The essay considers populism in the present moment in relation to Black Lives Matter as a popular protest movement. Popular protest movements demand that government change; populism in the present moment seeks to act extra-governmentally, and to this end relies on violence in the face of peace protest movement. This violence demonstrates the white patriarchalism of contemporary populism. I argue that peaceful, popular protest is an important tool to resist white patriarchal populist authoritarianism.
Einem guten Dutzend neuer Autokraten rund um den Globus ist es gelungen, mit trivialem Gerede, überraschenden Coups und unsäglichen Drohungen alle Aufmerksamkeit auf sich zu ziehen. Trump und Co. auf allen Kanälen: Gebannt verfolgen auch Kritiker deren Schachzüge, als käme die nächste Staffel einer Serie im Fernsehen. Oder sie schalten deprimiert ab. In diesem Buch geht es um etwas ganz anderes: um Opposition, Protest und Widerstand. Es soll zweierlei nahebringen: dass die Freiheitsverluste in Russland, der Türkei und den Vereinigten Staaten, aber auch in Polen und Ungarn auch unsere Freiheiten zerstören. Und dass eine ähnliche Entwicklung auch in Deutschland keineswegs ausgeschlossen ist, vielleicht schon begonnen hat. Der Aufstieg der Autokraten ist aufhaltsam. "Das Buch ist lesenswert, auch weil es Fragen aufwirft: Wie bewerte ich meine moralische Pflicht zum Widerstand? Würde ich so viel riskieren, wie es Demonstranten in der Türkei oder Russland schon heute tun? Dabei machen die vielen Beispiele von Widerstand in der Geschichte bis heute Mut. Doch zugleich stellt sich auch Ernüchterung ein. Viele der Vorschläge und Forderungen Leggewies, um die Demokratie zu stärken, liegen bereits auf dem Tisch, doch ihre Umsetzung ist halbherzig" (deutschlandfunk.de)
Introduction -- Land protests -- Employment: striking for a better life -- Shaking up the system: gender and disability rights -- The peacemakers -- Calling out racism: at home and abroad -- People not profit: we are the 99% -- Protecting the environment -- The biggest issue of all: climate change action -- Our Pacific neighbours: past and future protests.
p. 19 ; columns 1–2 ; 23 ¼ col. in. ; The Mormon leaders have issued a document protesting the persecutions against them under the Edmunds Bill. The article argues against the Mormons' protest: Polygamy is illegal and against the moral conscious of the people of the United States, so the government has the right to punish polygamists.
FC -- Title -- Copyright -- ToC -- SERIES EDITOR'S FOREWORD -- ACKNOWLEDGMENTS -- INTRODUCTION Student Protests in the United States and Beyond in 1968 -- Chapter 1 The Cultural Revolution: China's "Global" Rebellion -- Chapter 2 Student Protests in the Black Atlantic of May 1968: Remembering Paris, Dakar, and New York -- Chapter 3 Spring Thaw, Summer Frost: Eastern Europe in 1968 -- Chapter 4 Mexico's 1968 Olympic Dream -- Epilogue: The Streets Speak, 1968 and Today -- FURTHER READING -- Index -- BC
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As Russia's post-communist regime descends deeper into authoritarianism, protest politics has become a regular feature of the political landscape. As such, President Putin increasingly faces the "dictator's dilemma": How much coercion to deploy against protesters without incurring a social backlash against the regime? That question more generally is now part of analytical consideration in comparative scholarship on social movements and contentious politics. This article contributes to the comparative discussion, first, through an elaboration of an original conceptual typology of protest-policing strategies, applicable to democratic and authoritarian regime types. Second, the article applies this conceptual scheme to Russia to illustrate the variant protest-policing strategies employed during the post-communist period. The research explains how Putin's authoritarian regime responded to the challenge of the dictator's dilemma by enacting protest-policing reforms. Inspired by policing trends in the Western democracies, these reforms entail a shift from confrontation-based to containment-based tactics. The article shows variation and adaptation in the way protesters were policed across Russia's transition from unconsolidated democracy to consolidated authoritarianism. Finally, the article suggests the consequences of protest-policing reform for the ruling regime.
Political scientists have identified protest voting – voting for an anti-establishment party as a protest against mainstream politics – as a consequence of dissatisfaction with traditional political options. Yet we know little about how what motivates people to cast a protest vote or why voters select one such protest option over another. Taking as its empirical referent the 2015 General Election in Great Britain, this paper assesses the 'protest choice' in parliamentary democracies. We test three possible theoretical explanations for protest voting: ideology, mistrust of political elites and campaign effects. We find that the most important factors affecting protest choice are issue positions and campaign effects. The findings suggest that protest voting is a complex phenomenon that cannot be reduced to knee-jerk anti-politics reactions.
In the aftermath of crushed political revolution, forms of protest become curiously circular and conflicted. Drawing on literary and visual representations of the Indian Mutiny of 1857, this essay analyzes new circuits of demands that break with the project of successful revolutionary ends and demonstrate an investment in the satisfying interminability of protest that cannot be suppressed or punished. It brings into view a range of protesting figures engaged in an ongoing alteration of the colonial relation to argue that the eccentric gaps between process and purpose are useful for thinking through the satisfactions of anticolonialism.
AbstractWhy do some bouts of collective action end in bloodshed? This study evaluates a diverse collection of cases featuring opposition movements that experienced government‐led massacres. Historically, protest massacres originate to 19th century struggles associated with populational needs of obtaining public goods and political representation from governments. Unlike genocide and politicide which are likely to take place during heightened conflict, protest massacres tend to occur outside of war and civil war. Data on 76 incidents (1819–2017) capturing direct action strategies, preceding levels of mobilization, regime threat levels, and temporal characteristics of each massacre is analyzed.
"Parlamentarismus und Protest markieren zwei Pole in der Debatte um mehr Bürgerbeteiligung. Doch die Unzufriedenheit mit dem politischen System hat viele Ursachen, wobei die Erwartungen an 'die Politik' eine große Rolle spielen." (Autorenreferat)
Displaced people in Colombia are resorting to mass demonstrations to persuade their government to assume its responsibilities towards them. Adapted from the source document.
