Suchergebnisse

The close relation between language and politics was noted by George Orwell many years ago. Undoubtedly, no other political phenomenon brings this relationship more sharply into focus than that of nationalism."In our time, the national community has assumed paramount power," notes Frederick Hertz. Along with this development, "the national language has become one of the idols of a new religion. All nations regard it as a symbol of their independence and honour, as the supreme expression of their personality, and they esteem its exclusive domination within their national territory more highly than obvious spiritual and material advantages." Indeed, language has been widely (though in some cases erroneously) accepted as one of the prime indicators of national identity.

The paper is a qualitative analysis of the status of women and women in politics and administration in Nepal Himalaya. The paper reviews data on women in civil service and in administrative levels. Looking at women in Nepali politics, policy on women, and women in administration, the paper highlights some social and cultural issues that have "othered" women as the "second sex." As the country is heading towards modernity, gender friendly approaches are being instituted. Although some data reflects the progress of women's status and their increasing political and administrative participation, the data is insufficient to predict if there is democratic gender practices in political and administrative levels. The political and administrative culture of Nepal Himalaya can be changed only by promoting gender practices and by deconstructing gender images in administrative culture. This is possible through a representative bureaucracy and an enforcement of democratic policies. The paper will discuss the social constructionist view of policy, gender, and culture and how the deconstruction of gender images help women better their administrative positions.

The focus of this paper is a discussion of anxiety and politics as they relate to business school pedagogy. Using ideas from critical management education (CME), the paper explores why and how to engage with the anxiety mobilized through attempts to learn. The aim is to discuss emotional and political dynamics that are generated, and too often avoided, in management education. Making these dynamics overt in the classroom can help managers to comprehend the political context within which management takes place. Examples informed by CME are presented, as well as reflections from the author on the anxiety and politics that emerge for the critical management educator in a business school context. The contribution in the paper is to show the way that anxieties and politics within the business school classroom offer opportunities to change how business schools approach the teaching of managers. CME adds value to management education because it challenges what and how individuals and groups expect to learn, and consequently it challenges assumptions about how learning takes place within business schools. Such challenges are seen as an important and integral part of 'making the business school more critical'.

This paper presents a theoretical reframing of journalism as a fundamentally mobile practice and outlines a research agenda for studying the politics of mobility in journalism that is centered on the everyday work of journalists. Our reframing draws on geographer Tim Cresswell's work on the six components of a politics of mobility, which are motive force, speed, rhythm, route, experience, and friction (Cresswell, T. 2010. "Towards a Politics of Mobility." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 28 (1): 17-31). Cresswell poses six key questions about mobility, and rephrasing them to to fit journalists, we get why do journalists move?; how fast do journalists move?; according to what rhythm do journalists move?; what route(s) do journalists take?; how do journalists feel when they move?; and what stops/impedes the movement of journalists? These questions entail a research framework concerned with the different conditions of movement for different bodies, thus drawing attention to previously under-studied areas of journalism studies.

Federal prohibitions of corporate & union contributions have been motivated by 2 objectives: to reduce or eliminate domination of the electoral process by business & labor through their aggregated wealth, & to protect stockholders & union members from having their organizations' funds used for political purposes of which they do not approve. Federal regulations have been largely ineffective in preventing corporate & union monies from reaching political candidates & parties both legally & illegally. Recent developments, including passage of the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971 as amended in 1974, important decisions by the Supreme Court since 1972, & rulings by the Federal Election Commission, have widened the area of legal campaign-related activities in which corporations & labor organizations can engage, particularly through political action committees. The liberalization of previous restrictions, together with more rigorous & effective electoral disclosure requirements, & widespread public suspicion concerning the political activities of "special interests" make it likely that business corporations & labor unions will be quite circumspect in their election involvements during 1976. However, several legal & political issues which could affect corporate & union campaign activities in 1976 & beyond, remain unresolved. Modified HA.

Muslims in Karangasem are relatively homogeneous since they originate from the Sasak tribe, Lombok. The story of the conquest of the kingdom in Lombok by the Kingdom of Karangasem turned out to be the beginning of the Sasak tribe Muslims occupying 25 of the 26 Islamic villages, except the Saren Javanese Islamic Village from Demak, Java. The pattern of settlement through the Islamic Village further spreads around the Kingdom of Karangasem. Sasak tribe Muslims were then currently placed in the catu land which belonged to the kingdom. One of the numerous fascinating Muslim villages is Segara Katon. Some of its residents are still of Balinese origin as the result of the marriage of converted Gamongan people to Segara Katon women. Another uniqueness is the existence of the bale banjar which even though it has been acknowledged as a form of acculturation between Hinduism and Islam in the past, yet, it has been left standing although its function has presently begun to shift along with the establishment of the Nurul Jihad Mosque. The long history and traditions that they experienced in a relatively long time were made a fabulous social capital to survive in the midst of various changes, including being active and creative in strengthening peaceful relations with Hindus through multiple local wisdom. To be able to explore data and analyze how Balinese Muslim people in Segara Katon see themselves and their social world, field research was carried out through interviews, observation, and document studies.

EU enlargement policy is organized through a series of practices that regulate its relations with enlargement countries, including Albania, a candidate for EU membership. The aim of this contribution is modest in that it does not seek to engage in a discussion about the actual impact of EU conditionality. Instead, it takes the well-known limitations of external interference as given, and seeks to demonstrate the importance of an often-neglected institution in the process: sub-committees. These bodies bring together EU and Albanian officials and comprise a major part of the EU's engagement with enlargement countries. Imposing conditionality through sub-committee meetings, including in the field of human rights, is a practice that occupies most of the time of the European Union services working at the offices that maintain relations with Albania. However, this instrument has received scant attention in the literature.

Since at least the late 1970s, we have had to grapple with the question of how economics influences politics. Before scholars made use of extensive survey research, most observers, noting the relationship between the state of the economy and election outcomes, argued that individual voters were driven by their own financial concerns. Using survey data, scholars found that individual economic concerns were not strongly related to vote choice. The work of Kinder and Kiewiet (1979, 1981) further upset this consensus by showing that voters were more concerned with the collective than their own concerns. The research presented here, making use of the rather unique 1992 ANES, argues that voters are concerned with both. The apparent non-existent relationship between egocentric economic evaluations and political evaluations is the result of question wording. When appropriately worded egocentric and sociotropic economic survey items are put in equations predicting political phenomena, both are important.

This introduction to the politics and society of the Third World/South provides wide-ranging coverage of major theoretical and methodological issues in this field. Case studies support learning in the key areas.