upon examples from Australia, Canada, & New Zealand to explore the nature of indigenous nationalism. A theoretical understanding of indigenous nationalism is developed in relation to three dimensions: democratic self determination; internal democracy (the right to choose how & by whom one will be governed); & shared rule in state institutions. Distinctions are made between normative & empirical-institutional dimensions of indigenous nationalism, noting that the normative dimension explains why the indigenous claim to self-determination deserves respect & how it differs from claims of other minorities. Attention is called to the very different empirical characteristics & circumstance of indigenous communities. An examination of the pragmatic political implications of the normative framework of indigenous nationalism considers the kinds of communities that will exercise the right to self-determination & the range of potentially viable options for institutional design. These understandings of indigenous nationalism serve to alleviate charges of empirical inaccuracy & irrelevance while simultaneously sustaining the insight needed for the negotiation of just & lasting indigenous-state relations. 80 References. n. Lindroth

Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- Ways in to the Text -- Who Was Ernest Gellner? -- What Does Nations and Nationalism Say? -- Why Does Nations and Nationalism Matter? -- Section 1: Influences -- Module 1: The Author and the Historical Context -- Module 2: Academic Context -- Module 3: The Problem -- Module 4: The Author's Contribution -- Section 2: Ideas -- Module 5: Main Ideas -- Module 6: Secondary Ideas -- Module 7: Achievement -- Module 8: Place in the Author's Work -- Section 3: Impact -- Module 9: The First Responses -- Module 10: The Evolving Debate -- Module 11: Impact and Influence Today -- Module 12: Where Next? -- Glossary of Terms -- People Mentioned in the Text -- Works Cited.

AbstractThis article reviews the current scholarship around racism and nationalism, two of the mostly hotly debated issues in contemporary politics. Both racism and nationalism involve dividing humanity into groups and setting up some groups as innately superior to others. Until recently, racism and nationalism were both widely seen as unpleasant relics of times past, destined to disappear as the principles of equality and human rights become universally embraced. But both concepts have proved their resilience in recent years. Scholars have been devoting new attention to the "racialization" of ethnic and national identities in the former Soviet Union and East Europe, the regions that are the main focus of this journal. The article examines the prevailing approaches to understanding the terms "racism" and "nationalism," which are distinct but overlapping categories of analysis and vehicles of political mobilization. Developments in genomics have complicated the relationship between perceptions of race as a purely social phenomenon. The essay explores the way racism and nationalism play out in two self-proclaimed "exceptional" political systems – the Soviet Union and the United States – which have played a prominent role in global debates about race and nation. It briefly discusses developments in other regions, such as the debate over multiculturalism in Europe.

AbstractIn an effort to understand how supremacists may respond to future socio‐political events, this article examines how White Aryan Resistance (WAR), as a major player in the White Supremacist Movement (WSM), conceptualises nationalism and who qualifies as a 'real' American. I use discourse analysis on two year's worth of WAR newsletters: twelve monthly issues before the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks and twelve issues after this date. Only partial support is found for outcomes that the existing nationalism literature would predict, suggesting that those who research the right‐wing must better understand the WSM's sense of status loss to adequately predict future violent action from these groups. I show that WAR did not increasingly target Arabs after the attacks, which may have enhanced their membership and mobilisation efforts, but that this decision was a rational response in the context of status threats and limited movement resources.