In this essay, Ford considers provisions of the 2016 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) which place restrictions on the disposition of detainees held in Guantánamo Bay. These provisions raise substantial separation of powers issues regarding the ability of Congress to restrict detention operations of the Executive. These restrictions, and similar restrictions found in earlier NDAAs, specifically implicate the Executive's powers in foreign affairs and as Commander in Chief. Ford concludes that, with the exception of a similar provision found in the 2013 NDAA, the restrictions are constitutional.
The rule of law is the central milestone of modern democratic states. There is a gap, however, between what is on the constitutional texts and the lived-in world. The scholars use to concentrate their focus on the Executive Branch's role (and, sometimes, of Legislative Power) in situations of disregard of the Constitution. However, we chose to target the Judicial Branch and its decisions as contributions to the erosion of the rule of law and the production of democratic decay. We claim that the Judiciary started to play a crucial role in this process by assuming a populist bias and carrying out common lawfare practices – which can be well exemplified by judicial electoral decisions and the judicial decisions about Operation Car Wash. For researching the problem and discussing the hypothesis, we used the theoretical-deductive method. We carried out a literature review. We also use informative documentaries extracted from the media on the behavior of public authorities and the critical description of judicial decisions. The bibliography is interdisciplinary. We conclude that when the Judicial Branch becomes a political actor, it fosters a situation of instability and becomes an institution whose legitimacy depends on variations in the mood of society – which goes against the assumptions of democracy and the rule of law. This new judicial behavior causes an imbalance between the powers and the absence of an institution that moderates social conflicts. This situation contributed to the resurgence of the authoritarian identity of Brazilian civil society and the ideological polarization that culminated in the election of a far-right administration in 2018.
The rule of law is the central milestone of modern democratic states. There is a gap, however, between what is on the constitutional texts and the lived-in world. The scholars use to concentrate their focus on the Executive Branch's role (and, sometimes, of Legislative Power) in situations of disregard of the Constitution. However, we chose to target the Judicial Branch and its decisions as contributions to the erosion of the rule of law and the production of democratic decay. We claim that the Judiciary started to play a crucial role in this process by assuming a populist bias and carrying out common lawfare practices – which can be well exemplified by judicial electoral decisions and the judicial decisions about Operation Car Wash. For researching the problem and discussing the hypothesis, we used the theoretical-deductive method. We carried out a literature review. We also use informative documentaries extracted from the media on the behavior of public authorities and the critical description of judicial decisions. The bibliography is interdisciplinary. We conclude that when the Judicial Branch becomes a political actor, it fosters a situation of instability and becomes an institution whose legitimacy depends on variations in the mood of society – which goes against the assumptions of democracy and the rule of law. This new judicial behavior causes an imbalance between the powers and the absence of an institution that moderates social conflicts. This situation contributed to the resurgence of the authoritarian identity of Brazilian civil society and the ideological polarization that culminated in the election of a far-right administration in 2018.
This book examines the responsibility of judges of domestic courts following unconstitutional usurpation of power of government (coups d'tat). It explores judges' liability for failing to discharge their judicial duty independently and impartially, and the criminality of usurpers and their accomplices and collaborators for their violation of fundamental rights and freedoms or commission of crimes of international concern. Written by a highly regarded non-Western author, the book is coherent and meticulously researched, covering an approach to coups in an insightful and fascinating fashion. It includes a sophisticated and thorough analysis of the relevant comparative jurisprudence of domestic and international courts, with concrete examples of the best practices among decisions of domestic courts in countries that have experienced coups d'tat. With an increasing global interest in the phenomenon of coups, democratic backsliding and the place and role of the judiciary as the only hope to rein in acts of unconstitutional usurpation of power, the book will be essential reading for members of the legal profession, those cherishing democracy as well as students and researchers in constitutional law, law and political science, public international law, international human rights law, international criminal law, regime changes, transitional justice and international organizations.
Introduction / Marianne Dickie -- Pathways to illegality, or what became of the international students / Sanmati Verma -- Great expectations and the twilight zone: the human consequences of the linking of Australia's international student and skilled migration programs and the dismantling of that scheme / Sudrishti Reich -- Intertwined mobilities of education, tourism and labour: the consequences of 417 and 485 visas in Australia / Shanthi Robertson -- Unintended consequences of temporary migration to Australia / Peter Mares -- Reconsidering what constitutes objective decision-making about children crossing international borders / Joanne Kinslor -- A brief case for open borders in Australia / Benjamin Powell -- Not drowning, waving: images, history, and the representation of asylum seekers / Desmond Manderson.
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This Article examines the constitutionality of an Israeli bill that criminalizes the use of PA systems in prayer houses, punishable by a fine of 5000–10,000 NIS (the Muezzin Law). The Bill was presented to the Israeli Parliament (the Knesset) as a religiously-neutral environmental law. This Article asserts that a careful reading of the Bill's language reveals that it is specifically tailored to apply precisely to Muslim prayer houses, thus criminalizing the Muslim call for prayer (the adhan), especially the call occurring between dawn and sunrise (the Fajer adhan). As such, we perceive the Muezzin law as violating the right to equality and the right to dignity of the Muslim minority in Israel, as well as infringing upon its religious feelings. Additionally, we contend that the Muezzin Law is not truly driven by environmental concern, but rather that it represents a conflict with religious dimension (a CRD)—namely, the perception that the adhan, as a Muslim symbol, poses a threat to the identity of Jews in Israel. Examining the constitutionality of the Muezzin Law introduces a crucial question relating to the interplay between constitutional law and criminal law. Our assertion is that in any constitutional democracy, in order for the legislature to validly classify conduct as a crime, such criminalization must befit the values of constitutional democracy, serve a proper purpose, and be proportionate. The requirement for proportionality consists of three subtests: (a) the rational connection test; (b) the necessity test; and (c) the balancing benefits test. It is our contention that the Muezzin Law comprises an unconstitutional criminalization of the Fajer adhan. It stands in contrast with the basic values of constitutional democracy, primarily that of tolerance towards a religious minority, particularly, the Muslim community. Additionally, we assert that the Muezzin Law's purpose is improper as it aims at infringing upon the religious feelings of the Muslim minority in Israel, holding that the value of protecting religious feelings is a constitutional value. Finally, we view such criminalization as provided in the Muezzin Law as being unproportionate. In this latter regard, we hold the view that our CRD analysis provides a more delicate, proper, and proportionate solution to the question at stake.
В статье анализируются отдельные аспекты, связанные с изменениями судебной системы Российской Федерации. Обращается внимание на необходимость совершенствования нормативного правового регулирования организации и деятельности судебной власти, осуществляемого на подзаконном уровне. Ставится вопрос о разработке Федерального конституционного закона «О статусе судьи в Российской Федерации». ; The article gives the analysis of individual aspects arising from changes in the judicial system of the Russian Federation. Draws attention to the necessity of perfection of normative legal regulation of the organization and activity of judicial authorities, carried out on the level of a regulation. The question of the elaboration of the Federal constitutional law On the status of judges in the Russian Federation».
The article notes that the ongoing administrative reform in Ukraine draws attention to the study of a wide range of issues related to its implementation. The current stage of this reform involves, firstly, changes in the administrative-territorial structure, secondly, changes in the system of local executive bodies, and thirdly, competence changes in the system of local self-government in the context of further decentralization of public power. Thus, the issue of administrative and legal regulation of the functioning of the system of local self-government in Ukraine is an urgent topic for research. Among the authors - specialists in constitutional law, whose works will be most useful in the study of administrative and legal regulation of the functioning of the system of local self-government in Ukraine, should be considered appropriate the works of professors Bordenyuk, Baymuratov, Batanov, Lubchenko, Mishyna. Professor Batanov devoted a significant part of his publications to the issue of local self-government in the context of its primary subject - the territorial community. However, from the point of view of administrative and legal research, his works concerning the formation and development of national municipal law are of interest. He made a significant contribution to the development of a thesaurus of relevant research, formulated a number of innovative conclusions and proposals on the socio-political conditions that affect the further development of local government, analyzed the legal regulation of local government in the context of globalization and European integration. Professor Bordenyuk reflected on the place of local self-government in the mechanism of the state, contributed to the definition of "region" in the context of state regional policy, covered the conceptual basis of the relationship of local government and its bodies with state functions, as well as the relationship of public administration functions, carried out in the process of local self-government. The researcher also did not overlook the problems of methodology - he analyzed the basics of the relationship between methods of public administration and methods of local self-government. ; У статті зазначено, що триваюча в Україні адміністративна реформа привертає увагу до дослідження широкого спектра питань, пов'язаних з її проведенням. Сучасний (поточний) етап цієї реформи передбачає, по-перше, зміни в адміністративно-територіальному устрою, по-друге, зміни у системі місцевих виконавчих органів, по-третє, компетенційні зміни у системі органів місцевого самоврядування у контексті подальшої децентралізації публічної влади. Таким чином, питання адміністративно-правового регулювання функціонування системи органів місцевого самоврядування в Україні є нагальною темою для наукових досліджень. До числа авторів - фахівців з конституційного права, праці яких найбільше стануть у нагоді під час дослідження питань адміністративно-правового регулювання функціонування системи органів місцевого самоврядування в Україні, слід уважати належними В.І. Борденюка, М.О. Баймуратова, О.В. Батанова, П.М. Любченка, Н.В. Мішину. Так, О.В. Батанов значну частину своїх публікацій присвятив проблематиці місцевого самоврядування у контексті його первинного суб'єкта - територіальної громади. Однак з точки зору адміністративно-правових досліджень являють інтерес ті його праці, які стосуються питань становлення та розвитку національного муніципального права. Він зробив значний внесок у розвиток тезаурусу відповідних досліджень, сформулював низку інноваційних висновків та пропозицій щодо тих суспільно-політичних умов, які впливають на подальший розвиток місцевого самоврядування, проаналізував питання нормативно-правової регламентації місцевого самоврядування з урахуванням процесів глобалізації та європейської інтеграції. В.І. Борденюк розмірковував над місцем місцевого самоврядування в механізмі держави, зробив внесок у визначення поняття «регіон» у контексті державної регіональної політики, охопив увагою концептуальні основи співвідношення функцій місцевого самоврядування та його органів з функціями держави, а також співвідношення функцій державного управління з функціями управління, що здійснюються в процесі місцевого самоврядування. Дослідник також не оминув увагою і проблеми методології - він проаналізував основи співвідношення методів державного управління та методів здійснення місцевого самоврядування.
Zusammenfassung: "Franz L. Neumann was a twentieth-century political thinker compelled to address central issues of democratic political understanding that have unexpectedly returned to prominence in recent years. Above all, there are patterns of threat to the convergence of pluralist social formations and adaptive constitutional orders that appeared securely established in the predominant array of states, notably the rise of authoritarian political leaders able to secure recognition from constituencies compounded of disillusioned publics and interested centers of power"--(Provided by publisher.)
Wie viel Freiheit Eltern sowie Schüler*innen im Hinblick auf die weiterführende Schulform nach der Grundschule gelassen werden sollte, ist schulpolitisch umstritten. Das schlägt sich in einer großen Vielfalt von Übergangsmodellen in den einzelnen deutschen Bundesländern nieder. Der folgende Beitrag bietet zunächst einen Überblick über die Rechtssituation in den verschiedenen Bundesländern. Im Anschluss werden die unterschiedlichen Regelungsmodelle unter Einbeziehung von Erkenntnissen der Bildungsforschung einer Bewertung am Maßstab des Grundgesetzes unterzogen. (DIPF/Orig.) ; How much freedom parents and pupils should have with regard to the secondary school form after primary school is strongly controversial in terms of school politics. This is reflected in a wide variety of regulatory models in the individual federal states. The following article first provides an overview of the legal situation in the various federal states of Germany. Subsequently, the different regulatory models, taking into account the findings of educational research, will be subjected to an assessment on the scale of the German constitution. (DIPF/Orig.)
In: Roger Masterman and Ian Leigh (eds)The United Kingdom's Statutory Bill of Rights: Constitutional and Comparative Perspectives (OUP, London, 2013) pp 251-278
In: Thomas , R & Lynch-Wood , G 2008 , ' Transposing European Union Law in the United Kingdom: Administrative Rule-making, Scrutiny, and Better Regulation ' European Public Law , vol 14 , no. 2 , pp. 177-211 .
The obligation of the Member States of the European Union (EU) to transpose EU law, in particular directives, into their own national legal systems can present a challenge for national governments. By considering the transposition of EU legislation in the United Kingdom (UK), this article examines the constitutional, legal and administrative aspects of the transposition process. In recent years, there has been debate in the UK as to whether or not there is over-implementation of EU law. By situating this debate within the broader context of the better regulation agenda, which has developed at both the national and EU level, the article examines the evidence whether or not the UK over-implements EU law. In particular, the article considers the recent report of the UK Government's Davidson review into the implementation of EU legislation and its implications.
Court systems and jurisdiction -- Criminal trial procedure -- Civil trial procedure -- Defensive pleadings in civil trials -- Method of discovery -- Pretrial hearing and jury trial -- Steps in a trial -- Legal ethics -- Constitutional law -- Crimes, accomplices, and defenses -- Crimes against property -- Crimes against the person and human habitation -- Homicide -- Crimes against morality and drug abuse -- Torts and tortfeasors -- Intentional torts -- Negligence and product liability -- Formation of contracts -- Contract requirements -- Third parties and discharge of contracts -- The uniform commercial code and sales of goods contracts -- Personal property and bailments -- Intellectual property -- Law of agency -- Wills, testaments, and advance directives -- Revocation, lapses, and ademption -- Principal clauses in a will -- Disinheritance and intestacy -- Personal representative of the estate -- Settling an estate -- Trusts -- Estates in real property -- Multiple ownership of real property -- Acquiring title to real property -- Deeds -- Mortgages -- Landlord and tenant -- Marriage, divorce, and dissolution of marriage -- Divorce procedure -- -- Business organizations -- The law of bankruptcy