Suchergebnisse

In this paper an attempt has been made to present one of the most prominent contradictions of the contemporary parliamentarianism in states which have a proportional voting system. This contradiction stems from the three-fold relationship between: a voter, a member of parliament (MP) and a political party from whose electoral list the MP is elected. On the one hand, a person does not have the possibility to be elected in the parliament if acting independently, outside the political party and its party mechanisms and logistical capacities. On the other hand, after being appointed the parliamentary term as a result of the party's will, the person attains the freedom, through their free term of office, to distance themselves from their political party, and even to leave it and join another political option. The paper also shows that this phenomenon significantly affects and deforms the principle of citizens' sovereignty, given that it is the political parties which have the major impact on the voters' sovereign will expressed at the elections. .

Having had a foot in each camp for over 30 years, I am acutely aware of our discipline's customary division of the study of political parties between American and non-American subjects. The division remains most apparent in teaching programs despite increasing cross-national research efforts during the last few decades. I doubt that merger is entirely feasible. The division is deeply rooted in the general development of political science in the United States, and something like it is characteristic of other subjects as well as of parties. Legislatures, executives, and courts readily come to mind. Significantly, they are governmental institutions so linked to a country's constitutional and historical experience that a national context for their study seems plainly appropriate. Although parties are not governmental institutions in the same sense as are legislatures, executives, and courts, they have become more than merely private political associations. Most notably in the United States, they are plainly quasigovernmental in many respects. Perhaps this helps to explain why American political scientists have treated our parties, along with governing agencies, as American institutions while leaving parties in other nations for treatment under the rubric of comparative government and politics. Much can be said in behalf of that institutional tradition, but one must grant that it ties our work to geographic units and thus keeps many political scientists closer to historians, in at least one methodological sense, than to economists or sociologists. For better or worse, we thus appear less scientific, conceptually, than the ambitious title of our discipline suggests.

The Post-communist party systems are often presented as extremely fragmentised and the political parties which emerged after the break down of communism are characterised by their blurred link with the civil society, by weak membership structures and a strong tendency to wards the colonization of the state. The mainstream literature considers, in the case of the new democracies, the existence of a strong tendency towards the emergence of a centralisation of power at the level of party leadership which describes both the party creation and party development phases. Nevertheless, at the level of the empirical studies little attention has been paid to the analysis of party organizations and their internal articulation of power. In this context, the study aims at providing a general image of the party organisational features during the party institutionalisation process in a particular case: the post-communist Romania. The paper explores the main characteristics of the party on the ground, party in central office and party in public office components of the main Romanian political parties and the relationship established between them. The conclusions of the study emphasize the sui generis features of the Romanian political party development process which favours an unexpected reinforcement of the local party organisations and the emergence of linkage mechanisms between different party layers.

Intro -- Contents -- Joint Preface -- Editor's Preface -- Acknowledgments -- The U.S. Two-Party System: Past and Present ( Several Methodological Problems for Research) -- Comment -- Response -- The Origins of the American Political Parties in the United States -- Democrats and Whigs -- Comment -- Response -- Parties and Political Debates in the Secession Crisis (1860-1861) -- Conservatism versus Revolution -- Comment -- Response -- Silver against Gold -- The Democratic Party in Opposition -- Comment -- Response -- Alfred E. Smith and the Conservative Political Tradition in the 1920s-1930s -- Comment -- Electoral Strategy of the Republican Party in the 1970s Early 1980s -- Comment -- Response -- Several Conclusions from Studying the History of the U. S. Two- Party System -- Comment -- Response -- Contributors -- Index.

This paper discusses the chronology of the establishment and organisation of political parties in Serbia during the 1880s. The National Radical Party was established in January 1881 as the first organised political party in Serbia. Two other political parties, the Progressive and the Liberal Party, followed soon after. The establishment of the local committee in Belgrade in early December of 1881 marked the constitution of the National Radical Party. Other local committees were established throughout Serbia immediately after the first one. The local committees represented the basic organisational units of the Progressive Party with the General Committee based in Belgrade. The Statutes of the National Liberal Party, issued on 3/15 March 1883, defined the following bodies: General Committee, local committees, and the Party Meetings.

South Korea's political parties, previously characterized as vehicles by leaders to recruit entourages to win presidential elections, are becoming more ideologically oriented. The ruling party's new left-wing elites and a new labor party are central to these tensions between entourage and ideology. Growing ideological orientation may affect both political development and the ROK-U.S. alliance.

This book addresses the changing electoral and political circumstances in which American political parties found themselves during the 2016 election, and the strategic adaptations this new pressure may require. The respective establishments of both major political parties have found themselves facing serious challenges. Some observers wondered if realignment was in progress, and whether the parties could survive. Both grounded in research and accessible to more than just academics, this book provides important insights into how political parties can move forward from 2016.

The article is concerned on election problems and perspectives of Russian opposition parties. The focus of the article is on political parties created after 2012. Article reveals the parties which were successful in regional and local elections. Also it is determined which of them can get maximum election chances in future. Electoral niches which can be taken with such parties, appeared after 2012, away from major political players is pointed. The circumstances that can prevent the electoral success of such parties are also noted. The conclusion that chances of the parties created after 2012 on real electoral success in nearest future is made.

An important part of political parties' competition for votes is the extent to which parties avoid or engage the issues that rival parties talk about. Despite a large literature on this topic, it remains largely unknown when parties engage. Drawing on research on political attention allocation and party behaviour, this study argues that societal problems are a central source of issue engagement: The engagement is due to a pressure to not ignore electorally important problems. The analysis shows that issue engagement emerges because parties address the same issues in a negative development. Moreover, and particularly important for issue engagement, parties attend more to a negative development if other parties already attend to the development, particularly at elections. The argument is tested across 16 issue areas through the collection and coding of 5523 press releases from seven parties in Denmark at a quarterly level from 2004 to 2017.

Students' political parties are allowed in the universities of Pakistan. But what is the influence of these political parties on the university students is a very critical issue. Through media teachers, parents, society members and educationists are opposing these parties. The purpose of this study was to find out the impact of these parties on the university students. Questionnaire and observation sheet are the tools of the research. This study was descriptive in nature and mix method (triangulation) approach was used. Findings of the study indicated that the subjects of the study (University Students, Parents and Teachers) were strongly against the students' political parties and their activities. The results were also indicating that criminal damage, injuries, deaths are at top in the presence of these political parties in the universities. Some other interesting findings were also drawn about the political parties' practise in the universities.

Political parties are crucial agents in democratic representation and political integration of persons of immigrant origin, a growing category of citizens in the European Union. Research demonstrates that citizens of immigrant origin are less likely to join political parties than persons without a migratory background. Nevertheless, party membership varies across countries and between immigrants. Accounting for such inter-individual and cross-national variations, this article uses secondary data from the European Social Survey, the Migrant Integration Policy Index, and the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) project for 25 European democracies to uncover mechanisms that explain the party membership of immigrants. In our multilevel analysis, we test interactions between country-specific variations in legislation on migration policies on the one hand and individual differences in political socialisation and political efficacy on the other. Our models suggest significant positive effects of exposure to a democratic regime in the country of origin and of internal efficacy on party membership of citizens of immigrant origin. Additionally, our findings highlight the significance of an inclusive national framework for immigrant integration, serving as a moderator to diminish the impact of political socialisation in less democratic countries on the decision of citizens with immigrant backgrounds to participate in political parties within their country of residence.