Suchergebnisse

Energy transition is a multi-dimensional process of developing sustainable economies by seeking renewable energy sources, saving energy, and improving energy efficiency. This process follows the rules of sustainable development. The article presents an analysis of energy transition in the Baltic Sea Region (BSR) enjoying long-term and intensive territorial cooperation. The region embraces 11 countries diversified in terms of their economic development level and the use of renewable energy sources. The article strives to answer the question of whether territorial cooperation contributes to BSR energy transition, and if so, in what way. Another goal is to identify the transition drivers that arise from the Baltic Sea Region's unique characteristics. The authors applied the system analysis methodology. The performed literature studies allowed the researchers to identify the attributes of energy transition. Empirical research relied on secondary sources, including the European Union (EU) statistics, The International Renewable Energy Agency (IRENA), the EU Strategy for the Baltic Sea Region (EUSBSR), and related documents. The key role in the conducted research can be attributed to the EU projects database (keep.eu), which enabled identifying the 2016–2020 programmes and projects. The research identified 14 BSR territorial cooperation programmes and 1471 projects conducted under the programmes, including 137 energy transition-related projects. The project results were presented in quantitative and qualitative terms.

This article analyses the genealogy of the expression 'Love Europe, hate the EU', which is taken as a spatio-cultural critique of the European Union that has important consequences for how European integration is contested. Closely associated with the Brexit movement, but also popular among other populist movements opposing the European Union, this catchphrase is analysed as the latest stage in the contestation over the political meaning of Europe. However, the article demonstrates that the desire to do away with a rules-based institutional order rests on a deliberately ahistorical reading of European inter-state relations following the rise of the sovereign state. What is overlooked is the way in which Europe was conceptualized by the end of the 18th century as a distinct political unit with its own peculiar dysfunctionality, namely, a naturally anti-hegemonic order that often resulted in violent conflict. The spatio-cultural critique of European Union institutionalization nonetheless expects that shared European interests and values can seamlessly recreate cooperation across sovereign states, an argument that culminated in the UK's Brexit decision. Yet, as shown by the debate over the future of UK–European Union relations, this cultural and idealized understanding of Europe's commonalities ignores the economic and political significance of borders and forgets the part played by the European Union in managing contested spaces. This emerging cleavage between institutional and cultural understandings of Europe suggests that European integration after Brexit needs to focus on demonstrating the value of institutionalized cooperation per se as much as on the cultural symbolism of supranationalism.

Although Canada enjoys good relations with the EU, it does not constitute a priority for Europe, which is a global economic player much like the United States. One can wonder whether the interest and political will are strong enough for the EU and, if so, what negotiating clout Canada could display to reach a favourable agreement in this asymmetric situation. One can also wonder if this new "Europeanization" policy is genuine or if Canada's efforts to revitalize its relationship with the EU have more to do with the fact that it is looking to find an alternative to a stalling NAFTA model and reduce its dependence on the United States. Political and structural differences may ultimately prove insurmountable, as Canada has embraced the NAFTA regulatory model and a CETA could therefore trigger a clash between two irreconcilable approaches to economic regulation. These are the article's main arguments. Adapted from the source document.

With the advent of strategic science, multidisciplinary and cross-institutional research is more and more becoming the rule. The problems encountered by such multidisciplinary research and development cooperations are highly varied. They derive from multiple differences in the backgrounds of the participants and are often perceived as cultural gaps that need to be bridged for cooperation. The main argument of the article is that multidisciplinary collaborations have mechanisms at their disposal to cooperate despite multiple problems counteracting such a cooperation. Since symbolic communication is the primary medium of articulation across sites, this article focuses on how symbolic communication enables cooperation across sites without a deep comprehension of each other's work. Multidisciplinary cooperations start out with few shared symbolic resources, but as the cooperation continues, they may develop communicative boundarytranscending objects such as active and passive dictionaries and hybrid repertoires.

This postdoctoral research aimed to highlight sustainability convergence criteria in the context of financialisation, with impact on the prudential regulator. Based on complex analysis, the research work has revealed that countries in Central and Eastern Europe still face significant macroeconomic risks caused by fragile macroeconomic structures. These countries have been undergoing a catching up process that contributes to the amplification of divergence across the European Union. Being heavily dependent on external financial flows, these countries involve a high macro-prudential risk, affecting the pace of real convergence.

Soler i Lecha, Eduard: Barcelona + 10: cleavages and alliances. - S. 1-4 Pace, Michelle : EU normative power in relation to border conflicts. - S. 4-7 Tocci, Nathalie: Has the EU promoted democracy in Palestine … and does it still? - S. 7-10 Bicchi, Federica: Want funding? Don't mention Islam : EU democracy promotion in the Mediterranean - S. 10-12