Suchergebnisse

"The United States as the world's sole superpower is seeing its position wane as China and Russia look to reassert themselves as global powers. Moreover, there are many other security issues confronting the United States. This book provides an open source intelligence analysis of regions, countries and non-state actors from around the globe that could adversely impact the United States. Chapters in this book dissect issues using predominately qualitative analysis techniques focusing on secondary data sources in order to provide an unclassified assessment of threats as seen by the United States using two models (the York Intelligence Red Team Model and the Federal Secondary Data Case Study Triangulation Model). The key audience for this book includes the 17 members of the U.S. intelligence community, members of the U.S. National Security Council, allies of the United States, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) looking to provide support abroad, and private sector companies considering expanding their operations overseas"--

THE AUTHOR ARGUES THAT PALESTINIANS; SECURITY NEEDS, LONG UNDERVALUED IN COMPARISON WITH THOSE OF ISRAEL, MUST BE MET IN ANY GENUINE PEACE SETTLEMENT IN THE MIDDLE EAST, NOT ONLY FOR THEIR OWN SAKE BUT ALSO FOR THAT OF THE DURABILITY OF PEACE IN THE REGION. KEY COMPONENTS OF PALESTINIAN SECURITY ARE DISCUSSED, INCLUDING ADEQUATE SELF-DEFENCE ARRANGEMENTS, EXTERNAL REINFORCEMENT AND REGIONAL LINKAGE; AND THE PROSPECTS FOR SATISFACTORY PROGRESS TOWARDS A FINAL SETTLEMENT DURING THE INTERIM PHASE OF THE PEACE PROCESS ARE EXAMINED.

Australia's food security should not be taken for granted. The Covid-19 pandemic shows what can go wrong with it during seismic strategic challenges. January's empty supermarket shelves across Darwin, caused by flooding, illustrate the precarious ...

In the United States, the Executive branch possesses virtually unbridled classification authority to keep information from the public. Although the Freedom of Information Act and whistleblower protection laws serve as some check on the Executive's power over national security information, these tools remain largely ineffectual. Because the desire for tight information control competes with the demands of newsgathering, a "game of leaks" has developed among government officials and reporters in which the press alternatively serves as lapdogs, watchdogs, and scapegoats for the Executive branch. This Article demonstrates that the government has been communicating information to the public through leaks ever since the administration of President Theodore Roosevelt. Legal developments in the current climate, including the on-going prosecution of two lobbyists for violations of the Espionage Act in the American-Israeli Public Affairs Committee case, have the potential to establish precedents that could pose dire consequences for this crucial information flow. This Article scrutinizes the constitutionality of prosecuting the non-government parties for the publication of classified information by examining the long and complicated history of the relationship between the press and the Executive branch and the role leaks play in the dissemination of classified information to the public today. After examining the relationship between the press and the Executive branch as well as tracing the development of the reasoning behind the applicable First Amendment doctrine, this Article ultimately argues that in any prosecution against a non-government actor for disseminating national security information, the government must demonstrate that the disclosure posed an immediate and direct threat to national security, but also that the offender either intended the disclosure to harm the United States or help a foreign nation, or that the offender was recklessly indifferent to the harm that the disclosure would cause. Given that the Executive branch has so much power to control the dissemination of national security information to the public, and itself leaks information to support its agenda, its power to punish the publication of leaks must be extremely limited. An intent requirement is consistent with the Supreme Court's free speech jurisprudence and helps achieve this goal. An intent requirement will encourage the government and the press to continue their historical cooperation when the publication of certain information poses a possible threat to national security interests. It will create an incentive for the government officials to explain their national security concerns to the press, and will simultaneously hold the press accountable for any reckless disregard shown to genuine threats. This approach seeks to strike the proper balance between the Executive's vast ability to control the dissemination of national security information to the public—often through calculated leaks—and the need to maintain the secrecy of information that is truly sensitive.

Donald Trump's 2017 National Security Strategy (NSS) promises to put "America first." However, it is only a partial break from convention, and evinces a deep current of incoherence in Trump's foreign policy. The NSS attempts to combine two incompatible worldviews into a single doctrine: the president's "America First" nationalism and the seventy-year-old internationalist consensus among the US foreign policy establishment. Not only does it betray strategic dissonance, it portends an impossible working relationship between Trump's insurgent nationalism and the traditionalism of the US foreign policy bureaucracy.

An important component of the state-building process in Ukraine is the government's activities to ensure national security, which is an attribute of independence. The ruling political forces in Ukraine have created the necessary legal framework for national security (parliamentary resolutions, laws, decrees of the head of state). The process of ensuring the national security of Ukraine should be divided into stages: 1991−2014 (imitation) and after 2014 (essential). The peculiarities of the first stage were the wide involvement of Soviet approaches in the formation of the institutional basis for ensuring national security, the imitation of the defense activity of legitimate armed formations, and the development of the military organization of the state. It was considered that the proper level of military security of Ukraine is evidence of national security in general. At the beginning of 2014, the system of ensuring Ukraine's national security on the basis of imitation collapsed, which failed to counteract Russia's aggressive plans. Seeking to hinder the will of the Ukrainian people for a European future, Russia occupied part of Ukraine's territory − the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol, and unleashed military aggression in eastern Ukraine. The beginning of the essential stage of ensuring the national security of Ukraine is connected with the initiative involvement of civil society in the implementation of security and defense tasks. Evidence of this were: the rapid organization of the emergence of volunteer battalions and their practical application in eastern Ukraine; active formation of local self-defense forces; powerful volunteer movement; deployment of information resistance structures to the enemy's propaganda influences; implementation of the values of patriotism in the spiritual and cultural life of the population, etc. The violent reaction of civil society to the threats and dangers that threaten the very existence of an independent and sovereign Ukraine has become a social reality. In Ukraine, there has been a fundamental shift in emphasis in the understanding of national security. The main subject of its ensuring is the security and defense sector, which combines state authorities, state armed formations and civil society structures interested in solving security and defense tasks. In Ukraine, which seeks to become democratic, security activities have been de-ethicized, which is not the case in authoritarian countries. If earlier national security was interpreted as a state of protection of national interests, now (at the request of civil society) − as a state of protection of national interests and values. The theory and practice of creating national security of Ukraine are developing dynamically. The subject of scientific research and public discussions are methodological, institutional, public administration, social compensation aspects of national security and defense. It is a matter of practical implementation of their results with the leading participation of constitutional state structures. Key words: national security, state-building, legal framework on national security, military organization of the state, security and defense sector, civil society, security, danger.

At head of title: 92d Congress, 2d session. Committee print. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Climate change is leading to severe environmental degradation and ecological breakdown. We are on a path towards 2°C to 3°C warming above pre-industrial levels, yet at the current 1°C warming, we already see drastic and irreversible changes. Arguably, this represents an existential threat to humanity, and by extension, a national security threat to every country in the world. Nevertheless, the securitisation of climate remains contested, and research on states' approaches to climate securitisation remains limited despite them being the most important actors in climate change policy. In this article, we perform a content analysis on a large corpus of current national security and defence documents from 94 countries to determine: Is climate on national security agendas? To what extent is it prioritised? What are the main ways in which national security agendas handle climate security? We find that although most states in our sample (84%) mention climate in their national security documents (NSDs), they still treat it as a low priority in most cases. All states devote less than a quarter of their NSDs to climate change. Only five states dedicate 10% or more, whilst the majority of states dedicate 3% or less.