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This Working Paper provides a comprehensive and multidisciplinary literature review on the euro vs dollar debate. In the first part it presents the euro-optimist and the euro-sceptical hypotheses on the euro's challenge to the dollar within Economic literature and how current data show how the euro has underperformed vis-à-vis euro-optimistic expectations. In the second part, drawing on the International Economics and International Political Economy (IPE) literature, the paper explains the euro's political flaws. It shows that a currency can only become the top international currency if there is an active political commitment by the issuing authorities to make it the leading currency. The paper shows how existing IPE literature offers a very accurate picture of the structural conditions of the international monetary system. Where it lacks nuance is in identifying the social impact of the euro. The last part of the paper focuses on these social dimensions. Following a constructivist approach, it shows how the euro has become a truly global currency in the social sense and how key financial agents are gradually seeing an evolution from a unipolar system dominated by the dollar to a bipolar system where a mildly descending senior pole (the dollar) and a mildly ascending junior pole (the euro) compete against each other.

After the path-breaking research by J.G.A. Pocock and Q. Skinner, the history of republicanism has been intensively studied in recent years. In the case of Dante, C. Davis and P. Armour related the political philosophy of the Italian poet to the republican tradition. This article tries to identify the limits of republicanism in the hierarchical view of politics which Dante traced out. It is argued that Dante should rather be labelled as a Platonist than a Republican. His idealist method, his concept of a philosopher-king, his blending of ethics and politics, his approval of meritocratic leadership, his concept of liberty presents him as a follower of Platonism, even though he himself did not know any of Plato's political dialogues. Contrary to the elitism of Plato and Aristotle, Dante's universalist concept of mankind sets him off as an original thinker. ; Luego de la investigación rupturista de J.G.A Pocock y Q. Skinnner, la historia del republicanismo ha sido estudiada de manera intensa en estos últimos años. En el caso de Dante, C. Davis y P. Armour relacionaron la filosofía política del poeta italianao con la tradición republicana. Este artículo trata de identificar los límites del republicanismo en la visión jerárquica que de la política tiene Dante. Se suele postular que Dante debería más bien ser presentado como un platonista antes que como un republicano. Contribuyen a esta lectura su método idealista, su concepto del rey-filósofo, la mezcla que realiza entre ética y política, su apoyo al liderazgo meritocrático y su concepto de libertad, incluso aunque Dante mismo no conoció los diálogos políticos de Platón. Con todo, es el concepto universalista de Humanidad de Dante, que, al separarlo del elitismo de Platón y Aristóteles, lo posiciona como un pensador original.

After the path-breaking research by J.G.A. Pocock and Q. Skinner, the history of republicanism has been intensively studied in recent years. In the case of Dante, C. Davis and P. Armour related the political philosophy of the Italian poet to the republican tradition. This article tries to identify the limits of republicanism in the hierarchical view of politics which Dante traced out. It is argued that Dante should rather be labelled as a Platonist than a Republican. His idealist method, his concept of a philosopher-king, his blending of ethics and politics, his approval of meritocratic leadership, his concept of liberty presents him as a follower of Platonism, even though he himself did not know any of Plato's political dialogues. Contrary to the elitism of Plato and Aristotle, Dante's universalist concept of mankind sets him off as an original thinker. ; Luego de la investigación rupturista de J.G.A Pocock y Q. Skinnner, la historia del republicanismo ha sido estudiada de manera intensa en estos últimos años. En el caso de Dante, C. Davis y P. Armour relacionaron la filosofía política del poeta italianao con la tradición republicana. Este artículo trata de identificar los límites del republicanismo en la visión jerárquica que de la política tiene Dante. Se suele postular que Dante debería más bien ser presentado como un platonista antes que como un republicano. Contribuyen a esta lectura su método idealista, su concepto del rey-filósofo, la mezcla que realiza entre ética y política, su apoyo al liderazgo meritocrático y su concepto de libertad, incluso aunque Dante mismo no conoció los diálogos políticos de Platón. Con todo, es el concepto universalista de Humanidad de Dante, que, al separarlo del elitismo de Platón y Aristóteles, lo posiciona como un pensador original.

International audience ; Literature produced around the notion of charisma (attributed to the chief, the master, the leader, the Father, the guru, the boss, etc.) has supplied, in the past, arguments for Nazi and Fascist propaganda (Cohen 2013; De Felice 1968). This seems clear by Hitler and Mussolini's great interest for Gustave Le Bon's The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind (1895), translated in English one year later (Le Bon 2001). How does Le Bon describe the absence of control, the exceptional character and the radical alterity of this crowd or "multitude" (Le Bon, 2001: 68)? In his major book, Gustave Le Bon - father of social psychology, in late nineteenth century - builds a visual theory of the crowd and a visual politics of charismatic domination. Nevertheless, we can conclude that Le Bon formulated a false hypothesis, based on a false effective appearance. As we have seen, Le Bon explains throughout his treatise, what are the characteristics of the "crowds", why do they need to be commanded by a charismatic chief, and how shall this chief behave, purposely using the visual to give a political form to the crowd, and to maintain the multitude under his control. The efficacy of visual representation is the means through which the dominant class can maintain his power. My hypothesis is that, following the use made after The Crowd by early twentieth century men of industry, liberal western statesmen, and European dictators -, Le Bon's thesis has worked as a self-fulfilling prophecy. Le Bon produces a strange relationship between belief and behaviour, where the content of the first shapes the second. Making Le Bon's theory of charismatic leadership a self-fulfilling prophecy, means not distinguishing between from one side, the political and visual imagination of a crowd, and, from the other side, the shaping of a crowd. Formulating clearly this distinction seems to be a necessary act of critique. Le Bon captures the fact that an affective dynamics constitutes the charismatic relationship between a chief and ...

Balance in unique populations -- Lessons in leadership : insights into how women thrive at work while raising families / Cathleen Swody, PhD and Catherine Flavin-McDonald, Thrive Leadership, West Chester, PA, USA -- We're not there yet : gender and the work-family interface in the modern workscape / Maura J. Mills, PhD, Adam Pervez, and Ashley M. Mandeville, PhD, University of Alabama, Culverhouse College of Commerce, Department of Management, Tuscaloosa, AL, USA, and others -- The business owner balancing act : exploring work-life balance in entrepreneurs / Andrew A. Bennett, PhD, Stephen E. Lanivich, PhD, Yusuf Akbulut, and M. Mahdi Moeini Gharagozloo, Department of Management, Old Dominion University, Norfolk, VA, USA, and others -- Workaholism and work-family conflict : theoretical perspectives, empirical findings, and directions for future research / Rachel L. Williamson and Malissa A. Clark, PhD, Department of Psychology, University of Georgia, Athens, GA, USA -- Standing the test of time : chronotype, scheduling, and recovery experiences / Lauren O. Gilmer, Alex P. Lindsey, PhD, and Kristen P. Jones, PhD, Department of Psychology, Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis, Indianapolis, IN, USA, and others -- Nonstandard work schedules and work-life balance / Isabel S. Silva and Daniela Costa, School of Psychology, University of Minho, Braga, Portugal -- Expatriate work-life balance : resources, work-to-life enrichment, and work outcomes / Kevin A. Byle, PhD, Jeffrey M. Cucina, PhD, Laurel A. McNall, PhD, and Jessica M. Nicklin, PhD, US Customs and Border Protection, Washington, DC, USA, and others -- Beyond work-family conflict -- An examination of positive psychological resources for promoting work-life balance / Jessica M. Nicklin, PhD, Laurel A. McNall, PhD, and Anneliese Janssen, University of Hartford -- West hartford, ct, usa, and others -- Student workers' work-life balance : review, synthesis, and research agenda / YoungAh Park, PhD and Lucille Headrick, School of Labor and Employment Relations, University of Illinois at Urbana¿Champaign, Urbana-Champaign, IL, USA, and others -- Enhancing self-awareness in organizations : a holistic approach to work-life integration / Elena O. Stepanova, PhD, Lucía Ceja, PhD, and Félix Castillo, Department of Psychiatry and Legal Medicine, Autonomous University of Barcelona, Barcelona, Spain, and others -- Reimagining work-life balance : lessons in bringing work to life and bringing life to work / Tracy Brower, PhD, Holland, MI, USA -- Index.

I have been watching politics unfold for a long time—first
as a young idealist hopeful to make the world a better place, later as a
student of history interested in understanding the stories of our past, and now
as a scholar and analyst helping others to understand the process and its
intricacies. But today I write as a father concerned for the future of our
political discourse. I'm specifically concerned when I see certain American
politicians turn to fearmongering as a way to manipulate the electorate.


Politics has never been for the faint of heart, and very
often, civil discourse can get drowned out by those who choose to be nastier
than perhaps is necessary or over-simplistic in their rhetoric. And yet, this
year—this time—is different. The tone is nastier, more simplistic, and more
willing to disregard basic facts than at any time I have seen. It is a politics
based upon raw emotion, rather than dispassionate analysis.











During this political season, I have seen candidates both nationally
and here in Montana resort to the divisive language of "us" versus "them,"
pretending that they are leaders for "telling it like it is." These candidates
purport to say what regular politicians refuse to voice, and because of that,
they argue, we should lend them our support. They are not corruptible, they
claim, because they are "one of us" and not "one of them." They come from
outside the contemptible, "broken" political system. They can make America, and
Montana, great again because only they have the will to do the tough things the
venal politicians in the pocket of special interests refuse to stomach.




These candidates aren't tough and principled. They are
master manipulators asking us to give in to our basest fears. They are
unscrupulous charlatans selling us bill of goods.



That's not leadership. It calls to mind the Red Panic
following World War I, or the McCarthyism of the 1950s. Have we lost all
decency?



Leaders don't play on people's fears. They acknowledge our
fears, but inspire us to overcome them. They ask us to move beyond fear and bind
us together. They do not push us apart. Leaders, like all of us, are not
perfect. They make mistakes. But they fundamentally strive to bring out the
best in us as a people, together.



Make no mistake: Political disputes are healthy and good in
a republic. We should disagree and do so vigorously. The problem is when that
discourse becomes poisoned by a desire to win a political argument at all
costs. This mentality encourages doubling down on fear to marshal our darkest
doubts against our perceived enemies. It fosters and deepens divisions between
us. It is especially dangerous when that fear encourages a majority "us" versus
a minority "them"—stoked by too cute by half political framing that skews facts
to make a convenient argument.



All is not yet lost. We—the people—are at a time of
choosing, Ronald Reagan once said. We can chose candidates that manipulate our
fears to advance their campaign, or we can chose candidates who wish to
overcome them. We can chose hucksters who have no fidelity to truth or civil
discourse.



Or we can choose leaders.



May Americans be inspired to act together this election
season "by the better angels of our nature" rather than give into our fear. If
we choose to surrender to the "nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which
paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance," then not only is our
republic imperiled, but we really have lost our collective national soul.




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May we choose wisely. 

This paper brings out the issues of institutional failures and loss of valuable national resources at the cost environment and public health. Despite having several regulations, the illegal mining activities are rampant in many states of India under the influence of dishonest politicians, officials, and mining mafias, resulting over-exploitation of natural resources may affect public health, environment and future requirements of next generation. Moreover, illegal mining and over-exploitation not only make adverse impacts on ecological balance, environment, biodiversity, water sources etc. but also influence the livelihood of the tribal people, living in backward regions and mining areas. Institutions usually play very significant role to rationalize human needs and reduce uncertainties in the society by establishing a stable structure to human interaction. However, now a days, institutions fails to carry out their duties and responsibilities. North argued that institutional change is a complicated process because the changes at the margin can be a consequence of changes in rules, in informal constraints, and in kinds and effectiveness of enforcement. Institutions are a guide to human interaction and determine the opportunities in the society. If an institution deviates from its principle, role, and duties, it generally fails to protect public resources. India has been a rich natural resource country and so, most of the natural resource constraints countries are keeping their eyes on the India's natural resources at cost of local's health, and environment. In context of India, minerals, forests and tribals are concentrated in the same geographical locations. So, any mining activity always disturbs ecology, biodiversity and people who live around. If mining activities are illegal, severity of impact has been much more. The recent illegal mining activities in iron and manganese ores in India made huge losses to the public exchequers in billions of dollars. Illegal miners plundered natural wealth at the cost of disturbing ecology, environment, and displacing poor and their livelihoods. It could not have happened without a strong nexus between illegal miners, and politicians and bureaucrats. As global demand for minerals increased, the prices rose sharply at international markets, particularly in China. As it happened, behaviour of mining mafias in India have changed spontaneously and entered into illegal mining activity. Natural resource depletion can destabilize livelihoods, negatively affecting ecosystems, and undermine peace and development. Exploitation of natural resources is a key factor in economic growth and development, and also one that can have serious negative environmental and socioeconomic impacts. The local mining mafia stretched their empire for private gain at the cost of public resources and reaped the real benefits in collusions with dishonest politicians and public officials, violating most of the environmental and biodiversity norms of natural resource conservation. Even, on exposing such kind of illegal activities in mining areas, the political leadership is engaged to cover up such activities.

The Best Practices Spotlight Organization (BPSO) Designation is internationally renowned and has been a resounding success in demonstrating the uptake and sustained use of Best Practice Guidelines. The BPSO Designation's strategic approach has served to trigger the development of evidence-based cultures, improve patient care, and enrich the professional practice of nurses and other healthcare providers. At the time of writing, there were 7 BPSO Hosts composed of 125 BPSOs Direct that represent over 550 healthcare organizations and academic institutions in 12 countries and 5 continents. ; From conceptual and programmatic underpinnings to lived experiences of faculty, students, nurse executives, and bedside nurses, Transforming Nursing Through Knowledge leaves no stone unturned, allowing readers to gain a full understanding of a nurse's role in developing, using, and evaluating the impact of knowledge tools in healthcare. Authors Doris Grinspun and Irmajean Bajnok designed this text to be a practical, go-to book for healthcare organizations, nurse executives, and professionals learning to create world-class evidence-based cultures—how to get started, move forward, and achieve results. This book will help you: Understand the Registered Nurses' Association of Ontario (RNAO) Best Practice Guidelines (BPG) Program and its galvanizing power as a global movement that builds collective identity Discover the latest in guideline development, implementation science, and evaluation at scale Tackle healthy work environment challenges using BPGs to influence outcomes for health professionals, patients, organizations, and health systems Use implementation science and social movement strategies to successfully implement BPGs in academic and service settings Recognize that transferring and sustaining evidence uptake require active and multilevel interventions Learn to integrate technology, including nursing order sets, to support evidence-based clinical decision making Propel large-scale organizational and health system change using diffusion theory and social movement thinking Be inspired by nursing associations taking political leadership to secure the highest-quality health system for the public Transforming Nursing Through Knowledge enables readers to learn from the evolution of a successful largescale global program focused on advancing evidence to practice, evidence to work environments, and evidence to policy to bring about deep organizational and health system change. This item record pertains to an excerpt from Transforming Nursing Through Knowledge , which is provided free of charge by the publisher. To purchase the entire book from the publisher click here. To order books, buy in bulk, or order for corporate use, contact Sigma Marketplace at 888.NKI.4YOU (888.654.4968/US and Canada) or +1.317.634.8171 (outside US and Canada). To request a review copy for course adoption, email solutions@nursingknowledge.org or call 888.NKI.4YOU (888.654.4968/US and Canada) or +1.317.634.8171 (outside US and Canada) To request author information, or for speaker or other media requests, contact Marketing, Honor Society of Nursing, Sigma Theta Tau International at 888.634.7575 (US and Canada) or +1.317.634.8171 (outside US and Canada).

В статье детально анализируется вопрос о «российской угрозе» постсоветскому пространству. В связи со значительными геополитическими успехами России на постсоветском пространстве, а в частности в Центральной Азии, участились обвинения в ее адрес, связанные якобы с ее агрессивными намерениями. В западных экспертных кругах активно раскручивается миф о «российской угрозе», который возник еще в XVI в. и поэтому справедливо может считаться архаичным. На примере войны в Южной Осетии и трансформационных событий на Украине проводится объективный анализ причин, которые противоречат утверждениям об агрессии России в этих направлениях. Развернуто представлена война в Южной Осетии 2008 г., когда четко прослеживается агрессия со стороны Грузии, что доказывает постепенная подготовка к боевым действиям, которая осуществлялась грузинским политическим руководством с 2004 г. при помощи внешней поддержки. Более того, отмечается существенный рост активности НАТО у российских границ, что дает России право защищать соседние территории, стабильность и безопасность которых напрямую связана с ее национальной безопасностью. Автор приходит к выводу, что в таких вопросах, как война в Южной Осетии, присоединение Крыма к России, действия России умышленно гипертрофируются геополитическими оппонентами и искаженная информация используется для того, чтобы подорвать имидж России и ее дружеские отношения с государствами постсоветского пространства. Раздуваемая угроза со стороны России центральноазиатским государствам, а именно Казахстану, не имеет под собой существенных оснований, так как российско-центральноазиатские отношения проверены на прочность временем и носят стратегический характер. ; The issue of "Russian threat" to the post-soviet space has been analyzed in the article. Due to significant geopolitical success of Russia in the post-soviet space and in particular in Central Asia there were frequent charges against her related to the alleged aggressive intentions. In western expert associations a myth about "the Russian threat" that appeared in the sixteenth century and therefore rightly can be considered archaic is actively promoting. For example, the objective analysis of the causes of the war in South Ossetia and transformational events in Ukraine contradict the claims about Russia's aggression in these areas. The war in South Ossetia of 2008 has presented completely where the Georgian aggression is clearly seen. A gradual war preparation, having been carried out by the Georgian political leadership since 2004 with the help of external support, proves it. Moreover, there is substantial growth of activity of NATO near the Russian borders, giving Russia the right to protect site stability and security which is directly related to its national security. The author comes to the conclusion that in such matters as the war in South Ossetia, the joining of Crimea to Russia, Russia's actions deliberately exaggerated by geopolitical opponents and distorted information is used in order to undermine the image of Russia and its friendly relations with post-soviet states. Inflating the Russian threat to the Central Asian states, for example Kazakhstan is baseless, as Russian-Central Asian relations are tested for durability time and are strategic in nature.

В данной статье анализируется механизм функционирования театральной цензуры Ленинграда в первой половине 1950-х гг Отмечая, что в послевоенные годы все театры испытали на себе ужесточение цензуры, автор, опираясь на архивные материалы, выявляет ее специфические черты в одном из важнейших культурных центров страны. Анализируя отчеты Ленгорлита о работе управления по охране в оенных и государственных тайн в печати, автор статьи указывает на то, что в этих документах большее внимание уделялось контролю над произведениями драматургии малых форм, а многоактные пьесы контролировало Главное управление культуры Ленгорисполкома. Рассматривая общие принципы функционирования цензурных органов, автор показывает наличие в этот период особых цензурных правил, действовавших в ленинградских драматических театрах. Если предварительный контроль над самим текстом драматических произведений находился в ведении Главискусства, то идеологический контроль, сводившийся к внесению изменений в репертуарный план театров, осуществлялся управлением культуры исполкома Ленгорсовета. Автор отмечает, что по мере того как происходили изменения в политическом руководстве страны, связанные со смертью И. В. Сталина, претерпевала изменения и культурная атмосфера. Это проявилось в новых тенденциях, отражением чего стало «оживление» драматургии в театральном искусстве. В статье осуществляется анализ советской политики в сфере культуры на примере ленинградских драматических театров, выявляются особенности цензурной практики начала 1950-х гг. Их выражением стал двойной контроль над творчеством драматических театров, который противоречил новым тенденциям в культурной жизни и активизации театрального искусства в целом. ; This paper analyzes the mechanism of functioning of Leningrad theater censorship in the first half of the 1950s. Noting that in the postwar years, all theaters felt the tightening of censorship, the author, based on archival materials, reveals its special features in one of the most important cultural centers of the country. Analyzing reports on work of management on the Protection of Military and State Secrets in the Press (Lengorlit), the author points out that in these documents more attention was paid to the control of small works of dramatic art forms, and Full Plays controlled the General Directorate of the Leningrad Executive Committee of Culture. Considering the general principles of operation of the censorship authorities, the author shows the presence of this period specific censorship regulations in force in the Leningrad drama theaters. If the preliminary control by the text of dramatic works was under the General Administration of literature and art (Glaviskusstvo), the ideological control is reduced to amend the plan repertory theaters, manages the executive committee of the Leningrad City Soviet culture. The author notes that as changes in the political leadership of the country, related to the death of Stalin, underwent changes and cultural atmosphere. This was manifested in new trends, a reflection of what was the revival of the drama in the theater arts. By the example of Leningrad theaters analysis of Soviet policy in the sphere of culture, the article reveals peculiarities of censorship practices beginning of the 1950s. Their expression has become a double control over the work of theaters, which is contrary to the new trends in cultural life and the revival of theater art in general.

Укрепление обороноспособности государства путем наращивания военно-экономического потенциала являлось важнейшей жизненно необходимой задачей Советского Союза на протяжении всего периода его существования. Ценой колоссальных усилий трудовых, научных и конструкторских коллективов, материальных и финансовых затрат в ходе выполнения предвоенных пятилетних планов в СССР был создан оборонно-промышленным комплекс (ОПК) сектор общественного производства, предназначенный для обеспечения государства средствами вооружённой борьбы. Ядром ОПК являлись четыре общесоюзных отраслевых народных комиссариата оборонной промышленности: наркомат авиационной промышленности (НКАП), наркомат боеприпасов (НКБ), наркомат вооружения (НКВ) и наркомат судостроительной промышленности (НКСП), образованные в соответствии с Указом Президиума Верховного Совета СССР от 11 января 1939 г. путём разделения наркомата оборонной промышленности СССР. Они стали отдельной группой центральных органов управления, предназначенной для обеспечения мероприятий по реализации стратегических решений военно-политического руководства страны. Объективной оценкой соответствия наркоматов своему предназначению стали результаты их деятельности в условиях военного времени. С этой точки зрения необходимо констатировать выполнение ими своего предназначения бесперебойного обеспечения фронта современными средствами вооруженной борьбы. Во многом благодаря этому факту СССР одержал победу в тяжелейшем противоборстве советского ОПК с военной промышленностью нацистской Германии и её сателлитов. В статье на основе архивных документов и свидетельств современников показан вклад центральных органов управления оборонной промышленности в победу Советского Союза в Великой Отечественной войне. ; Strengthening national defense by building up military and economic potential was the most important vital task of the Soviet Union during the whole period of its existence. The price of enormous effort of labor, research and design teams, huge material and financial costs in the course of the prewar five-year plans in the Soviet Union was paid and incurred to create the military-industrial complex (MIC) sector of social production, designed to provide security for the state in armed struggle. The core of the DIC were four industry: Commissariat of Aviation Industry (NCAP), the People's Commissariat of ammunition (NBC) weapons Commissariat (IEC) and the People's Commissariat of the shipbuilding industry (NCSP), formed in accordance with the Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet on January 11, 1939 by separation of the People's Commissariat of Defense Industry of the USSR. They became a separate group of central government, designed to provide measures for the implementation of strategic decisions of the military and political leadership of the country. Objective assessment of commissariats effectiveness were the results of their operations in wartime. From this point of view it is necessary to ascertain performance of its mission to supply front with modern means of warfare. Largely due to this fact, the Soviet Union won in serious confrontation with the military-industrial complex military industry of Nazi Germany and its satellites. On the basis of archival documents and testimony of contemporaries the article shows the contribution of the defense industry in the Soviet Union's victory in the Great Patriotic War.

Статья посвящена реакции общества США на кризис международных отношений в 1920-е 1930-е гг. Сразу после Вашингтонской конференции и особенно после Китайского инцидента публицисты США сделали все возможное, чтобы завоевать сочувствие американцев к Китаю, и продемонстрировать опасность японской агрессии, в том числе для самих Соединённых Штатов. Таким образом, основная цель публицистов США была доказать возможность нападения Японии на США. Авторы показывают причины, по которым общественное мнение США и писатели поддерживали дискуссии о японской агрессии. ; Security threat assessment in the region is developing to a large extent under the influence of the media. For this reason, the subject of considerable research interest is the analysis of formation of opinions publicists of a particular country on the eve of its entry into the war. In this regard, of particular interest is the U.S., who twice suffered a sudden attack (in Pearl Harbor and at 2001/09/09). The subject of our study was the theme of Nazi and Japanese threats in the American journalism 1920 1930 on the example of War in the Pacific: A Study of Navies, Peoples, and Other Battle Problems by S. Denlinger, and Ch.B. Gary (New York: R.M. McBride & Co., 1936), The Great Pacific War: A History of the American-Japanese Campaign of 1931-1933 (London: Con-stable & Co Ltd., 1925) and Sea Power in the Pacific: A Study of the American-Japanese Naval Problem (Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1921) by H.C. Bywater, as well as Must We Fight Japan? by W. Pitkin (New York: The Century Co., 1921). On the basis of historical and discourse analysis of these works we have shown the U.S. journalists' reaction to International Affairs crisis in Pacific Region. After Washington Naval Conference 1921-1922 and especially after Marco Polo Bridge Incident U.S. publicists did their best to American society realized the inevitability and scale of the Japanese threat to U.S. security. Having considered most important work of American publicists, writers and journalists on Japan-US relations in the 1930s, we came to the following conclusions: (i) conclusion of the Washington Treaty initiated in the United States journalistic forecasts of Japanese aggression; (ii) In 1931, along with an awareness of the Pacific War inevitability, American journalists are beginning to express ideas about the ability to reorient direction of the Japanese expansion, (iii) In the mid-1930s, the American media has formed the view that the first stage of Japan's aggression against the United States is Japan's war in China. In the same period, the U.S. political leadership continued to hope for a compromise for the sake of peace in the Pacific. Therefore, the leaders of the United States in the 1930s have ignored all warnings of civil and military journalists about a possible attack on Hawaii As a result, the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor appeared unexpected and shocking.