Suchergebnisse

AbstractIn 1941, thousands of Jews from the regions of Bukovina and Bessarabia were deported to ghettos and camps in Romanian-occupied Transnistria to join local Ukranian Jews and other deportees. This article is a case study of the Shargorod ghetto, one of the largest ghettos in Transnistria, that reveals how individuals interned there, and in similar ghettos, survived despite their different social, economic, and cultural backgrounds. An examination based on regions allows for a better understanding of the diverse Jewish communities in Romania and how these differences influenced the lives of local Jews and deportees during the formidable years in Shargorod. Their major successes, as well as their failures, present a picture of entangled community identity in the face of disease, starvation, and forced labor. The survival of the Jewish population of Shargorod from 1941 to 1944 is analyzed through the selection of leadership by the ghetto inhabitants (specifically, Meier Teich's role as ghetto leader), the entrepreneurial actions and aid that arose, and the format and agenda adopted by the ghetto's cultural institutions.

The 20th century has often been defined as the era of great changes, of interconnections, of the circulation of ideas, which constantly undergo changes under the pressure of the context, all of which inevitably marked and influenced the artistic concepts of the time. Any artistic creation is due to the impact of the antagonistic exposure that the artist makes between the creative impulse and the reality that is often foreign to art. Almost every time when we talk about art, this cannot be sustained, valued without those who consume the art. When the artist's work resonates with the image of feelings, the connection between the artwork and the art collector is inevitable, but each work is experienced by the individual in his own way. Throughout history, art collectors have been either important names of the aristocracy or people financially very powerful, they marked the history of art in one way or another, even reaching in time to acquire the skills of a specialized connoisseur. Considered the cultural center of the arts in the interwar period, Paris represented an ideal meeting point between Romanian artists and art consumers from the USA. Names such as Edward Steichen, the lawyer John Quinn, Alfred Stieglitz, Walter Pach or Peggy Guggenheim were previously attracted by the art of Brâncuși, Victor Brauner or Hedda Sterne.

Summary
In today's globalised world, giving consular protection to an increasing number of overseas citizens has become a common challenge to foreign ministries. China, as the most populous country witnessing fast economic development, is facing more severe challenges in this field. Since the 18th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party, China's consular protection has demonstrated new trends such as involving more actors in service delivery, constructing a co-ordination network, legalizing the management and taking targeted preventive measures. Compared with developed countries, 'whole government involvement' is the most prominent feature of China's consular protection practice.

Abstract
There are important differences between all Eastern European countries regarding the implementation of pension system privatization. The differences regarding the political configuration between the countries from Eastern Europe might be a possible explanation for the amount of diversity in this area. The ideology of political parties that form or sustain the government that implements the reform can also be an explanation, but this influence must be studied beyond the cliché that stipulates that the right-wing parties will support the public pension system reform and the left-wing parties will oppose it. Armeanu (2010a) showed that there are countries where privatization was supported by the centre-left coalitions that needed to overpass a strong opposition made by the right-wing parties. Using the Ideal Point Estimation technique within the voting sessions related to pension reform during the last three Romanian legislatures, we will explain the formation of pro and against coalitions regarding the pension reform from Romania during the privatization process of public pension system. We also test the hypotheses of the model presented by Armeanu (2010a, 2010b), model that predicts the behaviour of political parties based on the position they have on a two-dimensional space related to the costs of pension reform.

Business ethics reflects the philosophy of business, of which one aim is to determine the fundamental purposes of a company. If a company's purpose is to maximize shareholder returns, then sacrificing profits to other concerns is a violation of its fiduciary responsibility. Ethical issues include the rights and duties between a company and its employees, suppliers, customers and neighbors, its fiduciary responsibility to its shareholders. Issues concerning relations between different companies include hostile take-overs and industrial espionage. Related issues include corporate governance; corporate social entrepreneurship; political contributions; the marketing of corporations' ethics policies. Business ethics issues are complex, due to the extensive consequences, to the many alternatives and to the conflicting results, uncertainties and the personal implications. Managers make decisions and develop actions affecting the others; if the effects are adverse, if the others are suffering, then we are dealing with an ethical issue that requires a certain level of an ethical analysis, in addition to the usual economic analysis. But what is more important above all is the recognition that every business decision or action that may affect the others. In the business Romanian environment the unethical behavior is not just an exception.

Since early 2012, Romania has recorded an increased mobilization in the protest arena. Contentious episodes have erupted recurrently since then and most of them had notable political impact in curbing certain public policies, influencing election results and dismissing national governments. A new taste for protest actions seems to emerge in Romania since people are increasingly eager to challenge political elites on various grounds. However, the upsurge of protest mobilization in recent years came about after a relatively long period of widespread estrangement from politics and public sphere during the post-communist transition of this country. This article aims to reconstruct people's perceptions of the socio-economical and political conditions in which protest mobilizations emerged in 2012 in order to shed some light on how and why Romanians have moved from apathy to political action in the aftermath of economic crisis.

Abstract
Language constitutes the central core of a child's psychic structure and plays a predominant role in the overall process of personality development. Effective communication through language necessitates the cultivation of four fundamental skills, collectively recognized as linguistic abilities: listening, speaking, reading, and writing. The present study is underpinned by the premise that at very early ages, children do not sequentially or discretely acquire these four skills; instead, they evolve almost concurrently. Therefore, the aim of this research was to examine the prevalence of linguistic skills in two official reference documents that provide a unified perspective on the legal and pedagogical framework governing early education in Romania. The Early Education Curriculum and the official document Fundamental Milestones in the Early Learning and Development of Children from Birth to 7 Years were subjected to analysis using the semantic software Tropes v8.2 (developed by Pierre Molette and Agnès Landré), available in Romanian. Through the extraction of a series of references from the texts and subsequent statistical analysis, the interplay between explicit and implicit elements in the representation of linguistic abilities was brought into focus across all five developmental domains.

Documents, in particular identity cards, mediate relationships between individuals and institutions. Their materiality matters and actively impacts how states govern populations and their movements. In this paper, I examine one such object, the Romanian identity card. Focusing on its temporality and agency, I explore how objects and technological procedures enact race. In Romania, people without an address or proof of residence—many of them members of segregated Roma communities living in deep poverty—can only receive a temporary identity card, the Carte de Idenititate Provizorie (CIP). CIP holders do not enjoy full citizenship and are deprived of various rights, such as the right to travel without a passport within the European Union. They are also exposed to heightened surveillance as they must apply annually for a new CIP. Starting from the material object of the CIP, I explore how race comes into being as a relation at the intersection of various temporalities that are folded into the rules and bureaucratic practice entailed in its issue. I offer the concept of "permanent temporality" to analyze how racialization occurs in practices of governing people and their movement in Europe.

This article examines the impact of the economic crisis and its aftermath on collective bargaining, by comparing reactions to austerity policies of trade unions in healthcare and education in Romania. We develop an encompassing theoretical framework that links strategies used by trade unions with power resources, costs and union democracy. In a tight labour market generated by the massive emigration of doctors, unions in healthcare have successfully deployed their resources to advance their interests and obtain significant wage increases and better working conditions. We also show that in the aftermath of the crisis, healthcare trade unions have redefined their strategies and adopted a more militant stance based on a combination of local strikes, strike threats and temporary alliances with various stakeholders. By comparison, we find that unions in the education sector have adopted less effective strategies built around negotiations with governments combined with national-level militancy.