"This ambitious and incisive book presents a new vision for American foreign policy and international order at a time of historic upheaval. The United States global leadership crisis is not a passing shock created by the Trump presidency or COVID-19, but the product of forces that will endure for decades. Amidst political polarization, technological transformation, and major global power shifts, Lissner and Rapp-Hooper convincingly argue, only a grand strategy of openness can protect American security and prosperity despite diminished national strength. Disciplined and forward-looking, an openness strategy would counter authoritarian competitors by preventing the emergence of closed spheres of influence, maintaining access to the global commons, supporting democracies without promoting regime change, and preserving economic interdependence. The authors provide a roadmap for the next president, who must rebuild strength at home while preparing for novel forms of international competition. Lucid, trenchant, and practical, An Open World is an essential guide to the future of geopolitics."--
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In January of 1927, five surrealist artists applied for membership to the French Communist Party (PCF) in a move that seemed contrary to their mission as surrealists.[1] Since the art movement's founding manifesto in 1924, surrealism had pursued the visceral purity of fantasy and dreams under the leadership of André Breton. The political agenda of the PCF, on the other hand, sought social revolution informed by a Marxist political theory grounded in material reality. Although apparently contradictory, surrealism and communism actually stem from the same source; both are reactions to the misery of the human condition, and both seek to uplift mankind from its adversity through social revolution. What follows is an investigation of both ideologies in an effort to explore the limits of their fundamental consistencies, as well as discover the role—if any—of surrealism within a communist revolution. [1] Robert Short, "The Politics of Surrealism, 1920-1936," in Surrealism, Politics, and Culture, ed. Raymond Spiteri and Donald LaCoss (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003), 24.
Among topics discussed: Bedford-Pine; Central Atlanta Progress; Lee Wood; Park Central Community; Atlanta Regional Commission; Chattahoochee River and water supply issue; Fulton County Commission; Woodall property zoning issue; Judge Durwood Pye declares ARC unconstitutional. ; Sweat was born in 1933 in Waycross, Georgia. He graduated from Georgia State College (later Georgia State University) in 1957 with a degree in public administration. He married his wife Tally in 1956, and they had three children and several grandchildren. Sweat covered the Fulton County courthouse for the Atlanta Journal while still in college. In 1957 he entered the Navy, where his commander allowed him to attend Seventh Fleet scheduling conferences. Sweat later returned to Atlanta, and the Journal, but later took at job as information director at DeKalb County. County Commission chairman Charles O. Emmerich took Sweat under his wing, but lost his reelection bid in 1964. Emmerich then took a job with Economic Opportunity Atlanta, a new federal anti-poverty program, and took Sweat with him. Sweat earned a reputation as a master at getting federal grants. Atlanta Mayor Ivan Allen, Jr. eventually offered Sweat a position at City Hall. Sweat took a job in 1966 as director of government liaison, charged with bringing as much federal money to Atlanta as possible. Eventually Allen promoted Sweat to chief administrative officer in August of 1969. Sweat kept the same job under Mayor Sam Massell, who succeeded Allen. He coordinated Atlanta's War on Poverty and Model Cities programs during his tenure at City Hall. Sweat also played a role in the naming of the first two black department heads in city government. Sweat left City Hall in late 1971, and early the next year took a job as executive director of the Atlanta Regional Commission. He was involved in establishing the Chattahoochee River Corridor, and helped the commission survive its initial court challenges. In 1973, Sweat became president of Central Atlanta Progress. In that role he represented downtown business interests, and gained the reputation as a major power broker in Atlanta. Sweat bridged the gap between new black political power at City Hall and the white downtown business establishment. He was involved in numerous high profile downtown projects, including the redevelopment of both Underground Atlanta and the Bedford Pines neighborhood. Sweat left CAP in 1988 and took a job with the CF Foundation, a philanthropic organization affiliated with developer Thomas G. Cousins. In 1991, former President Jimmy Carter appointed Sweat coordinator of the Atlanta Project. Sweat helped raise $14 million in his first year on the job. He left in 1995. These interviews were conducted during an illness that resulted in Sweat's death in 1997. His condition during the interviews had an impact on the content, length, and structure of the interviews.
"Are we prepared for a world where power is shared between the West and China? A world in which China asserts the same level of global leadership that America currently assumes? And can we learn to embrace Chinese political culture, as China learned to embrace ours? Here, one of the world's leading voices on China, Kerry Brown, takes us past the tired cliches and inside the Chinese leadership - as they lay out a roadmap for working in a world in which China shares dominance with the West. From how, and why, China as a dominant superpower has been inevitable for many years, to how the attempts to fight the old battles are over, Brown digs deeper into the problematic nature of China's current situation - its treatment of dissent, of Xinjiang, Hong Kong, and the severe limitations on its management of relations with other cultures and values. These issues impact on the way the West sees China, China sees the West, and how both see themselves. There are obstacles accepting a place for China in the world - but just because this will be a difficult process does not mean that it should not happen. As Kerry Brown writes: history is indeed ending, but not in the way the West thought it would"--
How to lead the digital transformation of governments Digital Government Excellence: Lessons from Effective Digital Leaders delivers a fascinating treatment of digital leadership as governments around the world start or restart the digital transformation of their work and service delivery. The author provides a playbook on how to achieve digital excellence via interviews with 20 remarkable digital government leaders from around the world. Each one offers insights on strategies for how to incorporate the best of digital into public services and practical tips on leading digital reforms and delivery teams. The book also: Explores how to begin the task of making all of government to "go digital" or go deeper and bolder in this direction, including the first steps and beyond Highlights leadership styles and practices for effective and lasting delivery of digital strategies and reforms Provides food for thought about what it takes to be an impactful digital transformation leader - in government and beyond The book is ideal for Chief Digital/Information/Technology Officers or digital agency leaders in public service. Digital Government Excellence is also an indispensable resource for any practitioner, policymaker or political leader in governments at any level, as well as any student or advisor of governments looking into how to deliver digital transformation in the public sector.
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Cover -- Half Title -- Series Information -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- List of Figures -- Introduction -- Notes -- References -- 1 A Theory That Explains Chinese Actions in the Innovation Economy -- Key Points in this Chapter -- Introduction -- Recognition -- Narratives -- Case Letter: 'Eras of Greatness' and Identity -- Description -- Analysis -- Theoretical Points -- Practical Points -- Sub-conclusion -- Respect -- Narratives -- Case Letter: China as a Responsible Great Power -- Description -- Analysis -- Theoretical Points -- Practical Points -- Sub-conclusion -- Dignity -- Narratives -- Case Letter: Xi Jinping, the Coronavirus Pandemic and Artificial Intelligence -- Description -- Analysis -- Theoretical Points -- Practical Points -- Sub-conclusion -- Main Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- 2 Chinese Leadership and the Innovation Economy -- Key Points in this Chapter -- Introduction -- Historical Conditions -- Challenges -- The New Technology -- Xi Jinping -- Historical Conditions -- Narratives -- Case Letter: Developments Towards Feudal Capitalism -- Description -- Analysis -- Theoretical Points -- Practical Points -- Sub-conclusion -- Strategy in the Fourth Industrial Revolution -- Narratives -- Case Letter 1: 'Following the Leader' in China -- Description -- Analysis -- Theoretical Points -- Practical Points -- Sub-conclusion -- The New Technology -- Narratives -- Case Letter 1: Confucianism in China - Philosophy, Religion and Thinking -- Case Letter 2: Confucianism and Obedience to the Authorities -- Description -- Analysis -- Theoretical Points -- Sub-conclusion -- Main Conclusion -- Notes -- References -- 3 China's Global Strategy for Leadership in the Innovation Economy -- Key Points in this Chapter -- Introduction -- Internal Political Control -- Narratives.
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Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- List of Illustrations -- Preface and Acknowledgments -- 1 A Clear and Present Dilemma -- No Respect -- Gathering Clouds -- A Radical Fact -- A Dilemma Defined -- Other Voices -- The Mainstream View -- Political Messengers -- Conclusion -- 2 Origins of the Dilemma -- The Go-Go Years -- Juggling Priorities: The Reagan Revolution -- More Future Burdens: The Social Security Fix -- The Gramm-Rudman-Hollings Ruse -- Containing the Mess: The 1990 and 1993 Deals -- The Big Picture: Trends of Recent Decades -- Lessons from the Past -- Conclusion -- 3 Politics and Institutions: The Dilemma's Context -- Presidential Strengths and Weaknesses -- A Congress Consumed by Budgeting -- Interest Group Power -- The Confused Public -- Conclusion -- 4 False Starts: Two Failures to Reform -- Focusing on the Possible: The Penny-Kasich Plan -- Look but Don't Act: The Kerrey-Danforth Commission -- Conclusion -- 5 Principles, Solutions, and Leadership -- The Duty of Trusteeship -- Solutions to the Dilemma -- Reforms for 2030 -- Making Long-Term Choices -- A Balanced Budget Amendment -- For and Against the Amendment -- Doing Deficit Reduction -- Going Further -- Principles for Deficit Reduction -- True Leadership: Risking It All -- Conclusion -- Discussion Questions -- Glossary -- Appendix 1 Options for 2030: Long-Term Entitlement Reforms -- Appendix 2 Deficit Reduction: Specific Options -- Appendix 3 Other Current Options: Deficit-Reduction Possibilities -- Notes -- References -- To Learn More -- About the Book and Authors -- Index
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Cover -- Half Title -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Dedication -- Contents -- List of Tables and Figures -- Abbreviations -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction -- Notes -- References -- 1. National Unity and Diversity -- Defining Centralisation and Local Autonomy -- The Institutions between Centre and Locality -- Representative Rules -- Territorial Rules -- Financial Rules -- Personnel and Recruitment Rules -- Functional Rules -- Political Rules -- Explaining Japanese Features -- Institutional Changes -- Concluding Comment -- Notes -- References -- 2. The Making of Local Government -- The Meiji Local Government System -- The General Mobilisation of 1910-1945 -- The Occupation Reforms, 1945-52 -- The Period of High Economic Growth, 1952-1973 -- The Emergence of the Japanese Welfare State -- Fiscal Control -- Participatory Autonomy -- Notes -- References -- 3. Increased State Activity and Administrative Integration -- National Spending Priorities -- Choka Futan (Overburdening) -- The Case of Day-Care Centres -- Law for the Appropriate Implementation of National Treasury Shares and Subsidies -- Jizen Kyogi (Preliminary Consultation) and Naiji (Preliminary Approval) -- Notes -- References -- 4. Settsu City and its Litigation Challenge -- Urbanisation and Socioeconomic Trends -- Urbanisation and Local Politics -- Mayoral Leadership and Local Finance -- Financial Innovations -- Municipal Budget Politics -- Settsu City's Challenge against the Central Government -- Notes -- References -- 5. Central-Local Government Interaction and its Nature -- Mutual Dependency and the Institutional Environment -- Mayoral Leadership -- Ad Hoc Manipulation -- Indirect Access to the Centre -- Osaka Prefecture as an Intermediate Agency -- Prefectural Discretion -- Constraints upon Prefectural Discretion -- Loan Permission and Discretion
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This book presents theological reflections on the changing nature of church mission and Christian identity within a theology of 'blurred encounter' - a physical, social, political and spiritual space where once solid hierarchies and patterns are giving way to more fluid and in many ways unsettling exchanges. The issues raised and dynamics explored apply to all socially-produced space, thus tending to 'blur' that most fundamental of theological categories - namely urban vs. rural theology. Engaging in a sharper way with some of the helpful but inevitably broad-brush conclusions raised by recent church-based reports (Mission-shaped Church, Faithful Cities), the authors examine some of the practical and theological implications of this research for the issue of effective management and therefore church leadership generally. Speaking to practitioners in the field of practical theology as well as those engaged in theological and ministerial training, key voices encompass dimensions of power and conflict, and identify some of the present and future opportunities and challenges to church/faith-based engagement and leadership arising from blurred encounters. Contributors - practitioners and theorists - cover a wide spectrum of interdisciplinary professional contexts and academic/denominational interests. Contributors include: John Atherton, John Reader, Helen Cameron, Martyn Percy, Malcolm Brown, Karen Lord, Clare McBeath and Margaret Goodall
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Unter der Führung von Hu Jintao hat das Engagement Chinas im Rahmen der Vereinten Nationen (VN) deutlich zugenommen. Die wirtschaftliche und politische Entwicklung in China hat zu einer Pluralisierung der außenpolitischen Akteure geführt. Die Analyse positioniert sich zwischen den Teilbereichen der Internationalen Beziehungen (IB) und der vergleichenden Regierungslehre, in der anhaltenden Debatte zur Rolle innenpolitischer Faktoren in der liberalen und konstruktivistischen IB-Forschung und Ansätzen zur Responsivität autoritärer Regime. In vier Fallstudien (Peacekeeping, R2P, MDGs und Sustainability) wird gezeigt, dass die chinesische Führung unter Hu Jintao VN-Politik strategisch nutzt, um die eigene Position zu festigen, auch wenn sie hierbei verstärkt unterschiedliche Präferenzen innenpolitischer Akteure in Erwägung ziehen muss. Zudem wird deutlich, dass die Einflussmöglichkeiten für externe Akteure begrenzt sind - innenpolitische Faktoren entscheiden über die Politikgestaltung. In englischer Sprache. China's Engagement with the United Nations (UN) has greatly increased under the leadership of Hu Jintao. The economic and political developments in China have led to a pluralization of foreign policy actors. Against this background, the analysis positions itself between the research fields of International Relations and Comparative Politics, within the current debate about the role of domestic politics in international relations in liberal and constructivist approaches as well as recent contributions on the responsiveness of authoritarian systems. In four case studies (Peacekeeping, R2P, MDGs and Sustainability) it demonstrates that the Chinese leadership makes strategic use of UN policy to strengthen its domestic position while it has to increasingly take the preferences of domestic actors into account. The book concludes that the chances for
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"The issue of religious authority has long fascinated and ignited scholars across a range of disciplines: history, anthropology, the sociology of religion, and political science. Religious Knowledge, Authority, and Charisma juxtaposes religious leadership in premodern and modern Islam with examples from the Judaic tradition. By illustrating various iterations of authority in numerous historical and cultural contexts, this volume offers fresh insights into the nature of institutions of learning and other systems of establishing and disseminating authority, the mechanisms for cultivating committed adherents, and the processes by which religious leadership is polarized and fragmented. Contributors tease out the sources and types of authority that emerged out of the Sunni and Shi?i milieu and the evolution of Muslim elites who served as formulators and disseminators of knowledge and practice. Comparative insights are provided by the examination of ideological and historical developments among Jewish sages who inculcated similar modes of authority from within their traditions. The rigorous exploration of the dynamic interface of knowledge and power in Islam and Judaism serves to highlight a number of present tensions common to both religions. By intertwining a historical span that traces trajectories of continuity and change, integrative discussion of cross-sectional themes, and comparative perspectives, this volume makes a distinct contribution. "--
"The issue of religious authority has long fascinated and ignited scholars across a range of disciplines: history, anthropology, the sociology of religion, and political science. Religious Knowledge, Authority, and Charisma juxtaposes religious leadership in premodern and modern Islam with examples from the Judaic tradition. By illustrating various iterations of authority in numerous historical and cultural contexts, this volume offers fresh insights into the nature of institutions of learning and other systems of establishing and disseminating authority, the mechanisms for cultivating committed adherents, and the processes by which religious leadership is polarized and fragmented. Contributors tease out the sources and types of authority that emerged out of the Sunni and Shi'i milieu and the evolution of Muslim elites who served as formulators and disseminators of knowledge and practice. Comparative insights are provided by the examination of ideological and historical developments among Jewish sages who inculcated similar modes of authority from within their traditions. The rigorous exploration of the dynamic interface of knowledge and power in Islam and Judaism serves to highlight a number of present tensions common to both religions. By intertwining a historical span that traces trajectories of continuity and change, integrative discussion of cross-sectional themes, and comparative perspectives, this volume makes a distinct contribution."--
"No small amount of change could do" : Esther Cooper Jackson and the making of a Black Left feminist / Erik McDuffie -- What "the cause" needs is a "brainy and energetic woman " : a study of female charismatic leadership in Baltimore / Prudence Cumberbatch -- From communist politics to Black power : the visionary politics and transnational solidarities of Vicki Garvin / Dayo F. Gore -- Shirley Graham Du Bois : portrait of the Black woman artist as a revolutionary / Gerald Horne and Margaret Stevens -- "A life history of being rebellious" : the radicalism of Rosa Parks / Jeanne Theoharis -- Framing the panther : Assata Shakur and Black female agency / Joy James -- Revolutionary women and the Black Panther Party's Oakland Community School / Ericka Huggins and Angela D. LeBlanc-Ernest -- Must revolution be a family affair? : revisiting the Black woman / Margo Natalie Crawford -- Retraining the heartworks : women in Atlanta's Black arts movement / James Smethurst -- "Women's liberation or Black liberation, you're fighting the same enemies" : Florynce Kennedy, Black power, and feminism / Sherie M. Randolph -- To make that someday come : Shirley Chisholm's radical politics of possibility / Joshua Guild -- Denise Oliver and the Young Lords : stretching the political boundaries of struggle / Johanna Fernandez -- Grassroots leadership and Afro-Asian solidarities : Yuri Kochiyama's humanizing radicalism / Diane C. Fujino -- "We do whatever becomes necessary" : Johnnie Tillmon, welfare rights, and Black power / Premilla Nadasen
Concerns have been expressed very often as to why the intergovernmental relations in the federal system of many developing countries, especially in the Sub-Sahara Africa are predictably chequered. Lack of devolution of power to LGAs in Nigeria is usually at the expense of grassroots development especially with regards to infrastructure/social amenities. Besides, the confusion surrounding progressive decline in provision of rural infrastructure to the local government areas of the state despite humongous monthly fiscal allocations to the LGAs by Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC) equally creates existential problems to the rural dwellers. It is on this note that the study seeks to investigate the apparently disturbing paradox in Imo State. Data were sourced from both secondary and primary sources. Secondary data was sourced from government gazette and related literature while primary data was elicited from respondents through structured questionnaire. Multiple regression and graphical/pictorial analytical techniques were used for secondary and primary data respectively. The findings indicated that lack of transformative leadership exhibited in embezzlement of funds and indifference in leadership on the part of the State agents were the significant causes of poor development in the rural areas of Imo State. The study recommended inter alia; the enforcement of attitudinal change and punitive sanctions on the political and administrative classes in the state through legal measures to protect public funds for service delivery.
PurposeThe purpose of this study was to explore issues of gender and diversity raised by the 2020 US presidential election.Design/methodology/approachSamples from two populations (n= 667) described either an ideal president or one of the major-party candidates for president (Donald Trump and Joe Biden) or vice president (Mike Pence and Kamala Harris) on an instrument that assessed self-ascribed masculinity and femininity. Androgyny was calculated as the difference between masculinity and femininity; the closer the score to zero, the more androgynous the candidate.FindingsThe ideal president was viewed as androgynous (i.e. balanced in masculine and feminine traits) rather than masculine as in previous studies of presidential leadership. Compared to the White male candidates, Harris, a woman of color, displayed the most androgynous profile. The Democratic ticket represented a "balanced" team, with one candidate (Biden) higher on femininity and the other (Harris) higher on masculinity; in essence, an androgynous ticket. In contrast, the Republican ticket (Trump and Pence) represented a decidedly masculine ticket. Ideal president profiles differed according to respondents' gender and preferred president.Practical implicationsThe Democrats winning the election with an androgynous ticket suggests that a more level playing field for femalevis-à-vismale candidates for political leader roles may be arriving.Originality/valueThe finding of an ideal president as androgynous rather than masculine is an original contribution to the literature on presidential leadership.