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This paper examines the interplay of Islam and traditional African ideas, institutions and cultural practices. It reviews some cultural aspects of Islam and African traditions aiming to find-out how African cultural, i.e. religious, political, social and even linguistic values have either been accommodated by or have accommodated Islam. The framework involves the theories of inculturation, acculturation and enculturation. The method used was a critical analysis of some values of Africans and Muslims. Islam has accommodated and has been accommodated by some African traditions. Although, the two traditions have had some frictions such as the Muslim jihad which took away political power from some of the indigenous people, yet, they have generally coexisted peacefully as some African chiefs either became Muslims or African Muslims have become chiefs and sometimes even made Islam a state religion. The paper, therefore, concludes that Islam and African traditions have been friends and not foes.

Berbagai kasus SARA (Suku, Agama, Ras dan etnis serta budaya) seringkali menjadi pemicu kerusuhan yang terjadi di Indonesia. Masih segar dalam ingatan kita tentang kasus Tolikara yang terjadi di Tolikara Papua pada 17 Juli 2015, yang menyebabkan beberepa orang tewas, terluka dan kebakaran. Peristiwa itu terjadi pada saat pelaksanaan shalat 'idul Fitri. Peristiwa Sampit antara Suku Dayak Vs Madura pada tahun 2001, konflik Ambon Tahun 1999, dan terakhir adalah demo aksi 212 yang menamakan aksi damai bela al Qur'an oleh jutaan kaum muslimin dari berbagai ormas Islam se-Indonesia di Jakarta pada 12 desember 2016, atas kasus penistaan Agama Gubernur non aktif DKI Jakarta Basuki Djahya Purnama alias Ahok, atas kutipannya terhadap QS. Al Maidah ayat 51. Sehingga memunculkan berbagai kontrofersi dan masih banyak kasus lagi yang suatu saat ia bisa membakar dan pecah seiring terus memanasnya suhu politik, agama, sosial, budaya yang menyulut timbulnya api konflik muncul kembali. Sungguh tragis dan memilukan jika melihat hal itu terus terjadi di Indonesia sebagai Negara demokrasi yang berasaskan pancasila. Illustrasi diatas, menjadi sangat mendesak "membumikan" pendidikan Islam berwawasan multikulturalisme. Sebab sudah waktunya mengkaji kembali konsepsi politik multicultural untuk mengelola keanekaragaman. Mengajarkan para siswa tetap merasa satu saudara meskipun berbeda agama, suku, etnis, hingga bangsa. Menyikapi kebutuhan akan sekolah berwawasan multikulturalisme, sebuah cermin pendidikan keberagaman digambarkan dalam suatu sekolah multicultural dengan memberikan pelajaran character building, religions and civics (CBRC), selain materi pendidikan Agama Islam atau agama lain. Jadi materinya berisi tentang pesan-pesan agama universal yang menekankan pesan kerukunan dalam menjalani hidup dengan latar belakang agama, budaya, etnis dan suku yang berbeda-beda.[1][1] Imam Husein, Indonesia Butuh Sekolah Multikultural, Jawa Pos, Jum'at, 6 Nopember 2015.

Berbagai kasus SARA (Suku, Agama, Ras dan etnis serta budaya) seringkali menjadi pemicu kerusuhan yang terjadi di Indonesia. Masih segar dalam ingatan kita tentang kasus Tolikara yang terjadi di Tolikara Papua pada 17 Juli 2015, yang menyebabkan beberepa orang tewas, terluka dan kebakaran. Peristiwa itu terjadi pada saat pelaksanaan shalat 'idul Fitri. Peristiwa Sampit antara Suku Dayak Vs Madura pada tahun 2001, konflik Ambon Tahun 1999, dan terakhir adalah demo aksi 212 yang menamakan aksi damai bela al Qur'an oleh jutaan kaum muslimin dari berbagai ormas Islam se-Indonesia di Jakarta pada 12 desember 2016, atas kasus penistaan Agama Gubernur non aktif DKI Jakarta Basuki Djahya Purnama alias Ahok, atas kutipannya terhadap QS. Al Maidah ayat 51. Sehingga memunculkan berbagai kontrofersi dan masih banyak kasus lagi yang suatu saat ia bisa membakar dan pecah seiring terus memanasnya suhu politik, agama, sosial, budaya yang menyulut timbulnya api konflik muncul kembali. Sungguh tragis dan memilukan jika melihat hal itu terus terjadi di Indonesia sebagai Negara demokrasi yang berasaskan pancasila. Illustrasi diatas, menjadi sangat mendesak "membumikan†pendidikan Islam berwawasan multikulturalisme. Sebab sudah waktunya mengkaji kembali konsepsi politik multicultural untuk mengelola keanekaragaman. Mengajarkan para siswa tetap merasa satu saudara meskipun berbeda agama, suku, etnis, hingga bangsa. Menyikapi kebutuhan akan sekolah berwawasan multikulturalisme, sebuah cermin pendidikan keberagaman digambarkan dalam suatu sekolah multicultural dengan memberikan pelajaran character building, religions and civics (CBRC), selain materi pendidikan Agama Islam atau agama lain. Jadi materinya berisi tentang pesan-pesan agama universal yang menekankan pesan kerukunan dalam menjalani hidup dengan latar belakang agama, budaya, etnis dan suku yang berbeda-beda.[1][1] Imam Husein, Indonesia Butuh Sekolah Multikultural, Jawa Pos, Jum'at, 6 Nopember 2015.

This article studies the emergence of radical Islam in the immediate post-World War II period in Afghanistan. It examines how the struggle for political hegemony and cultural domination of the country spurred the resurgence of militant Islamic ideology and politics in the 1960s and 1970s. The article also explores the role of Islamic militancy during the war of national liberation which forced the Soviets to withdraw their forces from Afghanistan after a decade of occupation (1979-1989).Also discussed is the inability of the leaders of Islamic parties to reconcile their philosophical differences and unite around a common political agenda to rebuild the war-tom country. It shows how continued armed struggle for power among various Islamic groups eventually led to the total destruction of the country's infrastructure in the immediate post-Soviet era and suggests what should be done to maintain unity and stability.

"Die dominierende Religion in der arabischen Welt ist der Islam, der allerdings vielerlei Ausprägungen hat. Politisch fallen heutzutage besonders die Islamisten auf, die unter Rückgriff auf die Frühzeit des Islam argumentieren, ein geschlossenes System zur Lösung aller politischen Probleme anbieten zu können. Ein genauerer Blick auf Geschichte und Gegenwart zeigt allerdings, dass diese Behauptung historisch nicht haltbar ist. Insofern überrascht es auch nicht, wenn die Islamisten auf unterschiedliche Herausforderungen verschiedene Antworten geben. Ihr religiös begründeter Anspruch, eine autoritative Lösung anbieten zu können, stellt allerdings bei der Bewältigung aktueller Herausforderungen ein erhebliches Problem dar." (Autorenreferat)

"Der Beitrag beschreibt die Rolle des Islam in Politik und Nation-building in den beiden größten muslimischen Staaten Südostasiens, Indonesien und Malaysia. Die Exklusion des Islam aus der indonesischen Politik und dem öffentlichen Leben bei einem muslimischen Anteil an der Gesamtbevölkerung von über 80 Prozent ähnelt bekannten Mustern im Kernraum der islamischen Welt wie in den arabischen Staaten oder der Türkei. In einem ethnisch-konfessionellen Umfeld, in dem sich eine leichte Bevölkerungsmehrheit der malaiischen Muslime gegenüber den chinesisch- und indischstämmigen Minderheiten ökonomisch benachteiligt sieht, lässt sich dagegen die eher inklusive Haltung des malaysischen Staatsführers Mahathir gegenüber dem Islam als komplementärer Bestandteil einer eigenständigen und leidlich erfolgreichen Entwicklungs- und Nation-building-Strategie interpretieren." (Autorenreferat)

This essay describes the history of Turkish cinema from its origins in 1896 until the present, focusing upon how Islam and religious Muslims are portrayed in the movies. For historical, political, and cultural reasons, Islam and religious Muslims have often been portrayed in a negative light, even though Turkey is a predominantly Muslim country. Present day Turkish cinema offers a more eclectic array of movies, including movies that show Islamic practices in daily life and movies that portray Islam in a favorable light.

This article explores the historical and lingering effects of US government involvement in defining Islam as public and foreign policy. It focuses on the Islam Centennial 14, a US program to celebrate the fourteenth centennial of Islam – and manage the US's global image – which was active in the late 1970s and early 1980s. The Islam Centennial 14 organized a nationally touring museum exhibit, distributed information on Islam to partners and public schools, produced a newsletter, documentaries, and speaker series on Islam. It also culminated in one of the first academic centers in the US devoted to the study of Islam. The Islam Centennial 14's activities provided a counter-narrative to rising Islamophobia and anti-Arab sentiment, while the discourses that swirled around them – including their own press reports, outside conspiracy theories, and academic analyses – foreshadowed more contemporary xenophobic politics. This article presents the Islam Centennial 14 specifically as a case study through which to consider the workings and ramifications of American Islamophilia. It examines how such celebrations of Islam as part and parcel of international and national governance reinscribe both racialized representations of Islam and, however inadvertently, anti-Muslim sentiments. It argues that Islamophilia is an undertheorized corollary to more explicit anti-Muslim positions, and one whose deployment and effects more than merit sustained attention.

Respect in a plural society / Marcus Braybrooke -- Reflections on sartorial injunctions in Islam / Theodore Gabriel -- Unveiling orientalism in reverse / Alison Scott-Baumann -- Mawdudi, purdah and the status of women in Islam / Roy Jackson -- Female seclusion and the veil : two issues in political and social discourse / Simonetta Calderini -- The veil? between tradition and reason, culture and context / Usama Hasan -- An exploration of the debates pertaining to head covering and face veiling of women in the British Muslim context / Rabiha Hannan -- Norms of gender interaction / Javaid Ghamidi -- Hijab, a symbol of modesty or seclusion? / Khola Hassan -- Marginalisation or an opportunity for dialogue? / Sariya Contractor -- The Islamic veil : a focal point for social and political debate / Malika Ghamidi -- Muslim women, the veil and activism / Rajnaara C. Akhtar -- Hijab and belonging-Canadian Muslim women / Katherine Bullock.

The spectre of Boko Haram and its activities in Nigeria dominates both media and academic analysis of Islam in the region. But, as Alexander Thurston argues here, beyond the sensational headlines this group generates, the dynamics of Muslim life in northern Nigeria remain poorly understood. Drawing on interviews with leading Salafis in Nigeria as well as on a rereading of the history of the global Salafi movement, this volume explores how a canon of classical and contemporary texts defines Salafism. Examining how these texts are interpreted and - crucially - who it is that has the authority to do so, Thurston offers a systematic analysis of curricula taught in Saudi Arabia and how they shape religious scholars' approach to religion and education once they return to Africa. Essential for scholars of religion and politics, this unique text explores how the canon of Salafism has been used and refined, from Nigeria's return to democracy to the jihadist movement Boko Haram.