Suchergebnisse

This article discusses the origins and development of political parties in the Republic of Turkey, the political forces in Turkey during Ataturk's period, and the political turmoil in Turkey during the second half of the XX century. The article includes detailed research on the struggle for the survival, in some cases, the forced closure of certain political parties and groups in Turkey, a country with a distinctive Islamic and Western oriented society.
In this regards, this article aims to explain in detail, how the method of operation was followed, what political parties and groups have been emerged, what positions do they occupy in the political system, how did they affect social and political spheres, structure, organizational characteristics of Turkey.
The topic was selected explore the following facts and factors: at first, to show the reasons and historical circumstances of the formation of the first political party, to identify the role and places of parties in the political and social life, thirdly, to clarify the reasons for the formation of a multi-party system; Fourth, it sets out the specifics of the development of major political parties in Turkey since 1990s.
Бүгд Найрамдах Турк Улс дахь улс төрийн намын үүсэл, хөгжил
Хураангуй: Энэхүү өгүүлэлд Бүгд Найрамдах Турк улс (БНТУ) дахь улс төрийн намуудын үүсэл, хөгжлийн талаар тэр дундаа Бүгд Найрамдах улс байгуулсан цаг үе буюу дотоод улс төрийн амьдралд М.К.Ататуркээр удирдуулсан улс төрийн хүчнээс гадна үзэл, хандлагаараа ялгаатай нийгмийн бүлгүүд үүсэж, оршин байхын төлөө тэмцэж, зарим тохиолдолд хүчээр хаагдах хүртэл олон үйл явдал өрнөсөн, өвөрмөц үеийг сонгон судлахыг зорив.Исламын шашинтай боловч барууны чиг баримжаатай хөгжлийн зам сонгосон Турк улсын хувьд чухамхүү улс төрийн нам, олон намын тогтолцоо бүрэлдэн бий болсон түүхэн үйл явцтай холбогдох архив болон судалгааны мэдээлэл түлхүү ашиглалаа.Ингэхдээ БНТУ-ын түүхийн чухам хэдий үед улс төрийн ямар нам, бүлэг бий болж, дотоод улс төрийн амьдралд ямар байр суурь эзэлж, хэрхэн нөлөөлж, ямар нийгмийн бааз суурь, бүтэц бүрэлдэхүүн, зохион байгуулалтын шинж төрх, улс төрийн үйл ажиллагааны арга хэлбэрийг мөрдөж байсан талаар тайлбарлалаа.Сэдвийг сонгож авахдаа: нэгдүгээрт, Турк улсад сонгодог утгаараа улс төрийн анхны нам үүссэн шалтгаан, түүхэн нөхцөлийг харуулах, хоёрдугаарт, ХХ зууны Туркийн улс төрийн намын үйл ажиллагааг зохицуулж байсан хууль, эрх зүйн орчны онцлогийг харуулах гуравдугаарт, олон намын тогтолцоо үүсэн, бүрэлдсэн нөхцөлийг тодотгох, дөрөвдүгээрт, 1990 оноос хойших Туркийн улс төрийн намын тогтолцооны төлөвшил, онцлогийг харуулах зорилтуудыг дэвшүүлсэн болно.
Түлхүүр үгс: Улс төрийн нам, үзэл суртал, хөгжлийн хандлага, сэтгэлгээний түүх, түүхийн үечлэл

Overview of 1993-2000 political conditions; outlines functions, such as organizing public opinion, communicating popular demands, articulating ideology, and recruiting leaders, 1993, 1995, and 1999 elections and Duma, resurrection of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, electoral financing, and outlook.

Ethiopia introduced multi-party system following the 1991 regime change. Consequently, dozens of political parties have been established. However, little has been done with regard to the degree of programmaticity of Ethiopian Political Parties (EPPs); the nature and the type of the party system they are operating. Hence, this research was intended to analyse the level of prorammaticity and typology of EPPs, and the nature and type of the party system that are operating. The study was designed to answer whether EPPs and the party system they are operating are programmatic. Both descriptive and analytical methods were employed and data were analyzed through qualitative approach. The study found that although with a varying degree, major EPPs have programmatic platform. Nevertheless, since all EPPs have been using ethnicity as the main means of political support, and non-of them emerged out of pre-existing civil society organizations, Ethiopia's party system is not yet programmatic. In terms of the number of parties operating, Ethiopia's party system is best characterized by dominant party system but also with certain features of one-party system. The study argues that Ethiopia should give special attention to depoliticizing ethnicity sooner than later, including by reopening its constitution for discussion and revisiting its electoral and political parties' laws.

Four main strategies of social democratic competition can be distinguished when the official party positions on salient political issues are compared with the positions of core voter groups on the same issues: 1) Corbynism (Left-wing economic polarisation); 2) Macronism (pro-market economic polarisation coupled with culturally progressive/libertarian stances); 3) Progressive-libertarian distancing (the adoption of moderate economic stances with culturally progressive policies) and 4) Catch-all (traditional social democratic centrism). The results from the European countries included in the study show that, with regard to the relative positioning of social democratic parties visà-vis their core voter groups, the most beneficial strategies, in terms of electoral appeal, are the traditional social-democratic catch-all strategy of moderation along both the economic and cultural dimensions, as well as the Corbynist strategy of polarisation along the economic dimension.

This study uses extensive field research to compare and contrast the political education that political parties provide for their members and people. The researcher focuses on two political parties: the Democrat Party and the Puea Fah Din Party based on four important reasons: 1) both parties have constantly played significant roles in Thai politics for a long period of time; 2) both parties have apparent organization and internal structure; 3) both parties have the accurate number of party members as well as party branches in the past years; and 4) both parties have organized more or less political education for their party members and the public. The research result reveals that due to the differences in the objectives of party formation, political ideology, political participation and the strategy to recruit members, the two parties experience distinctive procedures to conduct political education for their members and public in general. While the Puea Fah Din Party was founded and has been working with the Asoke Community as a means to represent Asoke in politics rather than winning the elections, the Democrat Party was founded by political elites and aims to win the elections. As a result, the Puea Fah Din Party conduct activities on political education in order to strengthen party's ideology among members. The Democrat Party, on the other hand, organize political activities to education people in general about party's policy with a hope to win the elections.

Political representation in most Western democracies occurs through and by political parties. Based on parallel surveys of voters and party elites in nine West European nations, this article examines how well parties perform their representation role. The opinions of voters and party elites are compared for 40 party dyads. In some cases there is close correspondence between these opinions (e.g., economic and security issues), but in other instances the evidence of voter-party agreement is substantially weaker (e.g., foreign policy). An examination of party characteristics and contextual factors suggests that the clarity of party positions, represented by a centralized party structure and noncentrist ideology, strongly influences the efficiency of the party linkage process.

The major trends of the survey done by the Institute of Philosophy, Sociology and Law, Academy of Sciences, was on the state of political parties and their impact and responsibilities on the social process within the framework of a two-stage project implementation on the "Support in Achieving MDG-9 on human rights and democratic governance in Mongolia". The process in the state of the political parties has naturally been implemented, and eventually there was no deadlock and interruption in the course of action. Within the survey results, it seems imperfection and insufficient promises in the level of unsatisfactory quality in significance of progression. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5564/mjia.v0i18.69 Mongolian Journal of International Affairs No.18 2013: 47-51

This article uses the 2010 Australian Election Study to test explanations of the level of confidence citizens have in political parties. This article shows that citizens have little confidence in political parties in Australia and sheds light on existing theories of political support that appear in the international literature. In doing so, this article contributes to the international debate by testing the effect of both short-term and long-term factors on confidence in parties. However, this article also shows that many citizens still care which party wins the election and are broadly satisfied with and supportive of democracy. The evidence suggest that the 'party is not over,' but the relationship between citizens and parties in Australia is a fractured one. Adapted from the source document.

This paper examines the issue of the modern political tradition and national identity of Bosniaks in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the beginnings of which are linked to the period of the Austro-Hungarian occupation in 1878-1918. Starting from that time until modern political conditions, in one long period, periods of their political divisions (the Austro-Hungarian period) and exclusive attachment to certain political movements (the period of the first Yugoslavia) alternated. The decades-long dominance of the communist party (in the second Yugoslavia), This paper examines the issue of national identity and the modern political tradition of Bosniaks in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the beginnings of which are linked to the period of the Austro-Hungarian occupation in 1878-1918. Starting from that time until modern political conditions, in one long period, periods of their political divisions (the Austro-Hungarian period) and exclusive attachment to certain political movements (the period of the first Yugoslavia) alternated. The decadeslong dominance of the communist party (in the second Yugoslavia), followed by the re-establishment of a pluralistic political life, is also characteristic and followed with the re-establishment of a pluralistic political life. In this paper, we want to make a synthesis of the development of the Bosniak national idea and its formation and rounding that took place in socialist Yugoslavia, especially during the civil war in Bosnia and Herzegovina from 1992 to 1995, which was closely related to their predominant political parties.

This study aims to identify to what extent political parties in Turkey include the concept of entrepreneur and entrepreneurship, which are regarded as the most essential resources of countries' in international competition, in their programmes. In other words, the attitudes of political parties towards entrepreneurship will be set forth. The study covers the "economical approaches" part of programmes of the political parties which were represented in Turkish Grand National Assembly between 1923 -2011. Parties, which were established as political parties but were not represented in Turkish Grand National Assembly were left out of the scope of the study. Method: "Document review", which is a frequently used qualitative research method in social sciences, was used in this study. The data is obtained by content analysis. Such words as "entrepreneur, entrepreneurship, individual initiative, individual enterprise, private enterprise, special entities, proprietary capital and private sector in the political party programmes were identified as key words and it was acknowledged that such concepts were perceived as "entrepreneurship" by the political parties. Thus, the approaches of political parties are taken in the scope of the study.

While existing scholarship recognizes the centrality of social organizations for party-building efforts, how network structures condition party-building remains underexamined. This article argues that a core property of the network environments within which proto-parties emerge—structural resilience—shapes opportunities for proto-parties' expansion and consolidation. More resilient network structures—those with multiple pathways available for expansion—decrease proto-parties' vulnerability to structural threats and allow them to circumvent competition. To evaluate this theory, I examine the organizational networks of three comparable indigenous party-building efforts in Bolivia. Using original network data and a mixed-methods approach, I demonstrate that MAS-IPSP succeeded in establishing itself as the indigenous party because of the structural resilience of the network environment within which it originated. By contrast, its counterparts failed when targeted network attacks undermined their access to organizational spaces critical to their expansion strategies. The findings reveal often-overlooked variation in the relationship between social organizations and political parties.

This study critically analyses the coverage of the three main political parties (ANC, DA and EFF) in the 2019 elections by the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC). The SABC has been one of the main sources of information for millions of citizens across the country and many South Africans rely on the SABC for news concerning election proceedings. Therefore, the study aims to observe the role of the SABC in society, and politics during the 2019 elections in South Africa. The objective of this dissertation is to investigate whether the SABC's coverage was fair on the three main political parties or not. This research chose to use framing and social responsibility theory as guidelines to reliable and convincing information. Data for this research was obtained through secondary data from the SABC online channel; the study used election reports and its visuals such as pictures, videos for analysis. The study further used videos from the beginning of 2019 election campaigns, until the last day of elections which was scheduled on the 10th of May 2019. According to the research findings, the SABC did not represent the real image of the political parties which may be regarded as unprofessional and may taint the quality of their work. The research shows that in the media there are deep-rooted social and cultural issues that need transformation. The studies notes that media reforms can be the solution to some of the issues discussed in this dissertation. During election period the media was seen as bias, giving more coverage to the ruling party and this conduct led many to conclude that the SABC was used as a mouthpiece of certain political parties. However, the study also observed that there are traditional news factors that influenced the news selection.