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AbstractAccording to the Indonesian Child Protection Law, Number 35/2014, the group of children that should receive special protection are minorities and isolated children; this includes Indigenous children who mostly live in remote areas. Under this law, Indigenous children gain special protection, including facilities to share their cultural practices, practice their beliefs, and use their language. This article aimed to describe how Indigenous children have been represented in selected policies in Indonesia. The first step of a policy analysis approach known as "What's the problem represented to be" (WPR), introduced by Carol Bacchi in her book "Analysing policy: What's the problem represented to be?" in 2009, was applied to examine how Indigenous children in Indonesia are represented in six significant policies. Findings from the analysis indicate that the government of Indonesia acknowledges Indigenous rights. However, the policies describe Indigenous children as vulnerable and linked to social welfare problems. Social work core values state that respect for the dignity and worth of all human beings, promotion of welfare or well‐being, and social justice should be extended to Indigenous children. To promote well‐being, it is argued that social workers must be given more opportunities to be involved in policymaking and advocacy for implementing Indigenous children's policies in Indonesia.

executive summary: This article explores the viability of "strategic hedging" for Australia to insure itself against three security risks: excessive reliance on China for economic growth, China's political and military domination of the region, and a reduction in U.S. strategic commitment to the region. main argumentThe current strategic debate within Australia about the country's role as a middle power in the Indo-Pacific is framed as a binary choice between China (as the country's principal economic partner and market) and the U.S. (as its chief security and political ally). However, this binary option is false. There is a viable third way that would avoid a choice of one side at the expense of the other. This option is overlooked because Australia's hedging policy has yet to reach its full potential and can currently be described as "under-hedging" (i.e., not doing enough to reduce uncertainty about future risk). The weak link in Australia's current hedging is the failure to enmesh regional powers. Without enlisting more partners on its side, Australia often either relies on the U.S. or acts mostly bilaterally in dealing with risks shared by many regional states. policy implications
• If Australia continues to frame its strategic debate as a binary choice, it will likely be unable to optimally manage its security risks and potentially risk losing either its principal economic partner or its chief security and political ally. • A viable third option to Australia's current policy of under-hedging is strategic hedging: not choosing between China and the U.S. but instead engaging actively with other middle powers—notably India, Indonesia, Vietnam, Japan, and South Korea—to avoid negative future scenarios or unexpected shortfalls. • The value of strategic hedging in the Indo-Pacific may appreciate during the Covid-19 pandemic while the U.S. is momentarily distracted by the outbreak and China is increasingly assertive in the region.

Abstract
Olic is one of the only members of her generation to be raised speaking Pangcah (Amis) as her first language. Through an exploration of how one family is fighting to save this endangered Austronesian language, we analyse the challenges facing Indigenous language revitalisation in Taiwan. Particular attention is paid to the child's transition from the home to formal—Mandarin-medium—schooling. In doing so, we draw on recent work that emphasises the agency of children in shaping family language policy (also referred to as 'family language planning'). How do children's experiences at school shape their—and other family members'—linguistic behaviour at home? After comparing Taiwan's current family language policy to similar efforts elsewhere, we conclude by arguing that taking children's agency seriously means that family language policy must be combined with changes in formal schooling as well—changes that are best implemented by the Indigenous communities themselves.

After the Australian general elections held in December 1984, the parliamentary Australian Labor Party is more extensively and publicly factionalized than ever before. There are now three main factional groups, the Right, the Socialist Left and the Centre Left. Tax policy would seem to have been the test not only of the government's general standing but also of the balance of forces within the Caucus. (Internat. Pol. Science Assoc.)

Issue addressed: Debate on obesity spans complex health and social issues drawing on varying representations of fat bodies. This paper seeks to determine whether the recent public health focus on social inequalities is reflected in broader policy debate on obesity. Methods: We reviewed public submissions to the 2008 Australian House Standing Committee on Health and Ageing inquiry into obesity. Using a qualitative framing approach we categorised the 95 submissions, analysing a sample of 20 of them, thereby, elucidating attitudes to obesity held by a range of interested stakeholders. Results: Two primary frames and one lesser frame were identified. While it was common for contributors to situate obesity as a problem of individuals, it was equally common for contributors to draw on environmental level arguments where obesity is located in structural forces outside of the individual. The range of attributing factors reflects disagreement as to the causes of obesity, although adherents to both the individual and environmental frames called for more government regulation and financial support. Only two submissions directed policy reform to issues of inequality. Conclusions: Empirically, this study represents a novel investigation of the role of public health ethics in obesity debate and policy. Politically, we highlight the relative lack of explicit attention given to inequality in the debate, even though social inequalities are demonstrably relevant.

My paper deals with indigenous peoples' rights, focusing on Latin American case-law related to gender issues. Latin American Courts have faced cases related to sexual crimes or domestic violence among indigenous people and have to choose between giving pre-eminence to women's rights or indigenous autonomy. On deciding those cases, the tools provided by the proportionality test are paramount in order to analyse the case-law. The indigenous rights regimes (ILO-169, UNDRIP) may prevail or not against other human rights systems (which specially protect women or children) according to the facts of the case, but also according to domestic legal cultures modelled by the country's historical evolution.