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This book analyses the ability of individuals to create meaning through communicative interaction and of what seems to constrain and enable actors in taking collectively binding political decisions. The book examines why, in some contexts, individuals consider something as evident and relevant for their action while others perceive them as nonsense or simply as fake news'. As such, the book follows a research perspective based on a concept emphasizing that the core function of knowledge is related to the selection and integration of data and other information which give them substance. Taking an interpretive political science perspective to knowledge, the book overcomes particular deficiencies of policy learning concepts where the development of an understanding of reality' is thematized in a way that supposedly decrypts everyday processes through which individuals understand reality' and (re)orient their actions to intersubjective processes. To better understand these intersubjective processes, communicative mechanisms are worked through where knowledge claims are selected and integrated. This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of political science and policy analysis and more broadly, to sociology and social theory, geography, planning, philosophy, communication studies, and governance studies.

AbstractThe institution of liability serves to mitigate the lack of care in almost all areas, whether private or business. However, we have not yet found such an institution in political decision‐making. Surprisingly, the literature has not discussed a specific institution that subjects political actors who fail to exercise due diligence in their decision‐making regarding personal liability. Hence, this paper aims to fill this gap and derive the necessity of internalizing the negative effects resulting from the imperfections of the market for political services in general and the democratic process, particularly by a liability rule. To design the new institution, we draw on the findings of corporate governance, combining economic thinking in incentives and legal knowledge expressed in the law of the corporation. In this respect, this paper is the first to make a concrete proposal for political liability accompanied by a political judgment rule. However, it is important to emphasize that the aim is not to punish a wrong decision but to provide strong incentives to prevent it ex ante. Political liability must be understood as a process‐oriented institution that considers uncertainty and decision‐making complexities. By proposing and analyzing this new institution, this work contributes to a broader discussion of incentive structures in the political process of modern democracies and shows how the political sphere can learn from the corporate world.

Three variables hypothesized as constraints on the resolution of a conflict of interest were found to significantly influence attempts to resolve the conflict and to bias perceptions of the situation. Using a model of the political decision-making process, the three variables were arranged in a 2 x 2 x 2 design with 6 male and 6 female dyads in each cell. Conflict of interest, in which the resources could be distributed only to one party's positions, resulted in less money allocated and in perceptions of the situation as more of a win-lose competition, of compromise as more like defeat, and of the greater importance of coming out favorably, than did conflict in which the resources could be distributed between the competing positions. Formal assignment of conflict positions resulted in less money allocated, and longer negotiations, than self-design of conflict positions. An explicit link between competing conflict positions and an ideological dissensus impeded conflict resolution for males, but not for females. The latter two inhibiting influences on conflict resolution were considered aspects of representation.

The Russian political system decision-making models are evolutionizing. Following the trend lobbying models and methods evolve from policy managing to informal practice. The analytical policy-managerial cycle model shows lowering of public and rising corporative lobbying tools. Which remove the lobbing institutionalisation problem. Russia legislative and managerial institutionalisation examples verify lobbying evolution from interest accommodation framework to obligatory tool for policy and public representatives interactions via lobbyists.

This article presents a model of decision making and introduces a new theoretical variable to the literature, namely, the modes of decision making. The theoretical focus is on the face-to-face group, and the article also develops an innovative methodology for studying this type of decision-making behavior. Variation in the decision modes is explained as a function of the strategic considerations of individual decision makers. These considerations are affected by a set of four independent variables: structure of the decision group, substance of the conflict, context of the conflict, and the decision process. The data, drawn from observations of decision-making groups in Switzerland, are tested with discriminant analysis and a simulation. In both cases total correct classifications exceed 55 percent, indicating that there is a meaningful structure relating variation in the decision modes to the theoretical framework.

Over the last two decades, there has been increased interest in the role of emotions in decision‐making, with new theorizing to highlight how leader decisions often differ from rational choice and purely cognitive models. To date, however, existing theories have not adequately explained why emotions drive decisions in some situations and not others. This article posits that the variation in emotion's role in leader decision‐making likely results from currently undertheorized connections between leaders' stress arousal levels, stress loads, and emotions. It explores how leaders' neurobiological windows of tolerance to affect arousal influence their capacity to regulate their emotions and make decisions. It introduces the mediating role of leaders' self‐regulatory capacity—their capacity to regulate stress and emotions so that these phenomena do not drive resulting decisions—as an explanation for variation in emotion's influence on decision‐making. Finally, it formally illustrates the argument put forth by comparing two decisions made by U.S. President Bill Clinton as his window of tolerance varied over time.

Autor u radu preispituje temeljne koncepte klasičnih teorija političkog odlučivanja i njihove usporedbe s donošenjem odluka tijekom rata. Obrađuju se dvije pionirske teorije političkog odlučivanja: ograničena racionalnost i inkrementalizam. Sukladno tome, autor prvo izlaže teorijski okvir u kojem opisuje prethodno navedene teorije te iznosi njihove temeljne koncepte. Potom se autor bavi vanjskom i obrambenom politikom te odlučivanjem u ratu, s fokusom na temeljne postulate rata Carla von Clausewitza. Nakon toga autor daje raspravu u kojoj preispituje sličnosti koncepata klasičnih teorija odlučivanja s temeljnim postulatima rata. U zaključku autor iznosi stajalište da se koncepti ograničene racionalnosti više podudaraju s postulatima rata nego inkrementalizam. ; The author of the paper examines the fundamental concepts of classical theories of political decision-making and comparisons with decision-making during wartime. Two theories at the forefront are examined: bounded rationality and incrementalism. In accordance with that, a theoretical construct is first conveyed and used to describe the aforementioned theories, as well as their fundamental concepts. Then, the author moves onto foreign and defense policy, as well as decision-making during wartime, focusing on Carl von Clausewitz's key postulates of war. This is followed by a discussion about the similarities between the classical concepts of decision-making and the basic postulates of war. To conclude, the author expresses the standpoint that the concepts of bounded rationality are more in keeping with the postulates of war than is the case with incrementalism.

In an effort to increase students' preparation for and participation in civic life, teachers and schools across the United States have incorporated action civics programs into their social studies courses. These programs resemble many of the key characteristics of the public policy analysis process. However, there is little evidence suggesting that civic leaders use this process when engaging a civic issue. This study explores the processes that civic leaders in one community use when thinking aloud about two hypothetical civic action scenarios, comparing their processes with the public policy analysis process. Qualitative analysis demonstrates that civic leaders engage in the public policy analysis process but also include the crucial initial step of seeking community deliberation. This initial step makes the whole process community-based, especially in the Research, Planning, and Action phases. These findings indicate that action civics programs should consider incorporating more community awareness and involvement into the early parts of their curricula, enabling youth to work with community members rather than isolating action civics work to K-12 classrooms.

This study aims to identify the types of city council decision-making processes that influence public perceptions of procedural fairness and the acceptability of decisions. Using an online experimental scenario survey conducted in Japan, this study found that, given the opportunity to participate in the decision-making process and when the decision is reached through a compromise among council members, people tend to feel that the process is fair and accept the decision even when it is unfavourable to them. This result is important for the governance of many advanced countries with low economic growth rates but great public demands. Additionally, this study highlights the process preferences of the public, which has received little attention compared with research on policy preferences.