Suchergebnisse

This paper aims at presenting and discussing policy issues regarding the legal structure and legislation of the social enterprise through the lenses of recent law reforms in Europe. The legislation of seven countries is analysed: Portugal, France, Poland, Belgium, the United Kingdom, Finland and Italy. National models are compared distinguishing them according to the legal form and the main rules concerning asset allocation, governance and responsibility. Aware about the specificity that the legal, social and economic context may entails in each legal system, the authors conclude that, in order to promote a distinctive role for social enterprise in Europe, the law should guarantee: a control mechanism over the social nature of the finality pursued by the organisation, as defined at least per broad principles by the law; the enforcement of a positive (although not total) assets lock to ensure the achievement of social goals; the possibility for the enterprise to sustain its own activity through remunerated financing; a certain degree of stakeholders' interests representation inside the governance of the enterprise, with specific but not necessarily exclusive representation with regards to beneficiaries and employees; the enforcement of a non-discrimination principle concerning the composition of membership, if any; the enforcement of a democratic principle inside the governing bodies which allows pluralism, fair dialogue and no emergence of controlling rights, unless in favour of non profit organisations which share the social goals and the democratic nature of the social enterprise; an adequate degree of accountability which allows sufficient information disclosure, also in favour of third parties, about the governance and the activity of the social enterprise.

International audience ; One of the US-owned Mobile User Objective System (MUOS) installations was projected and built in Sicily, near Niscemi. Since 2012, NO MUOS activists have excogitated various forms of protest that are reminiscent of artistic performances and identitarian rituals. Additionally, a number of creators/performers across different art forms have supported the movement by referring to the NO MUOS resistance in their work. This article seeks to explore the connection between protest and performance in the symbolic practices staged within and outside the picket line. I argue that these protests/performances possess an identitarian content that points to the reclamation of Sicily's sovereignty against the hysteric militarisation of an imaginary North/South border in the Mediterranean. ; Uma das instalações do Mobile User Objective System (MUOS), de propriedade dos EUA, foi construída e instalada na Sicília, perto do município de Niscemi. Desde 2012, ativistas do movimento NO MUOS (Não Muos) excogitaram várias formas de protesto que lembram performances e rituais identitários. Ao mesmo tempo, vários artistas suportaram o movimento fazendo referência à resistência do NO MUOS nas suas obras. Este artigo pretende estudar a conexão entre resistência e performance em práticas simbólicas encenadas dentro e fora dos atos de protesto. Eu sugiro que esses protestos/performances possuem um conteúdo identitário que tem a ver com a reclamação da soberania da Sicília face à militarização histérica duma fronteira imaginária entre o Norte e o Sul do Mediterráneo.

International audience ; One of the US-owned Mobile User Objective System (MUOS) installations was projected and built in Sicily, near Niscemi. Since 2012, NO MUOS activists have excogitated various forms of protest that are reminiscent of artistic performances and identitarian rituals. Additionally, a number of creators/performers across different art forms have supported the movement by referring to the NO MUOS resistance in their work. This article seeks to explore the connection between protest and performance in the symbolic practices staged within and outside the picket line. I argue that these protests/performances possess an identitarian content that points to the reclamation of Sicily's sovereignty against the hysteric militarisation of an imaginary North/South border in the Mediterranean. ; Uma das instalações do Mobile User Objective System (MUOS), de propriedade dos EUA, foi construída e instalada na Sicília, perto do município de Niscemi. Desde 2012, ativistas do movimento NO MUOS (Não Muos) excogitaram várias formas de protesto que lembram performances e rituais identitários. Ao mesmo tempo, vários artistas suportaram o movimento fazendo referência à resistência do NO MUOS nas suas obras. Este artigo pretende estudar a conexão entre resistência e performance em práticas simbólicas encenadas dentro e fora dos atos de protesto. Eu sugiro que esses protestos/performances possuem um conteúdo identitário que tem a ver com a reclamação da soberania da Sicília face à militarização histérica duma fronteira imaginária entre o Norte e o Sul do Mediterráneo.

This article presents an overview of three tendencies in advanced capitalist societies as far as social policy is concerned. These are characterised as 'welfare state', 'neo-liberal' and 'new paternalist'. The article characterises each phase and shows how each is a response or reaction to what went before. Related sets of theories and key concepts can be seen to perform both explanatory and ideological roles. The article ends by setting out an alternative way forward towards a society organised around principles of social justice, equality and democracy.

Upton Sinclair's End Poverty in California campaign was international news in 1934. The socialist author was running for governor as a Democrat and pledging to enact an audacious plan to rebuild the state's economy through a "production for use" system of cooperative farms and factories. Tens of thousands joined his EPIC movement as he swept to victory in the primary and then watched in disbelief as he lost the general election. This article looks at the composition and dynamics of the EPIC movement, using new data to understand the class, ethnic, and gender profiles of activists and supporters. It attends closely to the geography of political institutions and political opportunity, showing why the movement appealed strongly to working-class voters in Los Angeles and how, in that setting, it attracted the talents of activists who were not usually drawn to left-wing politics.

"Bridging a half-century of student protest from 1929 to 1983, this source reader contains more than sixty texts from Guatemala, Nicaragua, Honduras, El Salvador and Costa Rica, including editorials, speeches, manifestos, letters and pamphlets. Available for the first time in English, these rich texts help scholars and popular audiences alike to rethink their preconceptions of student protest and revolution. The texts also illuminate key issues confronting social movements today: global capitalism, dispossession, privatisation, development and state violence"--Cover page 4

The present work investigates the way in which social sciences, mainly Chilean, are responding to different demands that they are currently receiving and that consist of contribute to the critical understanding of phenomena relevant to society and adapt to recent transformations in the way of producing and communicating scientific knowledge, incorporating higher levels of internationalization, globalization, specialization and complexity. To this end, a systematic review of the scientific production published on the Chilean student movement is made. This movement is one of the most relevant in Chile's recent history. 149 publications were systematized, published between 2000 and 2016. The results show that the capacity of the Chilean social sciences to deal with these contradictory demands is partial, since their critical analyzes tend to be uniforms and limited in time, while their empirical studies do not always have the levels of internationalization and complexity currently demanded in international publishing circuits. ; El presente trabajo investiga la forma en que las ciencias sociales, principalmente chilenas, están respondiendo a las dispares demandas que reciben actualmente y que consisten en aportar a la comprensión crítica de fenómenos relevantes para la sociedad y adecuarse a las recientes transformaciones en la forma de producir y comunicar conocimiento científico incorporando mayores niveles de internacionalización, globalización, especialización y complejización. Para ello se realiza una revisión sistemática de la producción científica publicada sobre el movimiento estudiantil chileno, que constituye uno de los movimientos sociales más relevantes de la historia reciente de Chile. Se sistematizaron 149 publicaciones editadas entre el año 2000 y el 2016. Los resultados muestran que la capacidad de las ciencias sociales chilenas para abordar estas demandas contradictorias es parcial, pues sus análisis críticos tienden a ser uniformes y de alcance temporal limitado, mientras que sus estudios ...

The most famous demand raised by protesters in the "Arab Spring" was "al-shaʿb/yurīd/isqāṭ al-niẓām" (the people/want /the fall of the regime). Three years later, little progress has been made—outside of Tunisia—in permanently replacing authoritarian regimes with the formal institutions of democracy. However, new forms of activism have emerged that increase citizens' ability to directly combat pervasive social problems and to successfully pressure official institutions to alter policies. The evolution of activism against public sexual violence in post-Mubarak Egypt is a concrete example. Sexual harassment of women on the streets and in public transportation, widespread before the 25 January uprising, has likely since increased.1 Many women have been subjected to vicious sexual assault at political protests over the last three years. But activism against these threats has also expanded in ways unimaginable during the Mubarak era. Groups of male and female activists in their twenties and early thirties exhort bystanders on the streets to intervene when they witness harassment, and intervene themselves. Satellite TV programs have extensively covered public sexual violence, directly challenging officials for their failure to combat it while featuring the work of antiharassment and antiassault groups in a positive light. These new practices facilitated two concrete changes in the summer of 2014: amendments to the penal code on sexual harassment, and Cairo University's adoption of an antiharassment policy which was developed by feminist activists.