Suchergebnisse

This article explores the scientific fraud case of the South Korean stem cell scientist Woo-Suk Hwang, which represents a struggle over political identity. The South Korean state supported Hwang's research hoping to establish Korean scientific-technological leadership in biotechnology, but it combined this globalization strategy with an identity politics built around the Korean people. The emerging bionationalism exceeded traditional ethnic nationalism insofar as the traditional ethnicity marker of ''blood'' was displaced by biologically scientifically grounded notions such as the stem cell or the oocyte. These new biological markers defined national identity and embedded the transformative potential of modern biomedicine to be put into the service of Korean bodies and the nation's economic future. Bionationalistic mobilization became hegemonic in South Korea in 2000 and undermined the democratic process, giving rise to violations against core principles of good governance. This bionationalistic narrative was challenged by an attempt to define political identity through the ideas of political citizenship, liberal democracy, and participation. The South Korean government has terminated its bionationalistic mobilization, but the struggles over Hwang and Korean identity linger.

Political monuments in Europe played an important role in the construction of national traditions and as spectacles of governmental power in the nineteenth century. But while the genre of the heroic statue had waned in Europe and America by the 1960s, it was an important convention utilized by the newly independent country of Jamaica to authorize a new concept of the self that had been marginalized under colonial rule. As a new and different model of achievement, the local and mostly black "ancestral" heroic figures and their attending monuments served to instill a sense of pride and confidence in the populace, which in turn gave legitimacy to the new leadership base of the present. Visual displays are part of the social practices of memory that create and reinforce political communities. This article therefore addresses the aesthetic terms by which a "bold" national history, to quote Edna Manley's description of Bogle, is established, fashioned, or brought to material life. How do images participate in the constitution of identity through history, and what are the ambivalences or tensions such displays reveal about the political culture of the new nation?

The Council Secretariat, under the leadership of Javier Solana, has become an indispensable actor in the context of the CFSP. This article gives a comprehensive overview of this institution's development path since the beginning of European Political Cooperation (1970). It argues that with the entry into force of the Amsterdam Treaty and the parallel Cologne European Council (both 1999), the Secretariat received at once a political and a military dimension. This has been the basis for a significant expansion during the last decade. From a wider perspective it shows that the Council Secretariat fills the political absence of the European Commission in the field of the CFSP. The Council Secretariat is basically strong in areas where the Commission is weak. These inter–institutional dynamics are important with a view to the Lisbon Treaty, which will see a partial merger of the CFSP services in both institutions. Lastly this article argues on a theoretical level that while these developments are significant, the rationale behind the Council Secretariat is different from the role of the Commission in the first pillar and this limits its potential.

Does Russia impact on governance structures in Ukraine? Does the Russian leadership have either a motive or leverage to shape Ukraine's political system? What has determined Russian foreign policy vis-à-vis Ukraine since the fall of the Soviet Union? This paper takes up these questions and investigates the historical background to the current relationship between Russia and Ukraine, outlines the dyadic dependencies and conflicting interests and analyses Russia's Ukraine policy with a special focus on political practices rather than formal policies. On the one hand, Moscow's direct impact on Ukraine has declined since the country's independence in 1991 and its closer affiliation with European structures. On the other hand, Ukraine remains vulnerable to subversive Russian influence deriving from cultural, structural, organisational and societal similarities, as well as from a deep connection between the business elites and populations of both countries. Since the Orange revolution, Russian-Ukrainian relations were increasingly shaped by conflicting political processes under way in both countries with Russia aiming to retain Ukraine within its sphere of influence by creating and strengthening anti-western platforms inside the country.

Highlights: The United States has a generally strong anti-corruption and governance framework, through troubling exceptions exist, contributing to recent high-level lobbying and corruption scandals. Official secrecy is increasing. Lobbyists exploit loopholes in campaign finance regulations. The United States lacks a true ombudsman; instead a collection of oversight agencies, few of them truly independent, monitor different aspects of governance. The Inspectors General (IG), a key element of this framework, has received considerable political pressure, and IG appointments often go to party loyalists. In the civil service, political appointments made by the president without congressional approval have increased 33 percent between 2000 and 2005 (FEMA leadership during Hurricane Katrina was an example of these appointments at work).This peer-reviewed country report includes:Integrity Indicators Scorecard: Scores, scoring criteria, commentary, references, and peer review perspectives for more than 300 Integrity Indicators.Reporter's Notebook: An on-the-ground look at corruption and integrity from a leading local journalist.Corruption Timeline: Ten years of political context to today's corruption and integrity issues.Country Facts: Statistical context for each country.

This research paper examines the politico-strategic motivations of the Bush Administration's effort to foster Free Trade Agreements to a number of countries, including the Philippines. It argues that FTAs are being used by the U.S. as means of advancing the trade interest of American business, as well as ensuring its leadership in the global political economy. The article observes that the current attempt of the Bush Administration to push for FTAs is driven by political dynamics. Among these are the competition between the Congress and the White House, the U.S. strategy in the war on terror, pressuring the E.U to another round of trade liberalization negotiations, and ensuring American access to the East Asian regional economy. The article then discusses the specific politico-strategic motives of the Bush Administration in its offer of an FTA to the Philippines. In conclusion, it explores the possible political ramifications of an FTA with the U.S. on Philippine society and how the Philippine government can respond to this offer of a preferential trading arrangement from its major security ally.

Issues of administrative responsiveness to the disadvantaged (as distinct from formal policy responsiveness) possess important implications for American democracy. In this regard, the administrative practices that facilitate or impede enrollment, or take-up, in social programs deserve attention. This study focuses on two means-tested programs in the context of American federalism, Medicaid & the State Children's Health Insurance Program. Based on an in-depth analysis of seventeen states, we develop an index of administrative responsiveness to the disadvantaged related to take-up. We then explore some possible sources of variation in responsiveness rooted in the task environment, political ideology, good government culture & practice, & signals from political principals. Our findings point to the need to refine & expand upon existing explanations of state variation in social programs. Among other things, this study suggests the political importance of international (not interstate) population mobility & gubernatorial leadership (rather than bureaucratic autonomy) in shaping administrative responsiveness to the disadvantaged. It also points to the need for a contingent approach in examining whether the greater presence of racial minorities tends to depress such responsiveness. Tables, References. Adapted from the source document.

This monograph begins with a short discussion of contemporary insurgency. It makes the argument that, in studying terror war, guerrilla war, or any other common term for insurgency war, we find these expressions mischaracterize the activities of armed groups that are attempting to gain political control of a nation-state. The fact is that these organizations are engaged in a highly complex political-psychological war. Three key harbinger cases from which the first contemporary lessons of modern insurgency should have been learned provide the basis for the argument--Peru (1962 to date), Italy (1968-82), and Argentina (1969-79). Given that these kinds of conflict--or mutations--are likely to continue to challenge U.S. and other global leadership over the next several years, it is important to understand them. In this connection, it is also important to understand that the final results of insurgency or counterinsurgency are never determined by arms alone. Rather, a successful counterinsurgency depends on a holistic process that relies on civilian and military agencies and contingents working together in an integrated fashion to achieve a mutually agreed political-strategic end game. ; https://press.armywarcollege.edu/monographs/1761/thumbnail.jpg

This overview of American Muslim politics surveys the major communities and organizations of Muslims in the USA and their discourses before and after 11 September 2001. African Americans, Arab Americans and South Asian Americans are the three largest groups, and, after setting out their differences, the political discourses and practices drawing them together in American politics are analyzed. The important conflict between the many new, western-educated professional leaders of the Muslim political coalitions in the US, whose knowledge of classical Islamic civilization and law is not great, and the fewer numbers of classically-trained legal scholars is discussed, leading to a review of personal issues that are also intensely political, particularly those concerning gender roles. 11 September produced challenges to the new professional leadership from the mainstream American media and government officials, opening up the field of discourse about Muslims in America. This has led to a greater focus on US domestic issues and perhaps a larger role for the young generation of American Muslims. The overall trajectory is that of an evolving and distinctively American set of Muslim discourses and practices.

Pluralism in Hong Kong and Chinese Tolerance, by Michael Yahuda
Beijing has displayed greater tolerance for the exercise of autonomy in Hong Kong than was expected because it serves Beijing's wider interests with regard to Taiwan and to using Hong Kong as a key contributor to economie reform and economie development in China. Contrary to the fears of many Chinese officials, Hong Kong has not been used for subversive purposes by hostile foreign forces and its recovery has strengthened the leadership position of Jiang Zemin. Beijing is confident in the high level people it selectea to serve as the executive government and does not appear to be troubled by the prospect that HK may serve as a model for political reform in China. In fact it seeks to « learn » from HK about the rule of law, professionalism in the civil service, and how to regulate a market economy. As a result people in HK have unexpected opportunities to define their own political identity and already there are signs or new political cleavages emerging now that the colonial era is over.

The studies of the 1970s present the local authority as in control of its pressure group environment. Pressure groups are brought into decision-making on a selective basis when they are in tune with a local authority's concerns. Drawing on evidence from Leicestershire and elsewhere we argue that from the late 1970s onwards many local authorities have created new opportunities for interaction with a wider range of better resourced pressure groups. Yet the tone of relations remains set by the local authority with its political preferences directing diverse development in different areas. From the mid-1980s onwards a number of factors have made the dominance of the local political arena by local authorities more problematic. We argue against those who see business leadership automatically stepping to the fore, but note the scope for increased influence from business and non-business pressure groups. Local authorities still have a number of resources and management strategies at their disposal and the pattern of local pressure group activity may continue to vary depending on the composition of the local political system.

Political analysts often tend to focus upon periods of high-level diplomatic tension or 'crises' when examining and attempting to draw conclusions about foreign policy. Since these critical and highly visible episodes generally bring to the foreground the underlying combinations of geo-political, strategic, economic, ideological, and bureaucratic elements, as well as individual styles of leadership which affect interstate relations, this attraction to political drama is understandable. But in adopting a 'crisis' approach for determining when and what events merit serious exploration, consequential changes may be overlooked, or recognised belatedly, which have subtly crept into a particular government-to-government relationship during relatively uneventful times. The need for scholars to look to the past with more discerning eyes, as well as for foreign policy decision-makers to keep abreast with the day-to-day non-crisis international affairs of state, can be illustrated by the long-term impact of fundamental changes which occurred in the policy of the United States towards the Horn of Africa during the relative calm of the mid-1960s.

Draft speech prepared for President Kennedy for the 11th Annual Presidential Prayer Breakfast sponsored by the International Christian Leadership Group ; -3- know we cannot meet the expectations of the people without this access to spiritual power and direction. In the determination of decisions, God's guidance can be felt and governmental service may, on occasion, truly become a sacrament. Everyone of us has at times been buffeted and our political courses may have seemed full of frustration, yet God has made his strength and counsel available and will continue to do so. I am confident that from these meetings there will be a wider recognition of government's reliance upon religious resources which the churches, as stewards of our faith, supply. The congeniality which we may experience in the inspiration of these moments together as men of faith may become a constructive force in government. The Christian community supplies opportunities of worship and a stimulation to moral action for men and women of both political parties, while the political community provides outlets of service for all religious faiths.