Suchergebnisse

Country Report prepared for the European research project POLITIS, Oldenburg 2005, www.uni-oldenburg.de/politis-europe ; Portugal's historical past strongly influences the composition of the country's immigrant population. The main third-country foreign nationals in Portugal originate traditionally from Portuguese-speaking African countries (namely Cape Verde, Angola, Guinea Bissau, and S. Tomé e Príncipe) and Brazil. In 2001, a newly created immigrant status entitled "permanence" authorization uncovered a quantitative and a qualitative change in the structure of immigrant population in Portugal. First, there was a quantitative jump from 223.602 foreigners in 2001 to 364.203 regularized foreigners in 2003. Secondly, there was a substantial qualitative shift in the composition of immigrants. The majority of the new immigrants began coming from Eastern European countries, such as Ukraine, Moldavia, Romania, and the Russian Federation. Thus, European countries outside the E.U. zone now rank second (after African countries) in their contribution of individuals to the stocks of immigrant population in Portugal. The differences between the new and traditional immigration flows are visible in the geographical distribution of immigrants and in their insertion into the labour market. While the traditional flows would congregate around the metropolitan area of Lisbon and in the Algarve, the new migratory flows tend to be more geographically dispersed and present in less urbanized areas of Portugal. In terms of insertion in the labour market, although the construction sector is still the most important industry for immigrant labour, Eastern European workers may also be found in the agriculture and manufacturing sectors. The institutional conditions that encourage immigrants' civic participation are divided at three different levels: the state, the local, and the civil society levels. At the state level, the High Commissioner for Migrations and Ethnic Minorities is the main organizational structure along with a set of interrelated initiatives operating under specific regulatory frameworks, which act as mediators between state officials and the Portuguese civil society, and more specifically, immigrant communities. At the local level, some municipalities created consultative councils and municipal departments aiming at encouraging the participation and representation of interests from immigrant groups and association in local policies. In the civil society sphere, the main actors in Portugal spurring immigrants civic participation are immigrant associations, mainstream associations directed toward immigration topics, and unions. The legal conditions framing immigrants' access to social housing, education, health, and social security in Portugal are also considered to be positive. Conditions restricting immigrants' civic participation are mainly normative and include the Portuguese nationality law, the regulations shaping the political participation of immigrants, namely in what concerns their right to vote, and employment regulations restricting immigrants' access to public administration positions. Part II of the report focuses on the active civic participation of third country immigrants. First, reasons for the lack of research on this issue in Portugal are explained. On the one hand, the recent immigration history and the more urgent needs regarding school and economic integration kept this issue out of the research spotlight. On the other hand, it was just in the beginning of the 1990s that immigrants took the very first steps toward collective mobilisation. Secondly, the literature review of Portuguese bibliography covers research on third country immigrants' associative movement, research on local authorities' policies and discussion about ethnic politics and political mobilisation of immigrants in Portugal. As political mobilisation of these groups has been made mainly through ethnic and/or migrant organisations, a brief history of immigrants' associative movement is given. Immigrant associations develop multiple roles, covering the social, the cultural, the economic and the political domains. Political claiming for the regularisation of illegal immigrants has been a permanent and important field of intervention since the mid-1990s. Research results reveal the com5 plex relations between ethnic mobilisation and the set of legal and institutional frameworks developed by local and national governmental authorities targeted to the incorporation of minority groups. Case studies on the Oeiras district and on the Amadora district are then presented. Conclusions underline that the most active immigrant groups are those from Cape Verde and Guinea Bissau, since these groups have constituted a higher number of ethnic associations, give priority to political claiming and present a more politicised discourse. Reflecting on the future of research on civic participation of third country immigrants in Portugal, the authors state that it would be interesting and relevant to compare the Portuguese situation with those of other European countries, with an older immigration history, and analyse how the Portuguese immigrants' associative movement will be affected by a changing legal framework and the emergence of new opportunities within the set of structures regarding the political participation of minority groups.

In this piece, I examine the role of authority in Yorùbá society and how au[1]thority is subverted by moral conflicts generated in the political evolution of the Yorùbá state from city state to empire, leading to disastrous consequences in the society at large as presented in the films of Adébáyọ Fálétí, specifically in Àfọnjá (2002), Basọrun Gáà (2004) and Ṣawo Ṣẹgbẹ ̀ rì̀ (2005). I argue that such pains and pangs of transformation are not unique to Yorùbá society but mirror similar political evolutions in other societies such as Rome and Greece. Such political upheavals led to the celebrated assassination of Julius Caesar in Rome and Alexander the Great of Macedonia. In particular Àfọnjá ̀ and Baṣọrun ̀ Gáà dramatize evocatively the poignancy of the attendant confrontations. In addition, I evaluate Adébáyọ Fálétí as a Nigerian and African foundational practitioner in the global field of cultural studies and his use of cultural post materialism in his work. Adébáyọ Fálétí can be regarded as the father of modern Nigerian Cultural Studies and in Africa in general in line with the way that the discipline is understood the world over standing, as it were, on the cusp of traditional Nigerian and African drama and modern drama in African mother tongues. In addition, Fálétí epitomizes what modern cultural studies world-wide represent as a cross between the traditional discipline of drama and the television 172 Olayinka Agbetuyi industries as well as filmic industries, along with advertisements, which together constitute what is today known as the culture industries. As defined in the words of Chris Barker, "Culturalism focuses on meaning production by human actors in a historical context."1 Fálétí's historical drama and films fall within such category. Barker added that Culturalism focuses on interpretation as a way of understanding meaning."2 These are the hallmarks of the historical drama that formed the basis of two of the films by Fálétí being examined here. In addition, he stated that cultural studies deal with subjectivity and identity or how we come to be the kinds of people we are. Fálétí's Afọnja and Gáà's thematic preoccupation is how the Yorùbá subjectivity has been constituted over time through its political evolution. The three films also demonstrate what Stuart Hall considers to be the connection that cultural studies seeks to make to matters of power and cultural politics.3 With regards to the role of Fálétí as pioneer in the area of radio-vision cultural industries the broadcasting mogul narrated the manner in which he pioneered the phone-in radio broadcast in Nigeria on the programme "Ѐyí Àrà" at the Broadcasting Corporation of Ọyọ̀ ́ State, Ibadan (BCOS) after pioneering Yorùbá broadcasting on Africa's first television station Western Nigeria Television (WNTV) twenty years earlier.4 Fálétí's career spanning close to seven decades dovetails public services with private engagement with drama production. He was one of the earliest organizers of a drama performing company in 1949 to produce his own plays. His career development can be divided into three phases: the formative traditional drama performance phase, the literary drama phase which dovetails into his career as a public servant in a symbiotic relationship and his post public service movie production phase which coincided with the efflorescence of the Nollywood. The three works examined here straddle Fálétí's second and third phases of engagement in drama production. Both Basọrun Gáà (to be hereafter referred to as Gáà) and Ṣawo Ṣẹgbẹ ̀ rì ̀ were first staged in the second phase of Fálétí's development as a theatre practitioner. In addition to being staged in the theater, Gáà and Ṣawo Ṣẹgbẹ ̀ rì̀ were produced for tele[1]vision audiences as dramatic thrillers and became household favourites in the '70s and '80s at the time of his career as a radio/television broadcaster. Fálétí's retirement from public service provided the opportunity needed to build on the experience gained in the television industry to launch a full-blown film production career for which his earlier experience seems to have been a tutelage. Àfọ̀njá (2002), Gáà (2004) and Ṣawo Ṣẹgbẹ ̀ rì ̀ (2005) are part of the products of this final phase. Although Àfọ̀njá preceded the other two in movie 1 Barker, Chris. Cultural Studies: Theory and Practice. London: Sage, 2012. 2 Barker. 2012, 17 3 Barker, 5. 4 Nigerianfilms.com. February 17, 2008. Accessed Aug 10 2018. Authority and Moral Conflicts in the Films of Adébáyọ Fálétí 173 production, it was the last to be written among the three and is organically a prequel which builds on the success of Gáà and extends a thematic continuum in the Fágúnwà-esque manner of the novels Ògbójú Ọde Ninu Igbó Irunmọlẹ and Igbo Olódùmarè. While Àfọ̀njá and Gáà are historical drama based on actual events in the history of the Yorùbá Empire, Ṣawo Ṣegberi is purely fictional and is based on a postcolonial Nigerian setting. The movies therefore take a reverse order to the chronology of writing and stage performance while Ṣawo Ṣẹ̀gbẹ̀rì, which was the first to be staged among the three, was not written for stage and television performance until it was script-written for film production.5 Àfọ̀njá, Gáà and Ṣawo Ṣẹgbẹ ̀ rì ̀ are each set in a cosmopolis where the Yorùbá citizens have to deal with other nationals in the context of Yorùbá mores within a broader cosmopolitan ethos. In Àfọ̀njá and Gáà that context is provided by the empire phase of Yorùbá civilization in which Yorùbá civilization was the dominant point of reference; in Ṣawo Ṣẹgbẹ ̀ rì ̀ the drama is situated in the context of postcolonial Nigerian city, in a nation that boasts large ethnic nationalities of which the Yorùbá are only one and in which Yorùbá culture is mediated by the postcolonial state with its symbol of the English language as the means of communication and its cultural spin offs. Fálétí demonstrates the mastery of dramaturgy in Àfọ̀njá and Gáà by juxtaposing the dynamics of running a state originally built on a confederation of city state structure very much like the Greek city state structure, at the latter's comparative stage of political evolution, with a new imperial structure and the conflicts generated by the flux of the two systems; whereas in Ṣawo Ṣẹ̀gbẹ̀rì moral conflict is generated by interpersonal amatorial clashes as well as models of expertise.

'Präsident Sarkozy gab bei seiner Südafrikareise am 28. Februar in einer Rede vor dem Parlament bekannt, dass sich die Beziehungen zwischen Frankreich und Afrika an einem entscheidenden Wendepunkt befänden: Frankreich habe nicht die Berufung, in Afrika auf ewig militärisch präsent zu sein. Bestehende Militärabkommen sollen neu verhandelt und dann offengelegt, die Afrikanische Union soll in ihrem Streben nach einer Sicherheitsgemeinschaft unterstützt und der EU soll mehr Verantwortung in der Sicherheitspolitik übertragen werden. Mit dieser Ankündigung ist Sarkozy in die afrikapolitische Offensive gegangen, nachdem die ersten Monate seiner Amtszeit keinen Bruch mit der Vergangenheit darstellten. Die jüngste Verstrickung Frankreichs in militärische Abenteuer im Tschad deutete eher auf einen Rückschlag in den immer wieder angekündigten Reformen an. Gewaltsame Ereignisse in Burkina Faso und Kamerun sind nur die Spitze des Eisbergs krisenhafter Entwicklungen im unmittelbaren Einflussbereich Frankreichs. Sie ergänzen die traumatischen Erfahrungen in Ruanda 1994 und Côte d'Ivoire 2004. Frankreichs militärisches Engagement in seinen Exkolonien wurde mehrfach ein europäisches Mäntelchen umgehängt, UN-Mandate wurden erwirkt, aber die Glaubwürdigkeitslücke blieb. Eine Wende in der französischen Militärpolitik könnte mit Veränderungen in weiteren Politikfeldern einhergehen. Privilegierte Partner könnten bald andere Staaten auf dem Kontinent sein, Südafrika wird schon umworben. Auch auf Fragen der Einwanderung und der wirtschaftlichen Zusammenarbeit sollen neue Antworten folgen.' (Autorenreferat)

"Influencing Empire" examines the period of imperial crisis and community disruption which followed the passage of the Stamp Act by Parliament in 1765 to repeal in 1766. Amid fears of a rising national debt, the revenue measure imposed a small tax in the twenty-six British American colonies to defray the expense of postwar military installations in the mainland interior. In response, crowds violently threatened royal officials and their property prompting resignations and the removal of tax documents into protective custody. With the stamped papers removed from circulation by the legislated collection date, the protests largely prevented the payment of the tax. Without stamped documents the courts and customs houses could not legally operate, preventing critical business of the British Empire. This dissertation traces how and why colonists from Nova Scotia to St. Kitts engaged in a series of unprecedented street protests, examining the process of imperial coalition-building. To achieve their goal of repeal, colonists recognized the importance of convincing imperial powerbrokers to act. The design of protests and strategies of dissent appropriated British cultural traditions, contemporary politics, and economic pressure points. Described by past historians as the "prologue to Revolution" and "the first act on the road to independence," this dissertation explores the imperial political and cultural contexts, restores the diverse choices and actions of individuals and communities, and emphasizes contingency to understanding the "perplexing situation" following the Stamp Act. At the forefront of this effort were the activities of British subjects far beyond the thirteen mainland colonies. This dissertation refocuses our understanding of the Stamp Act crisis by restoring the imperial dimensions of the repeal efforts uniting historiography of crowd studies with scholarship on the Caribbean, the British Empire, the American Revolution and the African Diaspora. Countering the tendency to write towards American independence, this study explores contemporaneous sources to demonstrate the rapidly shifting strategies of imperial influence, as well as the variety of political and economic arguments emerging during this brief period. Broadening the study of protest to an imperial scale embeds the emergence of crowd action amid a broader campaign of influence involving communities in the West Indies, England, Scotland, and Ireland as well as the mainland colonies. Far from a break with empire, this dissertation demonstrates the diversity of opinions and experiences both within a crowd and across the British Empire suggesting new avenues for understanding colonial protest strategies and the contours of the subsequent revolutionary coalition. Protest was exceptional and controversial. Critically, the dissertation argues that protest cannot be understood without closely examining the actions and choices of the majority of the population in colonial ports. Free and enslaved people of color, dockside laborers, and itinerant sailors inhabited these port communities dramatically influencing and shaping imperial politics. This dissertation demonstrates how these populations participated in this moment of community disruption, shaping strategies of dissent and influence. Their presence on the streets occurred in a variety of ways both supporting and opposing street protest. The surviving evidence suggests how their actions were manipulated as part of an imperial debate on protest which reveal imperial discourses on class and race. The dissertation argues that these early actions on the streets in the colonial period demonstrate a long-term struggle to define the British body politic. At no point was repeal assured, and contingency plays a central role in this dissertation. This dissertation demonstrates how rapidly shifting political coalitions within England, pressure from colonial agents and interests, as well as members of the crowd all played central roles in the repeal effort. A sympathetic print media spread supportive accounts of crowd action, while royal officials and stamp officers reported a competing narrative of violent mobs. This work overlays these traditional accounts of protest with shipping logs, marine intelligence, government documents, imperial correspondence, and private diaries to shed new light on core dynamics of the protest movement. Using a variety of contemporaneous evidence, the work demonstrates the flow of knowledge and rumor which shaped individual and community decision-making. Ultimately, this archival research prompts a fresh look at the "Stamp Act Crisis" as a critical test of the structure and functioning of the British Empire, revealing how a small tax enabled a period of panic, negotiation, innovation, and creativity.

-Peter Hulme, Simon Gikandi, Writing in limbo: Modernism and Caribbean literature. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1992. x + 260 pp.-Charles V. Carnegie, Alistair Hennessy, Intellectuals in the twentieth-century Caribbean (Volume 1 - Spectre of the new class: The Commonwealth Caribbean). London: Macmillan, 1992. xvii 204 pp.-Nigel Rigby, Anne Walmsley, The Caribbean artists movement, 1966-1972: A literary and cultural history. London: New Beacon Books, 1992. xx + 356 pp.-Carl Pedersen, Tyrone Tillery, Claude McKay: A black poet's struggle for identity. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1992. xii + 235 pp.-Simone Dreyfus, Irving Rouse, The Tainos: Rise and decline of the people who greeted Columbus. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992. xii + 211 pp.-Louis Allaire, Antonio M. Stevens-Arroyo, Cave of the Jagua: The mythological world of the Taino. Alburquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1988. xiii + 282 pp.-Irving Rouse, William F. Keegan, The people who discovered Columbus: The prehistory of the Bahamas. Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1992. xx + 279 pp.-Neil L. Whitehead, Philip P. Boucher, Cannibal encounters: Europeans and Island Caribs, 1492-1763. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1992. xii + 217 pp.-Peter Kloos, Kaliña, des amérindiens à Paris: Photographies du prince Roland. Présentées par Gérard Collomb. Paris: Créaphis, 1992. 119 pp.-Maureen Warner-Lewis, Alan Gregor Cobley ,The African-Caribbean connection: Historical and cultural perspectives. Bridgetown, Barbados: Department of History, University of the West Indies, Cave Hill, 1990. viii + 171 pp., Alvin Thompson (eds)-H. Hoetink, Jean-Luc Bonniol, La couleur comme maléfice: une illustration créole de la généalogie des 'Blancs' et des 'Noirs'. Paris: Albin Michel, 1992. 304 pp.-Michael Aceto, Richard Price ,Two evenings in Saramaka. Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1991. xvi + 417 pp., Sally Price (eds)-Jorge Pérez Rolón, Vernon W. Boggs, Salsiology: Afro-Cuban music and the evolution of Salsa in New York City. New York: Greenwood, 1992. xvii + 387 pp.-Martin F. Murphy, Sherri Grasmuck ,Between two islands: Dominican international migration. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991. xviii + 247 pp., Patricia R. Pessar (eds)-Rosario Espinal, Richard S. Hillman ,Distant neighbors in the Caribbean: The Dominican Republic and Jamaica in comparative perspective. New York: Praeger, 1992. xviii + 199 pp., Thomas D'Agostino (eds)-Svend E. Holsoe, Neville A.T. Hall, Slave society in the Danish West Indies: St. Thomas, St. John and St. Croix. Edited by B.W. Higman. Mona, Jamaica: University of the West Indies Press, 1992. xxiv + 287 pp.-Light Townsend Cummins, Francisco Morales Padrón, The journal of Don Francisco Saavedra de Sangronis 1780-1783. Translated by Aileen Moore Topping. Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1989. xxxvii + 380 pp.-Francisco A. Scarano, Laird W. Bergad, Cuban rural society in the nineteenth century: The social and economic history of monoculture in Matanzas. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990. xxi + 425 pp.-Robert L. Paquette, Larry R. Jensen, Children of colonial despotism: Press, politics, and culture in Cuba, 1790-1840. Tampa: University of South Florida Press, 1988. xviii + 211 pp.-Robert L. Paquette, Anton L. Allahar, Class, politics, and sugar in colonial Cuba. Lewiston NY; The Edwin Mellen Press, 1990. xi + 217 pp.-Aline Helg, Josef Opatrny, U.S. Expansionism and Cuban annexationism in the 1850s. Prague: Charles University, 1990. 271 pp.-Rita Giacalone, Humberto García Muñiz ,Bibliografía militar del Caribe. Río Piedras PR: Centro de Investigaciones Históricas, Universidad de Puerto Rico, 1992. 177 pp., Betsaida Vélez Natal (eds)-Carlos E. Santiago, Irma Tirado de Alonso, Trade issues in the Caribbean. Philadelphia: Gordon & Breach, 1992. xv + 231 pp.-Drexel G. Woodson, Frantz Pratt, Haiti: Guide to the periodical literature in English, 1800-1990. Westport CT: Greenwood, 1991. xiv + 313 pp.-Gary Brana-Shute, Livio Sansone, Hangen boven de oceaan: het gewone overleven van Creoolse jongeren in Paramaribo. Amsterdam: Het Spinhuis, 1992. 58 pp.-Ronald Gill, Dolf Huijgers ,Landhuizen van Curacao en Bonaire. Amsterdam: Persimmons Management. 1991. 286 pp., Lucky Ezechiëls (eds)-Alex van Stipriaan, Waldo Heilbron, Colonial transformations and the decomposition of Dutch plantation slavery in Surinam. Amsterdam: Amsterdam centre for Caribbean studies (AWIC), University of Amsterdam, 1992. 133 pp.-Rosemarijn Hoefte, Bea Lalmahomed, Hindostaanse vrouwen: de geschiedenis van zes generaties. Utrecht: Jan van Arkel, 1992. 159 pp.-Aart G. Broek, Peter Hoefnagels ,Antilliaans spreekwoordenboek. Amsterdam: Thomas Rap, 1991. 92 pp., Shon Wé Hoogenbergen (eds)

Introduction : forty years of solitude and the novelty of the World Social Forum -- The World Social Forum as critical utopia -- The World Social Forum as epistemology of the south --The World Social Forum and the sociology of absences -- The World Social Forum and the sociology of emergences -- The World Social Forum as an insurgent cosmopolitan politics -- The struggles for global social justice must be based on a very broad conception of power and oppression -- Counter-hegemonic globalization is built upon the equivalence between the principles of equality and recognition of difference -- Rebellion and non-conformity must be privileged to the detriment of the old strategic options (reform or revolution) -- The WSF aims at a new internationalism -- The WSF process progresses as transversal political terrains of resistance and alternative are identified as an ongoing process -- The struggle for radical democracy must be a struggle for demo-diversity -- Transcultural criteria must be developed to identify different forms of democracy and to establish hierarchies among them according to the collective quality of life they provide -- The WSF process must be conceived as promoting and strengthening counter-hegemonic forms of high-intensity democracy that are already emerging -- There is no democracy without conditions of democracy -- There is no global social justice without global cognitive justice -- The many names of another possible world--social emancipation, socialism, dignity, etc --are in the end the name of democracy without end -- Organizing fragmented counter-hegemonic energies -- Internal democracy: relations between the organizing committee and the international council -- Transparency and hierarchies in participation -- Parties and movements -- Size and continuity -- The new organizational challenges: the evaluation of the 2003 WSF -- The new organizational models: the Mumbai demonstration and the 2005 WSF -- The 2006 polycentric WSF -- Representing this world as it fights for another possible world -- Whom does the WSF represent? -- Who represents the WSF? Composition and functionality of the international council -- Making and unmaking cleavages: strategy and political action -- Reform or revolution -- Socialism or social emancipation -- The state as enemy or potential ally -- National or global struggles -- Direct or institutional action -- The principle of equality or the principle of respect for difference -- The WSF as a space or as a movement -- The future of the World Social Forum: self-democracy and the work of translation -- Self-democracy -- The work of translation -- The World Social Forum and self-learning: the popular university of the social movements -- A proposal for collective transformative self-learning: the popular university of the social movements -- The PUSM, 2003-06 -- The left after the World Social Forum -- The phantasmal relation between theory and practice -- The twenty-first century left: depolarized pluralities -- Conclusion -- Annexes -- Annex I -- Composition of the International Council of the WSF (2005) -- Annex II -- Comparison between the charter of principles, the WSF India policy Statement, and the charter of principles and values of the African Social Forum -- Annex III -- Manifesto of Porto Alegre -- Annex IV- Organizations and institutions that have provided financial support to the World Social Forums.

A transactional view of speech functions and codeswitching / J.B. Pride -- Extralinguistic variables and linguistic description / Anthony L. Vanek -- Sociolinguistic aspects of pronoun usage in Middle English / Gloria Paulik Sampson -- Codeswitching as a "safe choice" in choosing a lingua franca / Carol Myers Scotton -- Other people's words : an aspect of style in Ga songs / M.E. Kropp Dakubu -- How role-relationships, domains, and speech situations affect language use among bilinguals / Emy M. Pascasio and Araceli Hidalgo -- Correlational sociolinguistics and the ethnography of communication / Jacqueline Lindenfeld -- Sociological aspects of Black English dialects in the United States / R.B. Smith -- Communication in culture spaces / Akira Yamamoto -- Sociolinguistic variation and semantic structure : the case of Tamil kaRi / Franklin C. Southworth -- Perspectives on sociolinguistics in India / P.B. Pandit -- A demographic typology for Hindi, Urdu, Panjabi speakers in South Asia / Lachman M. Khubchandani -- Social mobility and specialization in language use / Grace Jolly -- Modal and modish pronunciations : some sex differences in speech / Lewis Levine and Harry J. Crockett Jr. -- The effects of marital status and age on sex differences in language style / Diana Wortman Warshay -- Sampling, elicitation, and interpretation : Orléans and elsewhere / John Ross -- Social differences in white speech / Raven I. McDavid Jr. -- Language choice and socialization in a multilingual community : language use among primary school teachers in Ghana / Jean Ure -- Relational bilingualism : a socioeducational approach to studying multilingualism among Mexican-Americans / Jacob Ornstein -- The future of the oppressed languages in the Andes / Xavier Albó -- A comparative study of language contact : the influence of demographic factors in Wales and the Soviet Union / E. Glyn Lewis -- Linguistic contacts and elements of ethnic identification / M. Guboglo -- Region, religion, and language : parameters of identity in the process of acculturation / Mahadev L. Apte -- Sociopsychological bases of language choice and use : the case of Swahili vernaculars and English in Kenya / Joseph Muthiani -- Cree-English bilingualism in northern Alberta / Regna Darnell -- Bilingualism and language maintenance in two communities in Santa Catarina, Brazil / Jürgen Heye -- Cherokee : a flourishing or obsolescing language? / William Pulte -- Chicano bilingual/bicultural education / Henry Torres Trueba -- Helping Africans to speak for themselves : the role of linguistics / Robert G. Armstrong -- A typology of language education in Nigeria / C.M.B. Brann -- Social and linguistic structures of Burundi, a typical "unimodal" country / A. Verdoodt -- The sociolinguistic structure of the Danube Basin / Gyula Décsy -- Language unification in Taiwan : present and future / Robert L. Cheng -- The persistence of the ideographic script in the Far East : its competitive values versus the alphabet / Fosco Maraini -- Prestige speech styles : the imposed norm and inherent value hypotheses / Howard Giles, Richard Bourhis and Ann Davies -- Attitudes toward the adoption of an international language / Ellen-Marie Silverman and Franklin H. Silverman -- East Europeans and the politics of multiculturalism in Alberta / Baha Abu-Laban -- Universal literacy of the formerly backward peoples of the Soviet Union : a factor of their social self-awareness / V.A. Kumanëv -- Communication in an Indian village / J.S. Yadava -- Emerging patterns of communication networks in a developing society / C. Lakshmanna -- Network concepts in the sociology of language / Evangelos A. Afendras -- Problems of language standardization in India / Bh. Krishnamurti -- Universals of language planning in national development / Charles A. Ferguson and Anwar S. Dil -- The dimensionality and predictability of responses to language planning activities / Joshua A. Fishman

The author analyzes the conceptual approach to the study of separatism, which involves a territorial-political movement, the purpose of which is to separate part of its territory from the country and create an independent state. Separatism breaks the unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the state, the principle of inviolability of borders. The concept essence of the phenomenon under study has been clarified. The essence of the concepts of «separatism» and «politics of separatism» is defined, the specifics of separatism in the context of other ethno-unification and ethno-separation movements are revealed. Functional models of separatism policy are distinguished, taking into account the nature of the strategic goals of the subjects of separatism and the type of prevailing international relations during a certain historical period. The essence of the dual nature of separatism, its specificity at two levels – domestic and international - is revealed. Attention is drawn to regional varieties of separatism: Western European (there are 8 manifestations of separatism); Eastern European (13 manifestations of separatism); Islamic (6 manifestations of separatism); Asian (14 manifestations of separatism); African (6 manifestations of separatism); American (4 manifestations of separatism). It is proven that separatism has deep historical roots, which are connected with the existence of contradictions between the historical traditions of the interaction of states on the principles of state sovereignty and the inviolability of borders on the one hand, and the principle of the right of nations to self-determination, established in the practice of international relations and providing for the possibility of formation of independent states. Centers of separatism in the world imprint the political and geographical position of the territory. Making specific recommendations for reducing the risks of separatism can lead to an understanding of the mechanisms behind this impact. ; У статті проаналізовано концептуальний підхід до дослідження сепаратизму, що передбачає територіально-політичний рух, мета котрого – відокремлення від країни частини її території та створення незалежної держави. Сепаратизм призводить до порушення єдності, суверенітету й територіальної цілісності держави, принципу непорушності кордонів. Уточнено сутність поняття досліджуваного феномену. Визначено терміни «сепаратизм» і «політика сепаратизму», виявлено специфіку сепаратизму в контексті інших етнооб'єднавчих і етнороз'єднавчих рухів. Виокремлено функціональні моделі політики сепаратизму, що проводяться з урахуванням характеру стратегічних цілей суб'єктів сепаратизму й типу панівних у певний історичний період міжнародних відносин. Розкрито суть подвійної природи сепаратизму, його специфіку на двох рівнях – внутрішньополітичному та міжнароднополітичному. Звертається увага на регіональні різновиди сепаратизму: західноєвропейський (нараховує вісім проявів сепаратизму); східноєвропейський (13 проявів сепаратизму); ісламський (шість проявів сепаратизму); азіатський (14 проявів сепаратизму); африканський (шість проявів сепаратизму); американський (чотири прояви сепаратизму). Доведено, що сепаратизм має глибокі історичні корені, котрі пов'язані з існуванням суперечності між історичними традиціями взаємодії держав на принципах державного суверенітету й непорушності кордонів, з одного боку, та принципах права націй на самовизначення, що утвердилися в практиці міжнародних відносин і передбачають можливість формування незалежних держав, осередків сепаратизму у світі, накладають відбиток на політико-географічне положення території. До вироблення конкретних рекомендацій стосовно зниження ризиків сепаратизму може призвести розуміння механізмів цього впливу.

Поступила в редакцию: 31.05.2020. Принята к печати: 14.07.2020. ; Submitted: 31.05.2020. Accepted: 14.07.2020. ; Наполеон с гордостью считал себя реформатором, несшим в завоеванные земли новые институты, созданные преобразованиями Французской революции, французские стандарты управления, законодательства и образования. Однако в том, что касалось колониальной политики, его образ выглядит довольно блекло. В 1794 г. Франция стала первой страной в мире, отменившей не только атлантическую работорговлю, но и сам институт рабства, и провозгласившей, что африканские рабы так же обладают правами человека, как и все остальные люди. Такой шаг стал ответом на обстоятельства военного времени и на восстание рабов в Карибских колониях Франции, приведшее к утрате ею острова Сан-Доминго, главного производителя сахара в мире. Все это поставило перед Наполеоном Бонапартом сложнейшую военную, экономическую и моральную проблему. Судя по предложенному им весьма амбивалентному ее решению, можно прийти к выводу, что для него колонии были только источником прибыли и что вопросы рабства и аболиционизма его глубоко не трогали. Он прислушался к торговому лобби и постарался силой решить экономическую проблему, отправив на Карибы армию и попытавшись — неудачно — подавить восстание. Не осудил он работорговлю и после того, как она была запрещена Великобританией и США. Лишь в 1815 г., после своего возвращения с острова Эльба, он подписал декрет, решительно запрещавший работорговлю, но лишь для того, чтобы, представ либералом, завоевать общественное мнение. Это был вопрос политики, а не убеждений или морали. ; Napoleon prided himself on being a modernizer, bringing a new sophistication to the lands he conquered by building on the reforms of the French Revolution and introducing French standards of governance, justice and education. But in one sphere, that of colonial policy, that image is tainted. In 1794 France had been the first country in the world to abolish not only the Atlantic slave trade but the institution of slavery itself, proclaiming that the rights of man applied to African slaves as it did to the rest of humanity. It did so in response to war and slave insurrections in France's Caribbean possessions, which led in turn to the loss of the world's richest sugar island, Saint-Domingue; and Napoleon was faced with huge military, economic and moral dilemmas. From his very ambivalent response one must conclude that for him colonies were simply a source of profit, and that the issue of slavery and abolition did not deeply concern him. He listened to the colonial lobby and tried to enforce mercantilist solutions; he sent an army to the Caribbean to try — unsuccessfully — to quell the rebellion; and he showed little interest in condemning the slave trade after it was abolished in Britain and the United States. Only in 1815, following his return from Elba, did he sign a decree unambiguously embracing abolition, but by then he was burnishing his liberal credentials in an attempt to woo public opinion. It was a matter of politics, not of belief or morality. ; Research for this article was funded with the support of project № 14.Z50.31.0045 from the Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation. ; Исследование выполнено по гранту Правительства Российской Федерации в рамках подпрограммы «Институциональное развитие научно-исследовательского сектора» государственной программы Российской Федерации «Развитие науки и технологий» на 2013–2020 гг. Договор № 14.Z50.31.0045.

Michael Burawoy's Manufacturing Consent is a must-have book for all those, who, like me, study the so-called "Labour World," particularly what happens within factories. However, Michael Burawoy is much more than the author of that enlightening book. Born in Manchester in a Jewish family of Russian origin, he has been trying to understand how consent is organized among the dominated for the last 40 years. That was the issue he dealt with in Zambia in 1968, during the post-colonial process, when he got a job in the copper industry and discovered the articulations between the factory regime and racial segregation. From that experience emerged The Color of Class on the Copper Mines: From African Advancement to Zambianization (1972). In 1974, it prevailed again as a concern when, already having become a sociologist, he was employed as a metalworker worker on the outskirts of Chicago and conducted the ethnography that is the basis of Manufacturing Consent: Changes in the Labor Process in the Monopolist Capitalism (1982). This work allowed him to consolidate the idea that it is impossible to understand what happens in the work place without establishing the relationship between that space and the political-economic context in which it is placed, giving rise to the concept of "Political Regime of Production" that would be deepened in the books The Politics of Production: Factory Regimes Under Capitalism and Socialism (1985) and The Radiant Past. Ideology and Reality in Hungary's Road to Capitalism (1994), based on a comparison between his experience as a worker in Chicago and his experience in Hungary in the 1980s, while this country was under the Soviet orbit. And it was to explore that idea that he decided to do field work in a factory in Russia in the early 1990's, when the capitalist restoration began. But that same concern was what led him to adopt Marxism as his theoretical point of view and ethnography as his research method, developing a series of theoretical- methodological discussions that can be found in books such as The Extended Case Method: Four Countries, Four Decades, Four Great Transformations, and One Theoretical Tradition (1997), or Sociological Marxism (2000), written with Eric Olin Wright. In short, Michael Burawoy is a rara avis of the American academy: a teacher who walks through classrooms openly calling for a rebuilding of Marxism, a researcher who holds a methodological battle to the death against inductivism and a sociologist who proposes to rethink the idea of the organic intellectual relating the sociology with anti-capitalist movements. In March 2018, Burawoy was invited by Indiana University, Bloomington campus, to give a lecture entitled "Marxism engages Bourdieu." I was there carrying out a research stay at the History Department. Chance caused that, for the first time, I had the possibility of personally listening to someone who had been inspiring for my own ethnographic work. From that first meeting, other subsequent meetings emerged, the result of which is this interview I conducted in his office at the Berkeley University.

A política externa brasileira, a partir de 2003, apresentou uma notória curva em direção ao aprofundamento e à expansão das relações com outros países e regiões "do Sul global". Nesse contexto, o continente africano ganhou importância para as relações internacionais do Brasil. O objetivo do artigo é avançar na compreensão da participação do setor empresarial na cooperação brasileira em Moçambique. Os resultados demonstram que as empresas e seus projetos privados se mesclam nos territórios. Examinaremos o caso do corredor logístico de Nacala, interseção das principais e maiores iniciativas de cooperação e de investimento de empresas brasileiras em Moçambique. O cenário construído nos mostra um tabuleiro no qual a cooperação Sul-Sul e, dentro dela, a cooperação brasileira, não podem ser compreendidas sem serem considerados sua relação com os interesses e investimentos empresariais, o jogo de poder com outros países e as políticas de instituições multilaterais como o Banco Mundial.

After a semantic analysis of the notion of Good Governance, to light the sense of this complex notion, notion the origins of which go back up to a rather distant time. This principle, which built itself through centuries, concerned at first the world of companies, before invading the field of the politics, in the quest of the best management of the public affairs, to satisfy at best the affairs of the State. As therapy, organized by the international institutions, to bring out the African states, often corrupted States, of the tunnel of the poverty and the underdevelopment, it showed itself ineffective. The good governance in its implementation, in Africa and in Ivory Coast, faces a world where the political game set, is influenced by clan, family, tribal links, which put the interest of the groups above the general interest, engendering a decay of the State, with an absence of ethics, responsibility of brightness in the decision-making, in the societies where the quest of the democracy is marked with the seal of the demagoguery, with a premium granted to the opacity in the management of the public affairs. This quest of efficiency is counterbalanced by the weight of the traditions and the practices inherent to the world of the Third World, the things which return the with difficulty effective management of the public affairs. However, the political arena does not escape the influence of the outside world, which influences decision-making, with public actors often subjected to the orders of this capitalist world, in a world marked with the seal of the globalization and with the globalization. ; Après une analyse sémantique de la notion de Bonne Gouvernance, afin d'éclairer le sens de cette notion assez complexe, notion dont les origines remontent à une époque assez lointaine. Ce principe, qui s'est construit à travers les siècles, a d'abord concerné le monde des entreprises, avant d'envahir le champ de la politique, dans la quête de la meilleure gestion des affaires publiques, afin de satisfaire au mieux les affaires de l'Etat. En tant que thérapie, mise en place par les institutions internationales, afin de sortir les Etats africains, souvent corrompus, du tunnel de la misère et du sous-développement, elle s'est révélée inefficace. La bonne gouvernance dans sa mise en place, en Afrique et en Côte d'ivoire, fait face à un monde où le jeu politique est influencé par des liens claniques, familiaux, tribaux… qui mettent l'intérêt des groupes au dessus de l'intérêt général, engendrant une déliquescence de l'Etat, avec une absence d'éthique , de responsabilité , de clarté dans la prise de décision, dans des sociétés où la quête de la démocratie est marquée du sceau de la démagogie, avec une prime accordée à l'opacité dans la gestion des affaires publiques. Cette quête d'efficacité est contrebalancée par le poids des traditions et des pratiques inhérentes au monde du tiers-monde, choses qui rendent la gestion des affaires publiques difficilement efficace. Cependant, le champ politique n'échappe pas à l'emprise du monde extérieur, qui influence les prises de décisions, avec des acteurs publics souvent soumis aux injonctions de ce monde capitaliste, dans un monde marqué du sceau de la globalisation et de la mondialisation.

Suráfrica fue el primer país en sufrir una colonización considerable y la última en terminar con un Gobierno oficial formado por gente blanca. La Suráfrica racista había gobernado Namibia en representación, primero, de la Liga de Naciones y, posteriormente, de las Naciones Unidas. En Suráfrica se afianzaron las estructuras de Gobierno oficiales racistas justo en el momento en que el resto del mundo condenaba el racismo. El país aprovechó la Guerra Fría para reivindicarse como bastión de la civilización occidental en África contra las comunidades negras de inspiración comunista. Las mismas estructuras se mantuvieron vigentes aproximadamente cuarenta años después de que el resto de países africanos hubiese obtenido la independencia política. Las continuas presiones en el propio país y en el ámbito internacional obligaron a Suráfrica a abandonar la estructura política del apartheid. A comienzos de 1990, el país inició un periodo de transición que tuvo que llevarse a cabo con precauciones para evitar el caos. Los dos hombres que lograron el cambio fueron el entonces presidente Frederick de Kierk, que representaba los intereses de los blancos, y el prisionero al que él mismo liberó en 1990, Nelson Mandela, que encarnaba las aspiraciones de la gente negra. La tarea de Mandela consistió en crear un estado de confianza en la nueva Suráfrica y consiguió cambiar la imagen del país, que pasó de tener la consideración de Estado racista inaceptable a convertirse en un elemento clave de África en las negociaciones internacionales. Cuando Mandela dejó la presidencia, su adjunto Thabo Mbeki asumió el cargo y tuvo que afrontar cuestiones a largo plazo sobre la política de la transición. South Africa was first to suffer substantial colonial settlement and the last to end rule by white people officially ruled. Racist South Africa had ruled Namibia on behalf of, first League of Nations and then the United Nations. Within South Africa, it entrenched official racist governing structures that were temed apartheid at the very time that the rest of the world was condemning racism. It took advantage of the Cold War to claim that it was an ideological bastion of Western Civilisation in Africa against Cornmunist inspired blacks; it worked for roughly forty years after the rest of Africa attained political independence. Prolonged domestic and international pressure forced South Africa to abandon the apartheid political structure. Beginning 1990, South Africa entered a transition period that required prudent management in order to avoid chaos. The two men who successfuiiy managed this change were President Frederick de Klerk representing the interests of white people and the prisoner he released in 1990, Nelson Mandela, who represented the aspirations of black people. Mandela's task was to create a sense of confidence in the new South Africa and he succeeded in changing the irnage of South Africa from that of an unacceptable racist country into an African player in international dealings. He retired from the presidency and left his deputy, Thabo Mbeki, to worry about long term issues of transition politics.

"Wherever the sugar plantation and slavery existed," wrote the famed Trinidadian scholar C.L.R. James, "they imposed a pattern. It is an original pattern, not European, not African, not a part of the American main,.but West Indian, sui generis, with no parallels anywhere else." These lines appear in James's 1963 essay "From Toussaint L'Ouverture to Fidel Castro," which he appended that year to a new edition of The Black Jacobins, his seminal history of the Haitian Revolution first released in 1938. Writing at a time when the British West Indies' attainment of independence, coincident with the triumph of the Cuban Revolution, had prompted many Caribbean politicos and intellectuals to propose that the region's diverse territories confederate into one regional nation, James arguedthat those territories, no matter their divides of language and history, should be understood to share a common culture and destiny. He also argued that the peoples of the Caribbean "nation" - belonging, as they did, to societies created and shaped for centuries by their links to European powers - had a unique and special role to play, among the world's formerly colonized peoples, in shaping the future of world civilization.This dissertation engages with James's arguments to explore how, across the past half-century, the Caribbean has been imagined - both in the Caribbean and worldwide - to be a coherent cultural region. Engaging with broader debates among geographers and other scholars about the uses and abuses of the "region" as analytic and political tool, I use the concept of "imaginative geography" to explore why and how various representative figures - from popular musicians to novelists to theoreticians - have shaped understandings of "Caribbeanness," both in the islands and worldwide. Today James's dream of formalizing the West Indian "nation" into a unified state is long past, but the impetus to think in terms of region that he once exemplified has persisted - and indeed grown - among Caribbean thinkers. Moreover, I argue, his predictions about the import of Caribbean cultures in the cultural landscape of the wider world, aided by the massive outflow of Caribbean emigrants to Northern cities, have in many ways come true. From the emergence of Harry Belafonte as "the first black matinee idol" in North Atlantic pop cultures; to the rise of Fidel Castro as figurehead of the non-Aligned Third World during the Cold War; to the emergence and continued salience of Bob Marley as the "first Third World Superstar"; to the outsized number of brilliant writers, from Walcott and Marshall to Díaz and Danticat, who in addressing experiences particular to the Caribbean, have spoken with often unexcelled eloquence to universal themes - these exponents of the Caribbean as region and idea have succeeded, for better or worse, in supplying to the world some of our most widespread stories about bondage and freedom; racial purity and mixture; art and politics. This dissertation offers an account of how and why this has came to pass, in the decade's since C.L.R. James published his revised history of the epochal slave revolt in the French sugar colony of Saint-Domingue by which, as he put it, "West Indians first became aware of themselves as a people."