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In today's society we seem to be confronted with renewed struggles about the ideal of freedom. After decades of wide-spread belief in the benefits of globalization, marketization, open borders, and de-regulation, we are now facing a countermovement consisting of various forms of populism and nationalism that promise to restore borders, security and identity. Both movements seem to be informed by problematic conceptions of freedom: globalization and marketization are often accompanied by an 'atomistic' picture of society, whereby self-sufficient individuals compete in free markets, which neglects the social, political and cultural preconditions of individual freedom, and this can lead to feelings of social dissolution, powerlessness, and identity-crisis. Populists and nationalists try to fill this void by promising to restore collective autonomy, community and identity, but in doing this they de-legitimize pluralism and threaten the freedom of minorities. We thus seem to be faced once again with the problematic pendulum swing between the extremes of 'atomism' and 'homogeneous unity' that keeps returning in modern societies in different guises. This raises the question if the pendulum can also be stopped somewhere in the middle in order to realize the ideals of individual and collective autonomy in a more balanced and less one-sided way. The dissertation tries to contribute to a better understanding of this problem by turning to the insights of contemporary political philosophy, a discipline that can be divided into three camps – a moral camp (concerned with issues of legitimacy and justice), a social-ethical camp (concerned with the social preconditions of individual self-realization), and a political-historical camp (concerned with the preconditions of doing politics). Whereas recent philosophical discussions about freedom have often focused on the relation between the moral and social-ethical camp – for example in the debates between defenders of negative and positive freedom, between liberals and ...

In this article we will analyse the fascist regime as a politico-constitutional reality. From a new way of looking at politico-constitutional phenomena, we will interpret them as inscribed on religious grounds. We seek to show that the fascist regime was characterised as having identified the political community as Absolute. It suggests that it appears to constitute a different case in a generic politico-constitutional family of regimes that are characterised as making the political community a supreme good.

The article states that ideologisms are certain elements of an ideology which, by manifesting the political culture of society, fill it with a specific ethnical content. Ideologisms are embodied in myths, legends, traditions, collective conceptions, propaganda narratives, typical social illusions, etc. They represent the historical experience of the people, and, in the first place, render their geopolitical, crathological, militaristic aspirations in the context of their own ideological views and attitudes to other ethnic and cultural communities. Totalitarian ideologisms express a destructive subject-object attitude of certain society (the state) to large out-groups in terms of their usefulness for its own interests and are typical of totalitarian societies. Constructive ideologisms are based on the culture of tolerance and respect for the dignity of others; they are an example of a subject-subject attitude which is inherent in a democratic society. ; Artykuł stanowi o tym, że ideologizmy są pewnymi specyficznymi elementami ideologii, które przejawiają kulturę polityczną społeczeństwa, wypełniają ją konkretną treścią etniczną. Ideologizmy zawarte są w mitach, legendach, tradycjach, przedstawieniach zbiorowych, narracjach propagandowych, typowych złudzeniach społecznych itd. Reprezentują one historyczne doświadczenia pierwszych ludzi i wyrażają ich geopolityczne, władcze, militarystyczne aspiracje w kontekście własnych ideologicznych poglądów i nastawień do innych grup etnicznych i kulturowych. Totalitarna ideologia reprezentuje destrukcyjną postawę podmiot – przedmiot pewnego społeczeństwa (państwa) do dużych grup, obcych, pod kątem ich przydatności dla własnych interesów; są one typowe dla społeczeństw totalitarnych. Konstruktywna ideologia jest oparta na kulturze, tolerancji i szacunku dla godności innych. Jest ona przykładem postawy subiektywnej, charakterystycznej dla społeczeństwa demokratycznego.

A retrospective study of theoretical principles and practice of artistic processes formation in the 30's shows their important theoretical and practical significance for the formation of art-pedagogical education. It is proved that the reform of 1934 radically changed the system of art education. The curricula of all art schools returned to academism, popularizing classical art view, work with model, displaying the socialistic reality by realistic methods. Approved new functions of art-pedagogical education such as: ideological, scientifical and methodical. The analysis of historical and literary sources shows that the problem of a future Soviet teacher (who could not only actively absorb professional knowledge, but also to be an artist, ideologist, helmsman, and guide, in the class struggle of the proletariat) formation was brewing in the society. Based on archival materials it is proved that exactly in postgraduate studies and in the scientific-research departments practical abilities and skills of future teachers were formed. The necessity for training of artists-teachers was urgent but complex political events of the 30's, continuous repressions, destruction of the Ukrainian intelligentsia interrupted introduced in the 20's initiatives about scientific training of art-pedagogical specialists.

A retrospective study of theoretical principles and practice of artistic processes formation in the 30's shows their important theoretical and practical significance for the formation of art-pedagogical education. It is proved that the reform of 1934 radically changed the system of art education. The curricula of all art schools returned to academism, popularizing classical art view, work with model, displaying the socialistic reality by realistic methods. Approved new functions of art-pedagogical education such as: ideological, scientifical and methodical. The analysis of historical and literary sources shows that the problem of a future Soviet teacher (who could not only actively absorb professional knowledge, but also to be an artist, ideologist, helmsman, and guide, in the class struggle of the proletariat) formation was brewing in the society. Based on archival materials it is proved that exactly in postgraduate studies and in the scientific-research departments practical abilities and skills of future teachers were formed. The necessity for training of artists-teachers was urgent but complex political events of the 30's, continuous repressions, destruction of the Ukrainian intelligentsia interrupted introduced in the 20's initiatives about scientific training of art-pedagogical specialists.

The paper aims at connecting the leisure activities of the working classes during the Weimar period in Germany with the emergence of totalitarian ideology. I focus on S. Kracauer's and H. Arendt's main essays on urban life and the formation of the mob. The central purpose of the paper is to contribute to the recognition of the mechanisms by which a population resigns unconscious, but voluntarily, to its political potential, so that it becomes a blind material for the totalitarian legislator. Among the policy instruments which disarm the political potential of workers in large European cities during the interwar years, I tackle the torpor of consciousness, the emotional discharge of the crowd and the fragmentation of subject's activities. I claim to confront and bring near, also from a methodological point of view, Arendt's reading of the oblivion and decay of the political condition of man to Critical Theory's tenets, which S. Kracauer is closer to. ; El artículo se propone conectar las actividades de ocio de la masa trabajadora en la Alemania del periodo de Weimar con la emergencia de la ideología totalitaria. Para ello, me sirvo fundamentalmente del análisis de la vida urbana y la formación de la masa de S. Kracauer y H. Arendt. El propósito principal del trabajo es contribuir al reconocimiento de los mecanismos mediante los que una población renuncia inconsciente, pero voluntariamente, a su condición política y se convierte en material de trabajo del legislador totalitario. Entre los instrumentos de desactivación política de la pluralidad humana que anulan el potencial político de los trabajadores de las grandes ciudades europeas en el periodo de entreguerras, me concentro en el letargo de la conciencia, la descarga emocional de la multitud y la fragmentación de las actividades del sujeto. Pretendo aproximar, también desde un punto de vista metodológico, la lectura del olvido y decadencia de la condición política del hombre por parte de Arendt y de un autor más cercano a la Teoría Crítica, como es el caso de S. Kracauer.

The article concentrates on the research of Ukrainian printed posters of the second half of the 1960s – early 1980s from the collection of the 20th century Ukrainian cinema posters at Fine Arts Department of V. Vernadsky National Library of Ukraine. The author considers a poster as an ideological weapon, able to create within a totalitarian system a "parallel reality" required for the formation of mass political consciousness and the distraction of society from real social problems. The article brings examples of new visual embodiments of well-known poster mottos. Besides that, the author sketches main tendencies in the development of topics and artistic peculiarities of the Ukrainian printed posters of Brezhnev times. In particular, emphasized is one of the main features of printed posters, which is the use of visual artistic clichйs, exaggerated monumentality and generalization, relevant to the propagandistic tendencies of those times, namely creation of convenient ideological stereotypes which would conduce demolishing of individuality

The article studies the issue of the democratization of countries within the globalization context, it points to the unreasonably high economic and social costs of a rapid transition to the democracy as a result of revolutions or of similar large-scale events for those countries that are unprepared for this. The authors believe that in a number of cases the authoritarian regimes turn out to be more effective in economic and social term in comparison with emerging democracies, especially of the revolutionary type which are often incapable to ensure a social order and may have a swing to authoritarianism. Effective authoritarian regimes can also be a suitable form of a transition to an efficient and stable democracy

The reform of 1934 radically changed the system of art education. An analysis of the theoretical foundations and practice of artistic processes of the 30's formation, shows their great scientific and practical importance for the development and approval of a new model of art-pedagogical education. The study of archival material shows that the new vector of the academic system of training development led to the revision of the programs and curricula content, and at the same time to the restructuring of teaching methods. Approves new features of art-pedagogical education: ideological, scientific, methodical. The solid line in the construction of a new school, a new system of teaching required to pay serious attention to teacher training, though targeted art-pedagogical faculties and departments in Ukraine before the end of the 50's did not exist. The attention of art-public has been directed primarily to the quality issues of training and production the artistic output (by these specialists), which was filled by ideological content. Mastery of Fine Art was perceived only as a means of displaying the heroic reality. In the 30's the fight against formalism, pedology, "the cult of pure form", sketchy image started. However, the complex political events of the 30's, continuous repression, the destruction of the Ukrainian intelligentsia, interrupted started in the 20's initiatives on solid scientific training of art-pedagogical profile specialists.

Carl Schmitt and James Joyce, contemporaries, responding to the crisis of European civilization of the interwar years, are brought into conversation with one another through the mediation of Nietzsche's The Birth of Tragedy, Schmitt as representative and advocate of Apollonian logocentrism and Joyce of Dionysian muthos. Parallels as well as differences in these authors' works are examined to illuminate the figure of the dictator and the theme of political theology, and to reveal the deep affinity between Schmitt and totalitarianism on the one hand and Joyce and radical and plural democracy on the other.

The article is in response to Lothar Fritze, considered as a wrong track according to the author, beginning with the first question, and ending in the last paragraph. The argumentation to explain himself is constructed threeways: 1) the presentation of the problem by Lothar and the question, what Christian morality exactly is and contains, discussing Hannah Arendt's statement that in a world in which people believe in God and Judgment Day, totalitarian crimes would not exist. At the same time however it is clear that believe in and fear of God and hell can be helpful in the explanation of liberal political orders. Secondly is examined the division between moral and nonmoral convictions, the main interest of Fritz' article. Contrary to Fritz, the author is convinced that nonmoral convictions of totalitarian criminals were based not on the perception of reality and quarrels over real problems, but on illusion. A fact that, considering the author, was not sufficiently treated by Fritz. Thirdly, the author discusses Hannah Arendt's vision on the relationship between morality and politics. The argument expressed here is that the appeal for religious regulations and the presence of the absolute have some very destructive consequences for the world of free political action. Adapted from the source document.

В статті розглядаються погляди зарубіжних істориків та політологів на події в СРСР жовтня 1964 р. Досліджуються зміни теоретичних моделей політичної системи СРСР під впливом відставки Хрущова. ; There are investigated points of view of foreign historians and politologists to the events of October 1964. There are shown changes to the theoretical models of the soviet political system of USSR implied by the Khrushchev's resentment.