Suchergebnisse

Depuis quelques années, les références au territoire ou à ses dérivés dans les sciences sociales se révèlent d'un usage assez problématique en raison des incertitudes de sens qu'elles expriment. D'une part, le terme génère souvent des acceptions ambiguës dans les discours experts. Les invocations récurrentes et réversibles aux " projets de territoire " et aux " territoires de projet " en donnent une belle illustration. De même le qualificatif passe-partout de " territorial " est-il sur-utilisé pour donner des vertus aux termes de gouvernance, de légitimité, d'équité, de développement, de continuité, de leadership ou d'excellence. La " territorialisation " des politiques publiques devient aussi une sorte d'évidence dans l'action publique sans que l'on sache toujours s'il s'agit de déconcentration, de décentralisation ou de management organisationnel. Qui plus est, le terme ne favorise guère les confrontations dans la mesure où il s'accompagne d'exportations scientifiques pour le moins incertaines. Sans traduction vraiment satisfaisante (local, place, territory.), le territoire reste entaché d'une spécificité française qui rend difficile les passerelles avec les notions anglosaxonnes de local government, urban regime, urban governance, policy networks ou encore growth coalition. De fait, la notion de " territoire " possède un statut ambigu car elle est à la fois omniprésente dans les débats portant sur les questions de pouvoir ou d'institutions, mais quasiment jamais théorisée en tant que telle en France dans les sciences du politique. Dans sa thèse consacrée à " L'invention du territoire ", Paul Alliès situe les fondations de cette étrangeté à la Révolution française. La notion s'est imposée à partir d'une représentation " naturelle " des frontières politiques de la France, alors qu'elle se dessinait surtout sur une construction juridique singulièrement attachée aux rouages administratifs de l'État-nation en formation. Pendant deux siècles, cette imbrication politico-administrative initiale a toujours été décrite ...

Depuis quelques années, les références au territoire ou à ses dérivés dans les sciences sociales se révèlent d'un usage assez problématique en raison des incertitudes de sens qu'elles expriment. D'une part, le terme génère souvent des acceptions ambiguës dans les discours experts. Les invocations récurrentes et réversibles aux " projets de territoire " et aux " territoires de projet " en donnent une belle illustration. De même le qualificatif passe-partout de " territorial " est-il sur-utilisé pour donner des vertus aux termes de gouvernance, de légitimité, d'équité, de développement, de continuité, de leadership ou d'excellence. La " territorialisation " des politiques publiques devient aussi une sorte d'évidence dans l'action publique sans que l'on sache toujours s'il s'agit de déconcentration, de décentralisation ou de management organisationnel. Qui plus est, le terme ne favorise guère les confrontations dans la mesure où il s'accompagne d'exportations scientifiques pour le moins incertaines. Sans traduction vraiment satisfaisante (local, place, territory.), le territoire reste entaché d'une spécificité française qui rend difficile les passerelles avec les notions anglosaxonnes de local government, urban regime, urban governance, policy networks ou encore growth coalition. De fait, la notion de " territoire " possède un statut ambigu car elle est à la fois omniprésente dans les débats portant sur les questions de pouvoir ou d'institutions, mais quasiment jamais théorisée en tant que telle en France dans les sciences du politique. Dans sa thèse consacrée à " L'invention du territoire ", Paul Alliès situe les fondations de cette étrangeté à la Révolution française. La notion s'est imposée à partir d'une représentation " naturelle " des frontières politiques de la France, alors qu'elle se dessinait surtout sur une construction juridique singulièrement attachée aux rouages administratifs de l'État-nation en formation. Pendant deux siècles, cette imbrication politico-administrative initiale a toujours été décrite ...

El artículo analiza las características y los desplazamientos de la identidad peronista en la provincia de Santa Fe entre los años 1983 y 1995. A partir de un enfoque de sociología política de las identidades, se indaga en el modo en el que el peronismo provincial recuperó y resignificó elementos de su tradición y de su historia, como así también la manera en la que definió sus límites internos a partir de operaciones de representación movilizadas por el liderazgo de los distintos gobernadores peronistas del período. La investigación recurre al análisis de contenido del discurso y se sustenta en la exploración de materiales de prensa, de archivos provinciales y de bibliografía especializada. Como resultado, se observa (contra el sentido común académico extendido en torno a las ideas de "vaciamiento", "desintegración" y "crisis" de las identidades políticas históricas durante los años ochenta y, especialmente, durante los noventa) la persistencia y, por ello mismo, la transformación y la ductilidad de la identidad política peronista. ; The article analyzes the characteristics and changes of Peronist identity in the province of Santa Fe between 1983 and 1995. From an approach based on a political sociology of identities, it investigates the way in which provincial Peronism re-signified elements of its tradition and its history, as well as the way in which it defined its internal limits from processes of representation carried out by the leadership of the different Peronist governors of the period. The research is based on the content analysis of the discourse and it explores press materials, provincial archives and specialized bibliography. As a result, it is observed (against the widespread academic common sense around the ideas of "emptying", "disintegration" and "crisis" of the historical political identities during the eighties and, especially, during the nineties) the persistence and, for this reason, the transformation and ductility of the Peronist political identity. ; Fil: Lascurain, María Cecilia. ...

Sakaran Dandai merupakan pemimpin politik berpengaruh di Semporna. Beliau menjadi Ahli Dewan Undangan Negeri (ADUN) Semporna sejak 1967 sehingga tahun 1994 dan Ahli Parlimen Semporna sejak 1974 sehingga tahun 1990. Dalam tempoh masa berkenaan, beliau bukan sahaja mampu mengekalkan pengaruh dan kuasanya dalam politik Semporna, malahan berjaya menjawat pelbagai jawatan tertinggi politik di peringkat negeri dan persekutuan. Setelah dilantik sebagai Tuan Yang Dipertua (TYT) Negeri Sabah pada Januari 1995 dan bersara dari politik, anak beliau, Nasir Sakaran dipilih menjadi penerus legasi beliau. Nasir Sakaran menjadi ADUN Semporna pada tahun 1994. Walau bagaimanapun, pengaruh Nasir Sakaran tidak konsisten sehinggalah beliau kalah dalam PRU-14 pada tahun 2018. Kekalahan ini menyebabkan berakhirnya 50 tahun legasi kepimpinan Sakaran Dandai dalam politik Semporna. Justeru, objektif utama artikel ini ialah menganalisis perkembangan kepimpinan legasi Sakaran Dandai dalam politik Semporna serta sebab legasi kepimpinan tersebut gagal dipertahankan pada PRU-14 tahun 2018. Bagi mencapai objektif ini, kaedah penyelidikan perpustakaan dan temu bual dilakukan. Kaedah penyelidikan perpustakaan dilakukan dengan merujuk sumber sekunder dalam bentuk surat khabar yang diperoleh di Arkib Negeri Sabah serta sumber-sumber sekunder lain seperti jurnal dan buku yang diperoleh di perpustakaan universiti dan negeri. Temu bual digunakan bagi membolehkan usaha dokumentasi fakta yang tidak terdapat dalam bentuk penulisan diperoleh. Melalui analisis dan kaedah penyelidikan yang digunakan, kajian ini mendapati bahawa legasi Sakaran Dandai dapat dikekalkan selama 50 tahun disebabkan kepimpinannya yang masih dianggap signifikan bagi pandangan masyarakat Semporna. Walau bagaimanapun, legasi berkenaan tidak kekal relevan sehingga 2018 disebabkan ciri-ciri kepimpinan beliau yang tidak diwarisi oleh legasi kepimpinan selepasnya selain berlakunya perubahan ciri-ciri politik semasa menjelang PRU-14 di Sabah.
Abstract
Sakar Dandai is an influential political leader in Semporna. He became Semporna State Assemblyman from 1967 until 1994 and Member of Parliament from 1974 until 1990. During that period, he not only managed to maintain his influence and power in Semporna's politics but also succeeded in various political positions at state and federal levels. After appointed as Tuan Yang Terutama (TYT) in January 1995 and retired from politics, his son, Nasir Sakaran was 2 elected to be his successor. Nasir Sakaran became Semporna Assemblyman in 1994. However, Nasir Sakaran's influence was inconsistent until he lost to the GE-14 in 2018. The defeat led to the end of the 50 years legacy of Sakaran Dandai's leadership in Semporna's politics. Thus, this study aims to analyse the development of the Sakaran Dandai's legacy in Semporna's politics, as well as the reason for that leadership's legacy, failed to be maintained in the 14th general election in 2018. To achieve the objectives, the research methodology of this study is based on research library and interviews. The primary resources of library research are based on the newspapers found in the Sabah State Archives and secondary sources such as journal and books found in university and state library. Interviews are used to complement the library research especially when the facts are not available in written form. This study discovered that the Sakaran Dandai legacy can be maintained for 50 years because of its leadership that is still considered significant for the Semporna community's view. However, the legacy has remained unchanged until 2018 due to its leadership qualities which were not inherited by its later leadership legacy as well as the changing political character of the current GE-14 in Sabah.

I propose in this paper to examine majority voting with the tools of elementary game theory. This, in itself, represents nothing new. The "majority game" has been analysed by numerous game theorists. I propose, however, to derive certain implications from the analysis for the utilization of resources in the public or collective sector of the economy.The models of collective decision-making that must be employed are necessarily abstract; so much so that the analyses may seem to appear to some observers as caricatures of actual political processes. Analysis must start somewhere, however, and even the most abstract of models, by isolating specific features of real-world institutions, may prove helpful to our over-all understanding. I shall introduce a model of pure democracy. That is to say, I shall assume that all collective decisions are to be made by a simple majority voting process in which all citizens participate. All problems of representation, leadership, parties, and coalitions shall be left out of account. Furthermore, I shall assume that the individual citizens in the model are motivated by utility-maximizing considerations; that is, each individual is assumed to vote in such a manner as to maximize his own utility. This assumption allows numerical values to be placed in the expected pay-offs that individuals receive through political processes. If the expected pay-offs can be numerically correlated with observable economic quantities or magnitudes, some provisional and tentative implications may be drawn concerning the tendency of majority voting rules to "over-extend" or to "starve" the public sector of the economy relative to the private sector.

This article explores how conversation between the thought of certain Islamic and Christian thinkers, such as Agapetos, Gregory the Great and Sa`di, sheds light on how loyalty and obligation function within institutions of kingship and in political experience more generally. The argument shows how a focus on Late Antique notions of kingship is a particularly fruitful focus for conversation between Islamic and Christian political thought. The exposition of texts pays particular attention to political concepts' dependence on salvation historical understanding in order to examine ways of conceptualising and generating the interrelation of obligation and criticism that commonly constitutes the interrelation of peoples with rulers. With Hellenism as the bridging tradition through which diverse forms of Islamic and Christian political thought pass, the argument explores the moral psychology of institutions of kingship, especially affections such as fear and love by which political loyalty and obligation are said to operate. The conversation concludes by developing a notion of 'good shepherds under law', evoked both by Christian interpretations of the Davidic tradition and Islamic interpretations of the relation of ruler to ruled, summarised as a 'pastoral contract'. These political interpretations, while not reducible to each other, together build a bridge to support that tense communion through which better understanding of political life may be gained. In exploring the psychology of leadership as an elemental phenomenon of political life, the argument signals beyond the premodern contexts from which the authors discussed are principally drawn towards interpretation of present-day political experience.

El propósito principal del presente trabajo es el estudio teórico y empírico del fenómeno conocido como "techo de cristal" en los parlamentos autonómicos. Para ello, se han estudiado las Comunidades y Ciudades Autónomas, así como las organizaciones políticas con mayor representación en dichas cámaras, con la finalidad de analizar la composición y estructura de los cargos de alto poder, y medir en qué grado se logra el 40% de participación mínimo marcada por la Ley Orgánica 3/2007 o si incluso, se alcanzan porcentaje más elevados. A partir de los resultados obtenidos, estudiamos las causas que provocan una mayor o menor igualdad en las regiones analizadas, para finalmente determinar las diferencias o similitudes entre ellas y construir agrupaciones en base a los elementos encontrados. Posteriormente, confeccionamos un índice que permite cuantificar la existencia de barreras al acceso de la mujer a puestos de poder parlamentarios y políticos en España ; The main aim of this work is to study theoretically and empirically the phenomenon of the "glass ceiling" in the autonomous parliaments. To this end, autonomous communities, autonomous cities and various political organizations have been chosen in order to analyse the composition and structure of the positions of high power, and we will measure if the stake minimum is around the 40% as the law say or if it reached an equal percentage of 50%. From these results, we will study the causes that motive greater or lesser equality in respective regions analysed, to finally be able to determine the differences or similarities between them and build groups based on this. Afterward, we will build an index which will allow deciding whether there are barriers that hinder women's access to positions of power parliamentary and political in Spain ; Universidad de Sevilla. Máster Universitario en Consultoría Económica y Análisis Aplicado

The paper explores the history of the Serbian Progressive Party in the Kingdom of Serbia from 1887 to 1896. After the fall of the government of Milutin Garašanin in June 1887, the Serbian Progressive Party ended among the opposition parties. After the fall of the Progressive Party from power, the first coalition liberal-radical government was formed, headed by Jovan Ristić. The Progressive Party members and supporters were persecuted by the ruling People's Radical Party. The Progressive Party lost the voters and deputies in the National Assembly, which suggested that it would not be able to recover for an extended period. However, less than two years later, in May 1889, the Progressive Party managed to organize a General Assembly, attended by over 2,000 members, who adopted the party program and statute which did not differ substantially from the one from 1881. It was quite obvious that the party leadership wanted to show that the Progressive Party did not disappear from the political scene, but that it temporarily withdrew to reconsolidate and focus on gathering voters. Yet, due to the unrest that erupted in Belgrade during the party assembly, the Party leadership announced in June 1889 that the Progressive Party would temporarily suspend its activities. As the withdrawal from the political scene did not produce any results, the Party leaders decided to resume the Party's activities, hoping that the situation would eventually change in their favor. In the September 1890 elections, the Progressive Party won one parliamentary mandate, which went to the Party's leader, Milutin Garašanin. In the National Assembly, his political struggle against the ruling Radical Party government was hardly observable, but his articles published in the Progressive Party newpaper 'Videlo' (Daylight) had a much greater impact on the readers. During the minority liberal government of Jovan Avakumović, in 1892-1893, there were attempts to reach an agreement on a pre-election coalition between the Liberals and the Progressives against the Radicals, but these attempts failed. After the coup of 1st April 1893, when the Radicals regained power, it was quite clear to the Progressive Party leaders that they could not fight the Radicals on their own. The idea of forming a new political grouping of liberals and progressives was soon abandoned. After the 1888 Constitution had been repealed and the 1869 Constitution had been reinstated, King Alexander tried (with the assistance of rare non-partisan people) to avoid the intransigence of the Progressive Party leaders and the supremacy of the Radicals. After the period of several neutral governments headed by Đorđe Simić (January - April 1894), Svetomir Nikolajević (April - October 1894), and Nikola Hristić (October 1894 - July 1895), the Progressive Party government headed by Stojan Novaković (July 1895 - December 1896) was formed. This government initiated a change in the Constitution but the idea was not upheld by King Alexander, as the Liberals and the Radicals did not agree to instituting the constitutional reform under the administration of the weakest party in the country. In such circumstances, Novaković resigned on 29 December 1896. The next day, the Progressive Party was dissolved by the decision of the Party leadership.

The Sixties were time of conflict and change in Canada and beyond. Radical social movements and countercultures challenged the conservatism of the preceding decade, rejected traditional forms of politics, and demanded an alternative based on the principles of social justice, individual freedom and an end to oppression on all fronts. Yet in Canada a unique political movement emerged which embraced these principles but proposed that New Left social movements – the student and anti-war movements, the women's liberation movement and Canadian nationalists – could bring about radical political change not only through street protests and sit-ins, but also through participation in electoral politics. The Waffle movement, which formed around the "Manifesto for an Independent and Socialist Canada" and challenged the leadership of the New Democratic Party (NDP) from 1969 to 1973, represents a dynamic convergence of many of the social movements that comprised the New Left in Canada. The Waffle argued that the NDP should promote socialist measures to combat American economic domination and ensure Canadian independence while simultaneously engaging with extra-parliamentary struggles. NDP and trade-union leaders, reluctant to adopt such a radical approach, expelled the Waffle from the Ontario NDP in 1972. Despite its short life-span, the Waffle had a considerable influence on Canadian politics and the issues that it raised – Canadian economic dependency, Quebec's right to self-determination, women's equality, and the decline of the manufacturing sector, among others – continue to resonate to this day. Furthermore, the Waffle's impact on Canadian nationalism and its legacy in the NDP, labour and women's movements, radical left and academia remain contested. The Waffle's successes and failures represent a potentially revealing perspective on Canadian politics and society during a period of rapid social change, the Sixties. While the existing historiography has sketched the outlines of the Waffle's history, the focus overall has been limited to analyses of internal leadership disputes and the experience of the Ontario Waffle in particular. Abundant research materials now exist to support a wider and more intensive examination. Through an analysis of the Waffle, focusing on grassroots activists as well as the movement's leadership, this dissertation demonstrates important connections between the Waffle and other New Left social movements. This interconnectivity is particularly significant, as it indicates that the Waffle occupied a unique place in the international New Left, specifically a convergence of social movements which sought to engage with electoral politics through an existing political party, the NDP. The dissertation also revises the movement/party dichotomy which has dominated much of the Waffle/NDP historiography. Finally, my study of the Waffle, a group active from 1969-75, indicates the flaws of applying a declension narrative to the Canadian Sixties, instead demonstrating the value of a "long Sixties" approach. As the clock ticked down on the 1960s, the Canadian New Left neither died nor retreated into cynicism nor lashed out in violence. Instead, its diverse elements, led by the Waffle, nurtured the wild dream of redirecting and leading to triumph an established political party.

This book provides evidence on the relevance of environmental and social factors in decision making. It discusses the Gold Standard Frameworks for integrating extra-financial risks into the philosophy, culture, strategies, products and value chain management procedures of investment and banking and highlights the current emergence of global administrative law. New emerging topics like positive impact investing and finance, climate friendly markets, human rights, the enhanced role of fiduciary duties and shared values are approached with a lot of examples for practical application. Steps towards a new banking culture, a new climate for double loop learning and sustainable financial innovation are outlined and the additional benefits of robust stakeholder engagement explained. The anthology paves the way from robust impact and risk management to positive impact creation and a new investment culture. As well, challenges for the implementation and ways to overcome them are broadly discussed. The book is rooted in the fact that institutions and investors which fail to professionally integrate the management of extra-financial risk into their whole lending and investment chain and fail to move to positive impact creation may well loose positions and mandates and finally the trust of their clients, partners and stakeholders. The contributing authors of this anthology are internationally renowned experts in the field of ESG and impact investing. The compendium brings together practitioners and academics to allow a confluence of thoughts, concepts and viewpoints. This huge variety of perspectives and approaches makes this volume a comprehensive compendium on responsible investment and banking.

Intro -- Foreword -- Preface -- List of Reviewers -- Contents -- Robotic Process Automation as a Precursor to e-Government in the Fourth Industrial Revolution -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Background -- 3 4IR-Based e-Government Design Prospects -- 4 Automation in the Governance Processes -- 5 Robotic Process Automation -- 6 Automation Potential in the South African Public Sector -- 7 Regulatory Environment and Digital Leadership in e-Government -- 8 Integration of e-Government Systems -- 9 Design of 4IR-Based e-Government Systems -- 10 Future Prospects -- 11 Conclusions -- References -- The Disruptive Force of Smart Contracts -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Commercial Advances and Contractual Practices -- 3 Self-driving Smart Contracts -- 3.1 Blockchain Technology -- 3.2 Self-driving Smart Contracts -- 3.3 Future of Smart Contracts -- 4 Constraints, Limitations and Opportunities -- 4.1 Recognition of Virtual Currencies -- 4.2 Regulatory Oversight -- 4.3 Execution of Contractual Layers -- 5 New Skills and Knowledge -- 6 Dispute Resolution Processes -- 6.1 Traditional Dispute Resolution Processes -- 6.2 Technological Developments in Informal Resolution Processes -- 6.3 Technological Developments in Formal Resolution Processes -- 6.4 Disruptive Force and Innovative Dispute Resolution Mechanisms -- 7 Conclusion -- References -- Technologizing Infrastructure for Peace in the Context of Fourth Industrial Revolution -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Responding to Ayse Ceyhan's Thesis -- 2.1 Technology as a 'Constructive' Agent -- 2.2 Technology as a 'Disruptive' Agent -- 3 Scaling Ceyhan's Argument Beyond Security -- 4 Limitations and Lessons for the Future -- 5 Exploring a New Concentric Interface Modelling for a Digital Society -- 6 Conclusion -- References -- State Cybersecurity Governance in the Fourth Industrial Revolution: An International Law Perspective -- 1 Introduction.

The Chinese government introduced the Digital Silk Road (DSR) in a 2015 white paper as a component of its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). It is essentially the technology dimension of the BRI and encompasses all things technology related, from "the development of the digital service sector, such as cross-border e-commerce, smart cities, telemedicine, and internet finance," to accelerating "technological progress including computing, big data, Internet of Things, artificial intelligence, block chain, and quantum computing." Hitherto driven mainly by Chinese private companies and seen largely as a branding tool for Beijing to promote its global vision of technology, the DSR is increasingly becoming a central part of the BRI, and the Chinese government is increasingly taking a strategic approach to it. At the first BRI forum in Beijing in May 2017, Chinese leader Xi Jinping emphasized the role of the DSR within BRI, calling for international cooperation in the areas of digital economy and the integration of new technologies such as AI, cloud computing, smart cities, quantum computing, big data, and nanotechnology into the BRI to foster innovation-driven development. With the DSR, Beijing aims to facilitate Chinese companies' participation in the development of information and communication technologies globally, to increase China's capacity and influence in setting global technology standards and cyber governance norms, to enable Beijing to influence global discourse on China, and to accelerate China's ascent to global technology leadership. These efforts start with improving digital connectivity in (and with) countries participating in the BRI. ; publishedVersion

International audience ; La chute du régime de Ben Ali est la conséquence d'une insurrection populaire qui s'est élargie aux " classes moyennes ", voire à la bourgeoisie et d'une révolution de Palais menée par l'armée et une partie de l'oligarchie de l'ancien régime . Bien que caractérisé par l'absence de leaders, le mouvement protestataire tunisien, parti de la ville de Sidi Bouzid, s'est politisé et a pu changer d'échelle pour prendre une dimension nationale. Mais, la force du mouvement de protestation ne doit pas nous faire perdre de vue que la " révolution populaire " a pu faire fuir le président Ben Ali en raison du délitement de la coalition gouvernante : autrement dit, la déchéance du chef de l'État est aussi le résultat d'une fracture dans l'oligarchie au pouvoir. C'est d'ailleurs, une partie des hommes de l'ancien régime qui ont voulu, dans un premier temps, prendre les rênes du pouvoir et organiser une transition politique en bon ordre dans le cadre juridico-politique défini par la constitution de 1959, avant de renoncer à leur dessein sous la pression populaire. Cette absence de leadership du mouvement révolutionnaire va contribuer à alimenter tout au long du processus de transition une concurrence de légitimités entre différents acteurs revendiquant être les dépositaires de la volonté populaire. Toutefois, ces conflits de légitimité n'empêchent pas les autorités en charge de conduire la transition de se mettre d'accord, tant bien que mal, sur un certain nombre de mesures à caractère législatif consacrant le pluralisme et débouchant, le 23 octobre, sur l'élection d'une assemblée constituante.