Suchergebnisse

The history of referendums and direct democracy / Matt Qvortrup -- Types of referendums, provisions and practice at national level worldwide / Laurence Morel -- Local referendums: a comparative assessment of forms and practice / Theo Schiller -- Methodological issues: popper, paradigms and historical perspectives on referendum research: a case of pluralism / Matt Qvortrup -- Views on referendums: is there a pattern? / Palle Svensson -- Why referendums?: on appearances and absences / Dag Anckar -- Referendums and consensus democracy: empirical findings from 21 EU countries / Stefan Vospernik -- The democratic criticism of referendums: the majority and true will of the people / Laurence Morel -- The democratic potential of referendums: intrinsic and extrinsic limitations / Patrick Taillon -- Democratic credentials and deficits of referendums: a case study of the scottish independence vote / Stephan Tierney -- People concerned and people entitled to vote: the example of sovereignty referendums / ?lker Gökhan ?en -- The expression of popular will: does the wording of a referendum question matter? / François Rocher and André Lecours -- The expression of popular will: do campaigns matter and how do voters decide? / Ece Ozlem Atikcan -- The strength of popular will: legal impact, implementation and duration / Dane Waters -- Existing regulations and recommended best practices: the example of the USA / Henry S. Noyes -- Voting behaviour in direct democracy votes / Pascal Sciarini -- Picking winners. forecasting the results of eu referendums 1972-2016 / Matt Qvortrup -- The formation of opinions at referendums: the application of the screening theory model / Guy Lachapelle -- Are referendums a machinery to turn out our prejudices into rational choices: an unfortunate answer of sociophysics / Serge Galam -- How elections shape campaigning effects in direct democracy / Simon Lanz and Alessandro Nai -- Referendums, minorities and individual freedoms / Marthe Fatin-Rouge Stefanini -- Referendums on European integration: crisis-solving or crisis-inducing? / Fernando Mendez and Mario Mendez -- Do referendums make better citizens? the effects of direct democracy on political interest, civic competence and participation / Julien Talpin -- Brinkmanship and backsliding: how governments deal with referendum decisions / Gerald Schneider -- Effects of referendums on party cohesion and cleavages: empirical findings from 21 EU countries / Stefan Vospernik -- Recall referendum around the world: origins, institutional designs and current debates / Yanina Welp -- Deliberative mini-publics in democratic systems / Maija Setälä -- Nothing fails like success: teledemocracy and deliberative polling / Ted Becker -- Sortition, direct democracy and indirect democracy / Gil Delannoi and Oliver Dowlen.

Entries : Affirmative action ; African American Civil Rights Movement ; Appalachian poverty ; Edward Banfield and The unheavenly city ; Beautification of the United States ; Birmingham Church bombing ; Black Panther Party ; William F. Buckley, Jr. ; Joseph A. Califono, Jr. ; Stokely Carmichael ; Rachel Carson and Silent spring ; Harry Caudill and Night comes to the Cumberlands: a biography of a depressed area ; César Chávez ; Chicano/Chicana Civil Rights Movement (El Movimiento) ; Cigarette Labeling and Advertising Act of 1965 ; Civil Rights Act of 1965 ; Civil rights from the Great Society to the Obama Administration ; Clinton Administration and the "end of welfare as we know it" ; Coal and the persistence of poverty in Appalachia ; Wilbur Cohen ; Community Action Program ; Consumer Protection Movement ; Counterculture and the anti-war movement ; Culture of poverty ; Richard J. Daley ; Everett Dirksen ; Endangered Species Preservation Act of 1966 and Endangered Species Conservation Act of 1989 ; Environmental Movement ; Equal Pay Act of 1963 ; Food Stamp Act of 1964 ; John Kenneth Galbraith and The affluent society ; Barry Goldwater ; Richard Goodwin ; Great Society in Indian Country ; Edith Green ; Michael Harrington and The other America ; LaDonna Harris ; Tom Hayden ; Head Start and education reform ; Health care reform: from Medicare and Medicaid to the Affordable Care Act/Obamacare ; Higher Education Act of 1965 ; Housing and Urban Development Act of 1965 ; Immigration policy ; Jim Crow and the Great Society ; Lady Bird Johnson ; Lyndon B. Johnson ; Kennedy Administration and civil rights ; John F. Kennedy ; Martin Luther King, Jr. ; Legal services programs for the poor ; Malcolm X ; Thurgood Marshall ; Wilbur Mills ; Minimum wage ; Daniel Moynihan ; Ralph Nader and Unsafe at any speed ; National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) ; Native American poverty ; Nixon Administration and the Great Society ; North Carolina Fund ; Office of Economic Opportunity ; Mollie Orshansky ; Carl Dewey Perkins ; Poor People's Campaign ; Presidential election of 1986 ; Public Broadcasting Act of 1967 ; Walter Reuther ; Ronald Reagan and the Great Society ; Sargent R. Shriver, Jr. ; Strom Thurmond ; Stewart Udall ; Urban race riots ; Vietnam War ; Voting Rights Act of 1965 ; George C. Wallace ; War on Poverty ; War on Poverty in Appalachia ; Clyde Warrior ; Waters of the United States ; Wholesome Meat Act of 1967 and Wholesome Poultry Products Act of 1968 ; Women's Movement.

Most current analysis on Latin American politics has been directed at examining the shift to the Left in the region. Very little attention, however, has been paid to the reactions of the Right to this phenomenon. What kind of discursive, policy and strategic responses have emerged among the Right in Latin America as a result of this historic turn to the Left? Have there been any shifts in attitudes to inequality and poverty as a result of the successes of the Left in those areas? How has the Right responded strategically to regain the political initiative from the Left? And what implications might such responses have for democracy in the region? The Right in Latin America seeks to provide answers to these questions while helping to fill a gap in the literature on contemporary Latin American politics. Unlike previous studies, Barry Cannon's book does not simply concentrate on party political responses to the contemporary challenges for the Right in the region. Rather he uses a wider, more comprehensive theoretical framework, grounded in political sociology, in recognition of the deep social roots of the Right among Latin America's elites, in a region known for its startling inequalities. Using Michael Mann's pioneering work on power, he shows how elite dominance in the key areas of the economy, ideology, the military and in transnational relations, has had a profound influence on the political strategies of the Latin American Right. He argues that Left governments, especially the more radical ones, have threatened elite power in these areas, influencing Right-wing strategic responses as a result. These responses, he persuasively suggests, can vary from elections, through street protests and media campaigns, to military coups, depending on the level of perceived threat felt by elites from the Left. In this way, Cannon uncovers the dialectical nature of the Left/Right relationship in contemporary Latin American politics, while simultaneously providing pointers as to how the Left can respond to the challenge of the Right's resurgence in the current context of Left retrenchment. Cannon's multifaceted, interdisciplinary approach, including original research among Right-leaning actors in the region, makes the book an essential reference--not only for those interested in the contemporary Latin American Right, but for anyone interested in the region's politics at a critical juncture in its history.

Section I: International Trade -- Chapter 1: Trade-Environment Linkage: A South-centric Model-specific Analysis -- Chapter 2: Accumulation of Capital for Pollution Abatement and Immizerizing Growth: A Theoretical Result for Developing Economies -- Chapter 3: Optimal Entry Mode for Multinationals with Possibility of Technology Diffusion -- Chapter 4: An Example of Innovation Inducing Tariff Protection -- Chapter 5: Import Restriction, Capital Accumulation and Use of Child Labour: A General Equilibrium Analysis -- Chapter 6: Direction of Trade, Exchange Rate Regimes and Financial Crises: The Indian Case -- Chapter 7: Global Crisis, Financial Institutions and Reforms: An Indian Perspective -- Chapter 8: Global Capital Flows & Payments Imbalances -- Section II: Development -- Chapter 9: Widespread Poverty Amidst High Economic Growth: Some Lessons from South Asia -- Chapter 10: Development Dividend of Peace: Experience of South Asia -- Chapter 11: Well-Being in Human Development Framework : Constituents and Aggregation -- Chapter 12: Human Capital Accumulation, Environmental Quality, Taxation and Endogenous Growth -- Chapter 13: Labour Supply Schedule of the Poor: A Commonsense Approach -- Chapter 14: Switching as an Investment Strategy: Revisiting Parrondo's Paradox -- Chapter 15: Asymmetric Information, Non-Cooperative Games and Impatient Agents: Modeling the failure of Environmental Awareness Campaigns -- Chapter 16: Government's Role in Controlling Food Inflation -- Chapter 17: Inter-State Variations in Levels & Growth of Industry: Trends During the Last Three Decades -- Chapter 18: Unit Root and Structural Break: Experience from the Indian Service Sector -- Chapter 19: Infrastructure Development and Regional Growth in India -- Chapter 20: The Phenomenon of Wasted Vote in the Parliamentary Elections of India -- Section III: Macroeconomics and Finance -- Chapter 21: Monetary Policy and Crisis -- Chapter 22: An Effective Demand Model of Corporate Leverage & Recession -- Chapter 23: Empirical Evidence on the Relationship between Stock Market Development & Economic Growth: A Cross-Country Exploration in Asia -- Chapter 24: Financial Development in India: An Empirical Test of the McKinnon-Shaw Model -- Chapter 25: Dynamics of Indian Stock Market -- Chapter 26: Analysis of Revenue Efficiency: Empirical Study of Indian Non-Life Insurance Companies -- Chapter 27: Empirics on Fiscal Smoothing : Some Econometric Evidence for the Indian Economy -- Chapter 28: Index of Financial Inclusion: Some Empirical Results -- Chapter 29: The Causal linkage between FDI and Current Account Balance in India: An Econometric Study in the Presence of Endogenous Structural Breaks -- Chapter 30: Contagious Financial Crises in the Recent Past and Their Implications for India.

1. Electoral politics : still a man's world? -- Representation, equality, and the study of gender in electoral politics -- Traditional gender socialization in the context of U.S. politics : the central argument and its implications -- Traditional family role orientations -- Masculinized ethos -- Gendered psyche -- Organization of the book -- 2. Explaining women's emergence in the political arena -- Women and elective politics : the numbers -- Existing explanations for women's underrepresentation -- Societal rejection and cultural evolution : the discrimination explanation -- Institutional inertia : the incumbency explanation -- The candidate eligibility pool : the pipeline explanation -- The missing piece : developing a theory of gender and political ambition -- The citizen political ambition study -- 3. The gender gap in political ambition -- Very much the same : gender, political participation, and political interest -- Very much different : gender and political ambition -- Stage one : considering a candidacy -- Stage two : deciding to enter the first race -- The "winnowing effect" -- The gender gap in elective office preferences -- Conclusion -- 4. Barefoot, pregnant, and holding a law degree : family dynamics and running for office -- Raised to be a candidate? -- Eligible candidates' family structure and roles -- Wife, mother, and candidate? : family roles as impediments to political ambition -- Are times changing? : generational differences in political ambition -- Conclusion -- 5. Gender, party, and political recruitment -- Eligible candidates' political attitudes and partisanship -- Who gets asked to run for office? -- Political recruitment and considering a candidacy -- Conclusion -- 6. "I'm just not qualified" : gendered self-perceptions of candidate viability -- The impact of self-perceived qualifications on political ambition -- Explanations for the gender gap in self-perceived qualifications -- The sexist environment -- Gender differences in defining political qualifications -- Different yardsticks for gauging political qualifications -- Conclusion -- 7. Taking the plunge : deciding to run for office -- Why would anyone run for office? : negative perceptions of the electoral environment and campaign process -- Gender and the decision to enter a race -- A side note on political culture and "structural" factors -- Prospective interest in running for office -- Conclusion -- 8. Gender and the future of electoral politics -- Summarizing the findings and forecasting women's representation -- Recasting the study of gender and elections -- Appendix A. The citizen political ambition study sample design and data collection -- Appendix B. The survey -- Appendix C. The interview questionnaire -- Appendix D. Variable coding.

Los objetivos de la presente investigación son conocer y comparar las acciones planteadas por los ayuntamientos de València y Zaragoza, dos poblaciones españolas declaradas 'ciudad refugio'. El periodo de análisis de este estudio de casos parte de 2015, año clave en la crisis de refugiados en el Mediterráneo, y en el que ambas poblaciones experimentaron un cambio político tras las elecciones municipales. Los consistorios incluyen a partir de ese año partidas presupuestarias para la ayuda al refugiado, realizan declaraciones institucionales, campañas de concienciación, colaboran con ONG, se integran en redes de municipios de solidaridad con los refugiados y participan en encuentros y jornadas internacionales. Sin embargo, el análisis de los resultados sugiere que estas apuestas dependen de estrategias de partido más que de un verdadero sentido de ciudad. A pesar de suponer una táctica eficaz para situar a las ciudades en el mundo, con un discurso autónomo, su implementación se encuentra sometida a las dinámicas políticas locales, lo que las convierte en propuestas frágiles. ; This study seeks to define and compare the actions proposed by the local councils of Valencia and Zaragoza, two Spanish cities nominated as 'refuge city'. The analysis period for this case study starts from 2015, a key year in the refugee crisis in the Mediterranean, and in which both cities experienced a political change following the municipal elections. From that year, the city councils have included budgetary items for refugee aid. In addition, they make institutional statements, perform awareness campaigns, collaborate with NGOs, integrate in networks of municipalities in solidarity with refugees and participate in international meetings and conferences. However, analysis of the results suggests that these initiatives are dependent on political party strategies rather than a true sense of the city. Despite assuming an effective tactic to position cities in the world by using an autonomous discourse, its implementation is subject to local political dynamics, which renders the proposals fragile. ; Este artículo forma parte de las actividades del proyecto de investigación "La diplomacia pública de las megaciudades iberoamericanas: estrategias de comunicación y poder blando para influir en la legislación ambiental global" (RTI2018-096733-B-I00), financiado por el Ministerio de Ciencia, Innovación y Universidades (2019). Rubén Ramos Antón recibe financiación del Fondo Europeo de Desarrollo Regional (FEDER) convocatoria 2018/11744.

This descriptive study aims to explain how netizens discuss various topics related to the 2019 General Election in Indonesia. By taking the case of online discussion on social media platform of Twitter, the author examines some hashtags related to the online campaign of two running president and vice-president candidates, Joko Widodo-Ma'ruf Amin and Prabowo Subianto-Sandiaga Uno. Utilizing social network analytics, the author found that online conversations on Twitter regarding the topics of #DebatPilpres2019, #PrabowoMenangDebat and #DebatPintarJokowi most of the time are dominated by not-so-called popular accounts and might not be associated as political 'buzzers.'; although the Twitter accounts of @jokowi and @prabowo are found to be two most discussed actors within the conversation. Here, the author argues that social media platforms like Twitter serve as mini-publics-where the discourse here is not always in parallel with the mainstream (mass media or people's) opinion. Moreover, people's engagement in political talks on social media as online politics should not be considered as less than an important part of the democratization process in Indonesia. Key words: political communication, hashtag politics, social media analytics, online politics ; Riset deskriptif ini berupaya menjelaskan tentang partisipasi warganet dalam membicarakan beragam topik politik seputar Pemilihan Umum 2019 di Indonesia. Dengan mengambil kasus diskusi online di platform media sosial Twitter, peneliti menganalisis sejumlah hashtag terkait dengan kampanye online dari kedua pasangan calon presiden dan wakil presiden, Joko Widodo-Ma'ruf Amin dan Prabowo Subianto-Sandiaga Uno. Menggunakan metode penelitian social network analytics, peneliti menemukan bahwa diskusi online di Twitter dalam sejumlah topik seperti #DebatPilpres2019, #PrabowoMenangDebat dan #DebatPintarJokowi seringkali didominasi oleh akun-akun yang tidak selalu popular serta tidak selalu dilakukan oleh 'buzzer' politik; meskipun akun @jokowi dan @prabowo masih merupakan dua tokoh utama yang diperbincangkan dalam diskusi tersebut. Dalam konteks ini, peneliti melihat bahwa media sosial semacam Twitter dapat berperan sebagai mini-publics, di mana diskursus yang hadir tidak harus selalu sejalan dengan wacana dominan (di media massa maupun di masyarakat luas). Selain itu, partisipasi masyarakat dalam berbincang soal politik juga dapat dimaknai sebagai praktik online politics yang tidak kalah pentingnya dalam proses demokratisasi di Indonesia. Kata Kunci: komunikasi politik, hashtag politics, social media analytics, online politics

In recent years, the new political governance, a partisan model that contributes to a permanent campaign, gained ground in public organizations. In this new context, "deliverology" is portrayed as an innovative method to help governments implement new policies and deliver on election promises. This article presents the similarities and diff erences that exist between "deliverology" and evaluation. Is deliverology really something new or is it another case of old wine in a new bottle? Is deliverology a substitute for or, instead, a complement to institutionalized evaluation? To what extent does new political governance (exemplified by deliverology and performance measurement) undermine evidence-based decision making? What is the value-added of deliverology? These questions are addressed through a critical reflection on deliverology and its value-added in Canada, where evaluation became institutionalized in many departments and agencies under the influence of results-based management, promoted by the advocates of new public management over four decades.r four decades. ; Depuis quelques années, la nouvelle gouvernance politique, un modèle de gestion partisane qui contribue à une campagne permanente, gagne en faveur dans les organisations publiques. Dans ce nouveau contexte, la « résultologie » est présentée comme une méthode innovatrice de mise en oeuvre des politiques gouvernementales et de suivi de la réalisation des promesses électorales. Cet article présente les points communs et les différences qui existent entre la résultologie et l'évaluation. La résultologie est-elle vraiment quelque chose de nouveau ou est-ce seulement une autre manière de réinventer la roue? La résultologie est-elle un substitut ou plutôt un complément à l'évaluation qui s'est progressivement institutionnalisée dansl'appareil d'État? Dans quelle mesure la nouvelle gouvernance politique (incarnée par la résultologie et la gestion du rendement) vient-elle miner la prise de décisions éclairées par des données probantes? Quelle est la valeur ajoutée de la résultologie? Pour répondre à ces questions, le présent article propose une réflexion critique sur la résultologie et sa valeur ajoutée au Canada, où l'évaluation s'est institutionnalisée dans les ministères et les agences sous l'influence de la tendance de gestion axée sur les résultats, dont les partisans de la nouvelle gestion publique font la promotion depuis quelque 40 ans.

Venezuela, due to economic and political sabotage, has been experiencing a humanitarian crisis since the late part of 2018. This oil-exporting nation was faced with economic decline after 9/11, the 2008 economic recession and again in 2014; as a result of oil prices tanking. Under Cesar Chavez's presidency the Venezuelan Bolivar faced destabilizing inflation rates surged in part by the 'economic war' against private enterprise and the bourgeoisie class, as well as a lack of diversification of exports and a dependency on imported goods. After Chavez's death in 2013, Nicolás Maduro took office and social unrest intensified. Since 2014: Over three million Venezuelans have fled the country. Shortages of basic goods have become a daily occurrence. With 90 percent of its of its citizens are living in poverty, 85 percent of medicines are scarce and 61.2 percent of Venezuelans report going to bed hungry. Claims of human rights violations, such as, arbitrary arrest and killings by government security forces. Venezuela been experiencing political turmoil, 2016-today. The US State Treasury has enacted sanctions against Venezuela's banking and financial sectors, their leading industry PDVSA, government officials, businesses and towards any nation aiding the Maduro government. Operación Libertad In the midst of these devastating crises the current administration promises to aid the Venezuelan people in their search for liberty and freedom from a 'usurper regime'; by placing their full support behind the leader of the opposition and president of the National Assembly, Juan Guaidó. The US has initiated an international pressure campaign to force Maduro's resignation. And is using humanitarian aid warfare tactics to influence the minds and hearts of desperate Venezuelans. Administration officials have purposely worsen the living conditions of Venezuelan citizens in order to invoke regime change. The American intervention in Venezuela is an opportunist scheme meant to exploit the current crises in order to further a neoliberal capitalist agenda and deliver president Trump an international political win before the 2020 elections. The US once again is following traditional policies and practices of the Monroe Doctrine to intervene Latin American affairs. Support is provided with the examples of Guatemala (1954), Dominican Republic (1965), Chile (1973) and Argentina (1975-76) and Venezuela's 2002 coup attempt.

Este proyecto busca comprender cómo abordan la equidad de género los partidos políticos en Colombia, para lo cual se realizó una investigación cualitativa con una muestra de ocho partidos en las últimas elecciones al Senado 2018 – 2022. Se estudió la aplicación de la equidad de género desde lo político y desde la democracia interna de los partidos, buscando reconocer los avances que desde el siglo XIX los partidos políticos han alcanzado en cuanto a la participación de las mujeres. Más allá de lo que plantean los partidos ideológicamente sobre la equidad de género, se analiza su aplicación en sus campañas publicitarias con el objeto de entender cómo está siendo recibido esto en la opinión pública. Las mujeres al conquistar el derecho al sufragio, lograron incursionar en la democracia y en la vida política, pero no fue fácil para ellas alcanzar estos espacios. Han sido necesarias reformas constitucionales y expedición de leyes, como las que rigen los partidos políticos, para que las mujeres alcancen mayor visibilidad en la esfera pública y no solamente se les permite la participación política, sino también hacer parte de la estructura interna de sus partidos. ; This project focusses on understand how the gender equality is tackled by political parties in Colombia, for which a qualitative research was conducted with a sample of eight parties in the last Senate elections 2018-2022. Knowing about how the gender equality is dealt in the political and the internal democracy of the parties was the goal of this project, therefore we aimed to recognize the advances that since the XIX century the political parties have reached regarding women' participation. Beyond what the parties propose ideologically on gender equity, its application is analyzed in its advertising campaigns in order to understand how this is being received in public opinion. When women earned the right to suffrage, they achieved to penetrate into democracy and political life, but it was not easy for them to reach these spaces. Constitutional reforms and a new legislation, such as laws regulating the functioning of political parties, have been necessary so that women can achieve greater visibility in the public sphere and not only political participation, but also part of the internal structure of their parties. ; Magíster en Comunicación Política ; Maestría

The focus of this research is Alexei Navalny's framing of nationalism in his personal blog during the years of 2013-2017. The main task of this research is to continue and supplement Natalia Moen-Larsen's research on how A. Navalny constructs "normal nationalism" in his LiveJournal blog. Lack of a full picture of A. Navalny's discourse on nationalism besides his globally-known specialization on anti-corruption is the problem of this research. Below are the main concluding points of the research that were revealed by fulfilling the tasks of the thesis: a) completed inductive content analysis resulted in 2271 read blog posts by the author; b) 61 blog entries were sampled for an in-depth frame analysis as they featured frames and discourse on nationalism; c) A. Navalny's ideas of nationalism become milder than they were in the beginning of his political career; d) A. Navalny frames nationalism as a combination of patriotism, ethno-nationalism, xenophobia, and anti-fascistic discourse; e) end of a rather successful campaign for A. Navalny of Moscow mayoral elections of 2013 marks a breaking point when Navalny starts to adopt a catch-all logic, in order to maintain and balance support of him by both liberals and nationalists; f) frames and discourse on nationalism become almost non-existent in A. Navalny's personal blog in the years of 2013-2017, compared to 2006-2012. Completion of this thesis has supplemented N. Moen-Larsen's research of 2014 by expanding the timeframe from 2013 to the April of 2017. In this way, empirical value of this study is a more complete picture of A. Navalny's discourse on nationalism – from 2006 until 2017. This research creates guidelines for future investigations. First of all, a similar investigation could be initiated, but with a focus on other social media platforms that are actively used by A. Navalny. One of these could be his Youtube channel where he and his anti-corruption investigation team upload popular videos that could possibly feature more frames of nationalist ideas. Detaching from A. Navalny, conclusions of this research raise a question of whether and, if so, how other politicians and/or political activists with right-wing origins change their discourses on nationalism in relation to time and increasing popularity and/or visibility, especially taking into consideration current political developments in Central Europe.

The focus of this research is Alexei Navalny's framing of nationalism in his personal blog during the years of 2013-2017. The main task of this research is to continue and supplement Natalia Moen-Larsen's research on how A. Navalny constructs "normal nationalism" in his LiveJournal blog. Lack of a full picture of A. Navalny's discourse on nationalism besides his globally-known specialization on anti-corruption is the problem of this research. Below are the main concluding points of the research that were revealed by fulfilling the tasks of the thesis: a) completed inductive content analysis resulted in 2271 read blog posts by the author; b) 61 blog entries were sampled for an in-depth frame analysis as they featured frames and discourse on nationalism; c) A. Navalny's ideas of nationalism become milder than they were in the beginning of his political career; d) A. Navalny frames nationalism as a combination of patriotism, ethno-nationalism, xenophobia, and anti-fascistic discourse; e) end of a rather successful campaign for A. Navalny of Moscow mayoral elections of 2013 marks a breaking point when Navalny starts to adopt a catch-all logic, in order to maintain and balance support of him by both liberals and nationalists; f) frames and discourse on nationalism become almost non-existent in A. Navalny's personal blog in the years of 2013-2017, compared to 2006-2012. Completion of this thesis has supplemented N. Moen-Larsen's research of 2014 by expanding the timeframe from 2013 to the April of 2017. In this way, empirical value of this study is a more complete picture of A. Navalny's discourse on nationalism – from 2006 until 2017. This research creates guidelines for future investigations. First of all, a similar investigation could be initiated, but with a focus on other social media platforms that are actively used by A. Navalny. One of these could be his Youtube channel where he and his anti-corruption investigation team upload popular videos that could possibly feature more frames of nationalist ideas. Detaching from A. Navalny, conclusions of this research raise a question of whether and, if so, how other politicians and/or political activists with right-wing origins change their discourses on nationalism in relation to time and increasing popularity and/or visibility, especially taking into consideration current political developments in Central Europe.

The focus of this research is Alexei Navalny's framing of nationalism in his personal blog during the years of 2013-2017. The main task of this research is to continue and supplement Natalia Moen-Larsen's research on how A. Navalny constructs "normal nationalism" in his LiveJournal blog. Lack of a full picture of A. Navalny's discourse on nationalism besides his globally-known specialization on anti-corruption is the problem of this research. Below are the main concluding points of the research that were revealed by fulfilling the tasks of the thesis: a) completed inductive content analysis resulted in 2271 read blog posts by the author; b) 61 blog entries were sampled for an in-depth frame analysis as they featured frames and discourse on nationalism; c) A. Navalny's ideas of nationalism become milder than they were in the beginning of his political career; d) A. Navalny frames nationalism as a combination of patriotism, ethno-nationalism, xenophobia, and anti-fascistic discourse; e) end of a rather successful campaign for A. Navalny of Moscow mayoral elections of 2013 marks a breaking point when Navalny starts to adopt a catch-all logic, in order to maintain and balance support of him by both liberals and nationalists; f) frames and discourse on nationalism become almost non-existent in A. Navalny's personal blog in the years of 2013-2017, compared to 2006-2012. Completion of this thesis has supplemented N. Moen-Larsen's research of 2014 by expanding the timeframe from 2013 to the April of 2017. In this way, empirical value of this study is a more complete picture of A. Navalny's discourse on nationalism – from 2006 until 2017. This research creates guidelines for future investigations. First of all, a similar investigation could be initiated, but with a focus on other social media platforms that are actively used by A. Navalny. One of these could be his Youtube channel where he and his anti-corruption investigation team upload popular videos that could possibly feature more frames of nationalist ideas. Detaching from A. Navalny, conclusions of this research raise a question of whether and, if so, how other politicians and/or political activists with right-wing origins change their discourses on nationalism in relation to time and increasing popularity and/or visibility, especially taking into consideration current political developments in Central Europe.

The focus of this research is Alexei Navalny's framing of nationalism in his personal blog during the years of 2013-2017. The main task of this research is to continue and supplement Natalia Moen-Larsen's research on how A. Navalny constructs "normal nationalism" in his LiveJournal blog. Lack of a full picture of A. Navalny's discourse on nationalism besides his globally-known specialization on anti-corruption is the problem of this research. Below are the main concluding points of the research that were revealed by fulfilling the tasks of the thesis: a) completed inductive content analysis resulted in 2271 read blog posts by the author; b) 61 blog entries were sampled for an in-depth frame analysis as they featured frames and discourse on nationalism; c) A. Navalny's ideas of nationalism become milder than they were in the beginning of his political career; d) A. Navalny frames nationalism as a combination of patriotism, ethno-nationalism, xenophobia, and anti-fascistic discourse; e) end of a rather successful campaign for A. Navalny of Moscow mayoral elections of 2013 marks a breaking point when Navalny starts to adopt a catch-all logic, in order to maintain and balance support of him by both liberals and nationalists; f) frames and discourse on nationalism become almost non-existent in A. Navalny's personal blog in the years of 2013-2017, compared to 2006-2012. Completion of this thesis has supplemented N. Moen-Larsen's research of 2014 by expanding the timeframe from 2013 to the April of 2017. In this way, empirical value of this study is a more complete picture of A. Navalny's discourse on nationalism – from 2006 until 2017. This research creates guidelines for future investigations. First of all, a similar investigation could be initiated, but with a focus on other social media platforms that are actively used by A. Navalny. One of these could be his Youtube channel where he and his anti-corruption investigation team upload popular videos that could possibly feature more frames of nationalist ideas. Detaching from A. Navalny, conclusions of this research raise a question of whether and, if so, how other politicians and/or political activists with right-wing origins change their discourses on nationalism in relation to time and increasing popularity and/or visibility, especially taking into consideration current political developments in Central Europe.

Since the election of Narendra Modi in India in 2014 and Donald Trump in the USA in 2016, political analysts and commentators around the globe have increasingly used the concept of fascism to capture the rise of new right-wing authoritarianism in various countries. Activists and academics in Europe are much more reluctant to use the word fascism, for several reasons. One reason is that – because of the alarming associations which fascism evokes in German – the term was often instrumentalized, and used to discredit political opponents, without a sound theoretical analysis. There is also a big reluctance to transfer the term to countries outside Europe, especially to the countries in the South – because it would further relativize the concept. Walden Bello is a prominent voice who started using the concept of fascism since early 2017 for the new regime under Rodrigo Duterte in the Philippines. He repeated his analysis of Duterte as a "fascist original" and his regime as "creeping fascism" at the International Convention of Asia Scholars (ICAS) in July 2017 as well as in recent articles (Bello, 2017). In October 2017, Bello was among the founding members of a new group, the Laban ng Masa coalition to combat the "fascist" policy of Duterte (Villanueva, 2017). In his most recent paper in the Journal of Peasant Studies, he broadened his analysis and compared the rise of Fascism in Italy in the 1920s with the establishment of the New Order under Suharto in Indonesia in 1964/1965, Chile at times of the coup d'état in 1973, Thailand in 1976, and the Philippines today (Bello, 2018). With his articles and his political campaigns, he opened a new chapter of academic discussion and political activism on fascism in the South. Walden Bello is currently a professor of sociology at the State University of New York at Binghamton and senior research fellow at the Center for Southeast Asian Studies of Kyoto University in Japan. He served as a member of the House of Representatives of the Philippines from 2009 to 2015, during which he was chairman of the Committee on Overseas Workers Affairs. In our interview conducted in December 2017, we discussed theoretical problems in dealing with the concept of fascism as well as strategic challenges for political activism.