The response to the article by P.A. Orekhovsky and V.I. Razumov "The Onset of Narcissistic Culture: Consequences for Education, Science and Politics" is not a fully analytical review. It represents the result of certain empathy and it is also an attempt to articulate some thoughts generated by the reflection of modern social reality. The reviewed article was only the trigger for starting this work. Associations and intuitions, which appeared after reading of this article, indicate that the material presented by P.A. Orekhovsky and V.I. Razumov was able to bring the consciousness of a modern man out of the "comfort zone". This fact suggests that the material presented by these authors has high relevance, which immediately raises the relevance of all its reviews. Despite the fact that the article under consideration is more essayistic than scientific, the object of investigation is narcissistic culture in modern conditions, when, according to P.A. Orekhovsky and V.I. Razumov, postmodernism serves as a unique medium for its dissemination. The subject – some features of its influence on the human community, including its manifestations in our country. As a set of methods of research or consideration of the problem, we use a combination of general logical methods, the method of historical analogies, elements of a systematic approach, as well as elements of an approach to social phenomena from the perspective of reconstructed archaic consciousness, its principles and its values. The most general conclusions of reviewing the article by P.A. Orekhovsky and V.I. Razumov are that narcissistic culture is a relatively obsolete (do not mix it with 'archaic') variant of pathological social development. It gained new strength in the conditions of technological progress, the emergence (or rather, reproduction) of thinking, which in post-industrial society was defined as postmodern. During the recent political confrontation of social systems, it was used as an ideological weapon. It launched the processes that turned out to be poorly controlled and it can only be resisted from the standpoint of healthy conservatism and the promotion of traditional values.
РезюмеЛиман С. І. Історія Англії доби Тюдорів в оцінках дослідників України (XIX—початок XX ст.)Науковий інтерес до історії Англії доби Тюдорів зберігався в Україні протягом усього розглянутого періоду. Цей інтерес підсилився з другої половини XIX ст., що варто зв'язувати, насамперед, з пошуками вченими історичних аналогій розвитку тюдорівської Англії та післяреформеної Росії. У роботах істориків України були порушені всі ключові аспекти розвитку тюдорівської Англії: внутрішньополітичні, зовнішньополітичні, соціально-економічні, конфесіональні, культурні, почасти правові. Найбільший внесок у вивчення історії епохи Тюдорів зробили В. Г. Авсєєнко (суспільно-політична і літературна діяльність Томаса Мора), О. І. Булгаков (догматична сутність англіканства), Г. О. Афанасьєв (ірландський і шотландський вектори політики Тюдорів), Є. В. Тарле (соціально-економічні реалії Англії XVI ст. як головне джерело формування суспільних поглядів Томаса Мора), К. О. Кузнєцов (боротьба палати общин за збільшення судових прав). Ці та деякі інші вчені України зробили вагомий внесок у вивчення історії тюдорівської Англії в рамках загальноросійської історіографії.Ключові слова: Англія, Тюдори, історія, історіографія, Томас Мор. SummaryS. Liman. History of Tudor england in Research of ukrainian scientists (19th — early 20th centuries)Tudor period in English history interested Ukrainian scientists during the whole period under question. This interest grew in the second half of 19th century as scientists first of all tried to find historical analogies between Tudor England and post-reform Russia. Ukrainian historians studied all key development aspects of Tudor England: inner and foreign policy, social and economic situation, religion, culture and, to some degree, legal issues. The most substantial contribution to the study of Tudors was brought by V. G. Avseenko (Thomas More's public, political and literary activities), A. I. Bulgakov (dogmatic essence of Anglican Church), G. E. Afanasiev (Tudors policy in Scotland and Ireland), E. V. Tarle (English social and economic actualities in 16th century as basi source of Thomas More's public view formation), K. A. Kuznetsov (House of Commons fight for extension of its judicial rights under Tudors and Stuarts). These and several other Ukrainian scholars greatly enriched the study of Tudor England history within the frames of all-Russian Empire historiography.Key words: England, Tudors, history, historiography, Thomas More.
This thesis develops a diagnostic process for policymakers to use when thinking about grand strategy. Drawing upon Alexander George's work about how International Relations (IR) theories could best assist policymakers, the thesis proposes a two-part process that incorporates IR theories into a structured, logical and useful policy analysis framework. There are some daunting practical difficulties in implementing George's proposed approach. This thesis suggests overcoming these by stepping up to a higher level of abstraction to generate three broad types of grand strategy: denial, engagement and reform. This approach makes George's desired policy-relevant knowledge both more feasible to build and more useable by busy policymakers.The thesis has a four-part structure: a thematic review, a cognitive frame development section, a case study section, and a final evaluation section. A critical review determines that the principal function of grand strategy from a policymaking perspective is to create purposeful change and to build the power needed for implementation. An evaluation concerning 'how policymakers think' suggests that the poliheuristic choice decision-making architecture is the preferred policymaking approach. Using this foundation, a grand strategy typology is developed and offensive realism, new liberalism and agentic constructivism operationalized into three schemas suitable to guide policymaking. The schemas are then assessed through an empirical examination of nine case studies.George's general appeal to 'bridge the gap' between theory and practice in policymaking is realised through the populating of a poliheuristic choice model with optimized grand strategy schemas. In this way, George's seminal work in the field has been extended through the development of a diagnostic process that can help policymakers' structure their initial thinking about grand strategy alternatives. The case study analysis demonstrates that the process is applicable to real-world examples; reveals the scope of the three grand strategy types, their dynamics and outcomes; has utility for greater and lesser powers, and non-state actors; and meets George's specifications for a diagnostic process. In this, the thesis cautions against formulating grand strategies using historical analogies or some combination of theoretical perspectives devised using analytical eclecticism.
Das Symbol der EU ist der Sternenkreis. Lange Zeit haben wir dieses Motiv im Rahmen der offiziellen Rhetorik der EU als Symbol für die 'Einheit in der Vielfalt' gesehen. Heute müssen wir uns jedoch mit größerem Ernst fragen: Was hält die Sterne noch zusammen und davon ab, auseinanderzufallen? Besitzt Europa ein Leitbild? In Analogie zum 'amerikanischen Traum' entfaltet Aleida Assmann in diesem Buch den 'europäischen Traum' und meint damit vier Lehren, die die Europäer aus der Geschichte gezogen haben. Sie machen das offene Projekt Europa aus. Ob es eine Zukunft hat oder nicht, hängt deshalb nicht zuletzt davon ab, ob diese Lehren weiterhin als eine gemeinsame Grundorientierung anerkannt und umgesetzt werden.
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The article covers the European experience of child security in the XVII – XXI centuries. The theoretical basis of the research is the work of scientists on the problems of child security and their rights in European countries. The work is based on the concept of social transformations, social support and social care of children. Historical-comparative, historical-genetic and historical-typological methods of research have been applied. Theoretical analysis of the problem has made it possible to draw analogies to the historical experience of the child welfare system, which is important for European countries in the context of developing their own social protection system.
The Historical Approach versus the Judicial Truth : Judges and Historians. Recent trials involved in historical cases give the opportunity to establish the main characteristics of historical workshop and justice practices and to seek their analogies. Both historians and judges are confronted with social demands and are both responsible for the future of their communities, their criteria of judgement being dependent on the values of those communities. Even if their "truths" can not be delivered in the same way, they sustain the same sort of constraints and are inscribed within the same horizons.
It is plausible that the Portuguese playwright Bernardo Santareno and his Spanish counterpart Antonio Buero Vallejo represent two different - or even opposite - attitudes regarding the censorship of the Portuguese and Spanish regimes in the 1960s. Two texts are analyzed in this article: Santareno's O Judeu and Buero Vallejo's El sueño de la razón , which have been chosen because of the contrast between analogies and divergences that arise when evaluating the historical period represented in the two dramas.
From the methodological point of view, I will approach the textual aspect of the two dramas in order to highlight the analogies and, above all, the semantic-syntactic differences between them, later I will try to highlight the cultural political context that might have conditioned the different aesthetic options of the two writers.
It is plausible that the Portuguese playwright Bernardo Santareno and his Spanish counterpart Antonio Buero Vallejo represent two different - or even opposite - attitudes regarding the censorship of the Portuguese and Spanish regimes in the 1960s. Two texts are analyzed in this article: Santareno's O Judeu and Buero Vallejo's El sueño de la razón , which have been chosen because of the contrast between analogies and divergences that arise when evaluating the historical period represented in the two dramas. From the methodological point of view, I will approach the textual aspect of the two dramas in order to highlight the analogies and, above all, the semantic-syntactic differences between them, later I will try to highlight the cultural political context that might have conditioned the different aesthetic options of the two writers.
Abstract The oeuvre of Brazilian-born and Parisian-educated Michael Löwy is widely recognised as the achievement of an exacting revolutionary cultural worker who integrates theory with his political duties, and labours hard at his craft so that the poetic imagination can reclaim and thereby re-enchant the reified reality of capitalist modernity. Nevertheless, when we come to Löwy's reputation in the United States we face a curious situation. There is no doubt that his work is known and respected among many activists and scholars. Yet from the perspective of the needs of the Marxist Left, the disparity is striking between what Löwy has to offer as a militant thinker and the actuality of his impact. The search for an explanation of such a discrepancy must begin with a preliminary stab at what I regard as a 'Löwyian' interpretation of Michael Löwy's life and writings. The method includes an exploration of his possible 'elective affinities', defined in a broad sense, with the cultural and political work of US radicalism since the 1960s. Are there analogies, kinships, or attractions of meaning that have entered into a relationship of reciprocal appeal and influence? In the end, however, I conclude that the disproportion between potential and actual stems largely from fractional perceptions of his accomplishment that are rooted in the peculiarities of US Marxist thought in general and of US Trotskyism in particular. Such partial and one-sided assessments are a profound barrier because the achievement of Michael Löwy needs to be understood in its totality.
The subject questions the historians' relationship with time in France, from the 1930s to the 1950s, by means of published historical production. By combining historiographic questions with issues of cultural history, the will is to adopt a social definition of history and historians. Based on the private holdings of historians, publishers, and books held in legal deposit, this study aims to understand how historians write, conceive, and debate history. The aim is to take a step back from the mere professional definition of history and to consider the writing of history as a cultural process involving historians with different legitimacies, in contact with cultural intermediaries, in particular, publishers, addressing an audience or several audiences. The production context of the period was over-determined by an intellectual crisis, which began in 1931, concerning the legitimacy of history, and its place in society, coming from philosophers and critics. The question of historiographic construction is central: historians, in their diversity – academic or polygraph – write historical works, more or less permeable to the issues of the present, for scientific purposes, symbolic but also political, of which we can make a historiographic and epistemological typology. The representations of history vary appreciably from the pole of production of historians to the pole of mediation. Considered as an editorial genre, history then becomes more malleable and responds to social and economic issues, which aim the widest possible dissemination to the public. In this context, the main novelty of the period is the historical collection, which is an opportunity as well as a constraint for historians. The study questions the receptions of this published history, not only by the political authorities, in a censorial framework from 1940 to 1944, but also, in the longer term, by the cultural mediators, who are booksellers, journalists and critics, specialist and generalist ones. Finally, the study of receptions by the public shows that history has a social function, suggesting a specific representation of the past. The underlying movement of the study, whether in production, mediation, or receptions, is the remarkable analogy between the events of the past and the present. Provoked, fantasized, real, or recused, this dialogue of the times is disclosed to our eyes with a particular acuity during these two decades. ; Le sujet interroge le rapport des historiens au temps en France, des années 1930 aux années 1950, au moyen de la production historique éditée. En alliant les questionnements historiographiques aux problématiques d'histoire culturelle, la volonté est d'adopter une définition sociale de l'histoire et des historiens. Menée à partir des fonds privés d'historiens, de fonds d'éditeurs et des ouvrages conservés au dépôt légal, cette étude vise à comprendre comment les historiens écrivent, conçoivent et débattent de l'histoire. L'objectif est de prendre du recul quant à la seule définition professionnelle de l'histoire et d'envisager l'écriture de l'histoire comme un processus culturel mettant en jeu des historiens aux légitimités différentes, en prise avec des intermédiaires culturels, notamment les éditeurs, s'adressant à un public ou plusieurs publics. Le contexte de production de la période est surdéterminé par une crise intellectuelle, débutée en 1931, portant sur la légitimité de l'histoire, et sa place dans la société, de la part de philosophes et de critiques. La question de la construction historiographique est centrale : les historiens, dans leur diversité – académiques, universitaires ou polygraphes –, écrivent des ouvrages historiques, plus ou moins perméables aux enjeux du présent, à des fins scientifiques, symboliques mais aussi politiques, dont on peut faire une typologie historiographique et épistémologique. Les représentations de l'histoire varient appréciablement du pôle de production des historiens, au pôle de médiation. Perçue comme un genre éditorial, l'histoire devient alors plus malléable et répond à des enjeux sociaux et économiques, qui visent à une diffusion la plus large possible auprès du grand public. Dans ce cadre, la principale nouveauté de la période est la collection historique, qui constitue une opportunité autant qu'une contrainte pour les historiens. L'étude interroge les réceptions de cette histoire éditée, non seulement par les instances politiques, dans un cadre censorial de 1940 à 1944, mais aussi, sur le plus long terme, par les médiateurs culturels, que sont les libraires, journalistes et critiques, spécialisés et généralistes. Enfin, l'étude des réceptions par les publics montre que l'histoire a une fonction sociale, en suggérant une représentation spécifique du passé. Le mouvement de fond qui sous-tend l'étude est, qu'il s'agisse de production, de médiation ou de réceptions, la remarquable analogie entre les événements du passé et le temps présent. Provoqué, fantasmé, réel, ou récusé, ce dialogue des temps se révèle à nos yeux avec une acuité particulière pendant ces deux décennies.
Victor Sokolov's article «Genesis and features of the functioning of illegal libraries in Ukraine: historical and socio-political factors» examined the peculiarities of formation, characteristics and peculiarities of illegal libraries, as well as socio-political factors, social conditions and main directions of these collections, mainly in Ukraine. The purpose of the proposed article is to identify and study the characteristics of illegal libraries, study their types, analysis and generalization of information about the peculiarities of the creation and operation of these collections in Ukraine, as well as characteristics of the main forms and directions of their activities. In his work, the author widely used general scientific and historical research methods: comparisons, analogies, deductions, descriptive, analytical, typological methods, as well as historical-comparative, historical-genetic and other methods of scientific research. The author proved that the most developed were the illegal libraries of political organizations and circles, which collected literature from various fields of knowledge, but most of them were publications in the social sciences (history, philosophy, sociology, etc.). Many illegal libraries, including marxist organizations and circles, were interconnected in centralized systems. In terms of the number of books, the funds of some illegal libraries of political organizations can be compared with the funds of public, church-parish, county and township libraries. However, most of them had up to 300 books. However, their activities had a certain impact on the socio-political life of society, on the formation of consciousness, cultural and educational level, mostly, the lower strata of the population. It was found that in the context of police persecution, «employees» of illegal libraries quickly adapted to new circumstances and needs of readers and often changed the forms, methods, principles of work in order to steadily pursue the main line of these collections – to disseminate certain ideas and principles of public life. Illegal libraries often operated under the guise of self-education, literary and artistic, public, women's, family and leisure, educational and other societies and clubs. In general, they were characterized by the presence of almost all organizational and structural subsystems that had official public libraries: they had a fund of various types of documents, a catalog, a contingent of readers, facilities, library staff and documentation. In illegal libraries, for the first time, active forms and methods of book promotion were born, which were used and researched during communication with users of book collections, whose reading needs were also periodically studied. It was found that illegal libraries, including political organizations and circles, performed both educational and ideological tasks, and organizational (they became organizational centers of political struggle, in particular the premises of illegal libraries were a place of appearances, a point of agitation and propaganda, storage of revolutionary literature, etc.). A study of the history of illegal libraries, in particular, political organizations, educational and cultural-educational societies, proves that certain democratic, progressive elements of library development were formed in their activities, some of which were inherited and developed by domestic library science and practice. ; Досліджено історичні фактори виникнення та особливості функціонування нелегальних бібліотек в Україні у ХІХ–ХХ ст. Виявлено та охарактеризовано основні види і специфіку їх культурно-просвітницької та бібліотечної діяльності. Проаналізовано своєрідність організаційної роботи нелегальних бібліотек в умовах підпільного існування, соціально-політичні чинники їх розвитку у загальному контексті історичних подій та особливостей політичного та культурно-освітнього життя суспільства. Висвітлено суспільне значення функціонування нелегальних бібліотек, місце і роль їх бібліотечної та культурно-просвітницької діяльності у поширенні читання, знань, просвітництва та у піднесенні загального рівня свідомості та політичної культури соціально активних, переважно нижчих, прошарків населення, а також у розвитку бібліотечної справи країни в цілому.
Victor Sokolov's article «Genesis and features of the functioning of illegal libraries in Ukraine: historical and socio-political factors» examined the peculiarities of formation, characteristics and peculiarities of illegal libraries, as well as socio-political factors, social conditions and main directions of these collections, mainly in Ukraine. The purpose of the proposed article is to identify and study the characteristics of illegal libraries, study their types, analysis and generalization of information about the peculiarities of the creation and operation of these collections in Ukraine, as well as characteristics of the main forms and directions of their activities. In his work, the author widely used general scientific and historical research methods: comparisons, analogies, deductions, descriptive, analytical, typological methods, as well as historical-comparative, historical-genetic and other methods of scientific research. The author proved that the most developed were the illegal libraries of political organizations and circles, which collected literature from various fields of knowledge, but most of them were publications in the social sciences (history, philosophy, sociology, etc.). Many illegal libraries, including marxist organizations and circles, were interconnected in centralized systems. In terms of the number of books, the funds of some illegal libraries of political organizations can be compared with the funds of public, church-parish, county and township libraries. However, most of them had up to 300 books. However, their activities had a certain impact on the socio-political life of society, on the formation of consciousness, cultural and educational level, mostly, the lower strata of the population. It was found that in the context of police persecution, «employees» of illegal libraries quickly adapted to new circumstances and needs of readers and often changed the forms, methods, principles of work in order to steadily pursue the main line of these collections – to disseminate certain ideas and principles of public life. Illegal libraries often operated under the guise of self-education, literary and artistic, public, women's, family and leisure, educational and other societies and clubs. In general, they were characterized by the presence of almost all organizational and structural subsystems that had official public libraries: they had a fund of various types of documents, a catalog, a contingent of readers, facilities, library staff and documentation. In illegal libraries, for the first time, active forms and methods of book promotion were born, which were used and researched during communication with users of book collections, whose reading needs were also periodically studied. It was found that illegal libraries, including political organizations and circles, performed both educational and ideological tasks, and organizational (they became organizational centers of political struggle, in particular the premises of illegal libraries were a place of appearances, a point of agitation and propaganda, storage of revolutionary literature, etc.). A study of the history of illegal libraries, in particular, political organizations, educational and cultural-educational societies, proves that certain democratic, progressive elements of library development were formed in their activities, some of which were inherited and developed by domestic library science and practice. ; Досліджено історичні фактори виникнення та особливості функціонування нелегальних бібліотек в Україні у ХІХ–ХХ ст. Виявлено та охарактеризовано основні види і специфіку їх культурно-просвітницької та бібліотечної діяльності. Проаналізовано своєрідність організаційної роботи нелегальних бібліотек в умовах підпільного існування, соціально-політичні чинники їх розвитку у загальному контексті історичних подій та особливостей політичного та культурно-освітнього життя суспільства. Висвітлено суспільне значення функціонування нелегальних бібліотек, місце і роль їх бібліотечної та культурно-просвітницької діяльності у поширенні читання, знань, просвітництва та у піднесенні загального рівня свідомості та політичної культури соціально активних, переважно нижчих, прошарків населення, а також у розвитку бібліотечної справи країни в цілому.
Der Aufsatz stellt die gängige Meinung infrage, Adorno habe mit seiner negativen Dialektik eine kritische Philosophie entworfen, die keinerlei Beziehung zu Marx hat. Im Gegensatz zu dieser Meinung wird argumentiert, dass die strukturelle Analogie zwischen Adornos Kritik traditioneller Theorie und Marx Kritik der politischen Ökonomie als roter Faden der Negativen Dialektik gelten kann. Zugleich wird Adorno gegenüber zeitgenössischer Kritik verteidigt, die die Wichtigkeit von Marx für ihn zwar anerkennt, jedoch die Qualität seiner Marxinterpretation anzweifelt. Abschließend wird die Bedeutung ausgelotet, welche die zuvor angestellten Überlegungen zur Wesensverwandtschaft der Theorien von Marx und Adorno, sowie insbesondere die von beiden geteilte Kritik an der Positivierung der Negation der Negation, für die Frage nach einer Aktualisierung des Begriffs Kritischer Theorie hat. Dabei steht die Negativismusauffassung sowohl von Habermas als auch von Honneth zur Disposition, die für den von beiden befürworteten Paradigmenwechsel einen zentralen Stellenwert hat.
'Seit der Jahrtausendflut 2002 und dem IPCC-Bericht im Frühjahr 2007 kommt das Thema 'Klimaänderung verursacht Naturkatastrophen' in Medien und Wissenschaft nicht mehr zur Ruhe. In diesem Artikel wird der Frage nachgegangen, wie eine Gesellschaft reagiert, wenn sie nahezu ständig von Naturkatastrophen heimgesucht wird. In Sachsen kam es zwischen 1784 und 1845 zu wenigstens zwölf schweren Hochwasserkatastrophen. Die Reaktionen der politisch Verantwortlichen, aber auch der betroffenen Bevölkerung auf diese ständige Konfrontation sind Hauptgegenstand des Artikels. Daraus resultierte eine sächsische Lerngenese aus Gegenmaßnahmen und Lernschritten, die in drei Lernphasen (1784-1800, 1800-1820, 1820-1845) vorgeführt wird. Dem vorgeschaltet sind einführende Erläuterungen zu historischen Aspekten und bisherigen Veröffentlichungen der Naturkatastrophen- und Hochwasserforschung. Ein theoretischer Rahmen zum Lernen aus Katastrophen ist dieser Einführung angegliedert. Im Ausblick wird die sächsische Lerngenese der Studie des DKKV 'Lessons learned' von 2002 gegenübergestellt. Dabei werden nicht nur Analogien zwischen damaligem und heutigem Katastrophenmanagement unterstrichen, sondern die effizienteren Methoden und Vorgehensweisen vor über 200 Jahren herausgestellt.' (Autorenreferat)
