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Ali E. Abbas (" From the Editors: Brainstorming, Multiplicative Utilities, Partial Information on Probabilities or Outcomes, and Regulatory Focus ") is an associate professor in the Department of Industrial and Enterprise Systems Engineering at the University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign. He received an M.S. in electrical engineering (1998), an M.S. in engineering economic systems and operations research (2001), a Ph.D. in management science and engineering (2003), and a Ph.D. (minor) in electrical engineering, all from Stanford University. He worked as a lecturer in the Department of Management Science and Engineering at Stanford and worked in Schlumberger Oilfield Services, where he held several international positions in wireline logging, operations management, and international training. He has also worked on several consulting projects for mergers and acquisitions in California, and cotaught several executive seminars on decision analysis at Strategic Decisions Group in Menlo Park, California. His research interests include utility theory, decision making with incomplete information and preferences, dynamic programming, and information theory. Dr. Abbas is a senior member of the IEEE and a member of the Institute for Operations Research and the Management Sciences (INFORMS). He is also an associate editor for the Decision Analysis and Operations Research journals of INFORMS. Email: aliabbas@illinois.edu . Kash Barker (" Decision Trees with Single and Multiple Interval-Valued Objectives ") is an assistant professor in the School of Industrial and Systems Engineering at the University of Oklahoma. He holds a Ph.D. in systems engineering from the University of Virginia, where he was a research assistant in the Center for Risk Management of Engineering Systems, and B.S. and M.S. degrees in industrial engineering from the University of Oklahoma. His primary research interests lie in modeling interdependent economic systems and decision making for large-scale system sustainment, with research funded by the National Science Foundation, the Federal Highway Administration, and the Army Research Office. Email: kashbarker@ou.edu . J. Eric Bickel (" From the Editors: Brainstorming, Multiplicative Utilities, Partial Information on Probabilities or Outcomes, and Regulatory Focus " and " A Simulation-Based Approach to Decision Making with Partial Information ") is an assistant professor in the Graduate Program in Operations Research (Department of Mechanical Engineering) at the University of Texas at Austin. In addition, Professor Bickel is a fellow in both the Center for International Energy and Environmental Policy (CIEEP) and the Center for Petroleum Asset Risk Management (CPARM). His research interests include the theory and practice of decision analysis and its application in the energy and climate-change arenas. His work has addressed the modeling of probabilistic dependence, value of information, scoring rules, calibration, risk preference, decision education, decision making in sports, and climate engineering as a response to climate change. Prior to returning to academia, Professor Bickel was a senior engagement manager for Strategic Decisions Group. He has consulted around the world in a range of industries, including oil and gas, electricity generation/transmission/delivery, energy trading and marketing, commodity and specialty chemicals, life sciences, financial services, and metals and mining. Professor Bickel is the vice president/president-elect of the Decision Analysis Society and an associate editor for Decision Analysis. He holds an M.S. and Ph.D. from the Department of Engineering–Economic Systems at Stanford University. Email: ebickel@mail.utexas.edu . Vicki M. Bier (" From the Editors: Brainstorming, Multiplicative Utilities, Partial Information on Probabilities or Outcomes, and Regulatory Focus ") is a full professor in the Department of Industrial and Systems Engineering at the University of Wisconsin–Madison, where she is currently department chair and also directs the Center for Human Performance and Risk Analysis. She is also the past president of the Decision Analysis Society and is an associate editor for Decision Analysis. Her research interests include applications of operations research, risk analysis, and decision analysis to problems of homeland security and critical infrastructure protection. Email: bier@engr.wisc.edu . Samuel E. Bodily (" Multiplicative Utilities for Health and Consumption ") is the John Tyler Professor of Business Administration at the University of Virginia's Darden School. He has published textbooks and more than 40 articles in journals ranging from Harvard Business Review to Management Science. His publications relate to decision and risk analysis, multiattribute utility, forecasting, strategy modeling, revenue management, and eStrategy. Along with Casey Lichtendahl, he was runner-up for the 2012 Decision Analysis Publication Award. He has edited special issues of Interfaces on Decision and Risk Analysis, and Strategy Modeling and Analysis. Professor Bodily has published well over 120 cases, including a couple of the 10 best-selling cases at Darden. He received the Distinguished Casewriter Wachovia award from Darden in 2005 and three other best case or research Wachovia awards. Professor Bodily is faculty leader for the executive program Strategic Thinking and Action. He is the course-head of and teaches in a highly valued first-year M.B.A. course in decision analysis; has a successful second-year elective, Management Decision Models; and has taught eStrategy and Strategy. He is a past winner of the Decision Sciences International Instructional Award. He has served as chair of the INFORMS Decision Analysis Society. He has taught numerous executive education programs for Darden and private companies, has consulted widely for business and government entities, and has served as an expert witness. Professor Bodily was on the faculties of MIT Sloan School of Management and Boston University and has been a visiting professor at INSEAD Singapore, Stanford University, and the University of Washington. He has Ph.D. and S.M. degrees from Massachusetts Institute of Technology and a B.S. in physics from Brigham Young University. Email: bodilys@virginia.edu . David V. Budescu (" From the Editors: Brainstorming, Multiplicative Utilities, Partial Information on Probabilities or Outcomes, and Regulatory Focus ") is the Anne Anastasi Professor of Psychometrics and Quantitative Psychology at Fordham University. He held positions at the University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign and the University of Haifa, and visiting positions at Carnegie Mellon University, University of Gothenburg, the Kellogg School at Northwestern University, the Hebrew University, and the Israel Institute of Technology (Technion). His research is in the areas of human judgment, individual and group decision making under uncertainty and with incomplete and vague information, and statistics for the behavioral and social sciences. He is on the editorial boards of Applied Psychological Measurement, Decision Analysis (associate editor), Journal of Behavioral Decision Making, Journal of Mathematical Psychology, Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory & Cognition (2000–2003), Multivariate Behavioral Research, Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes (1992–2002), and Psychological Methods (1996–2000). He is past president of the Society for Judgment and Decision Making (2000–2001), fellow of the Association for Psychological Science, and an elected member of the Society of Multivariate Experimental Psychologists. Email: budescu@fordham.edu . John C. Butler (" From the Editors: Brainstorming, Multiplicative Utilities, Partial Information on Probabilities or Outcomes, and Regulatory Focus ") is a clinical associate professor of finance and the academic director of the Energy Management and Innovation Center in the McCombs School of Business at the University of Texas at Austin, the outgoing secretary/treasurer of the INFORMS Decision Analysis Society, and an associate editor for Decision Analysis. Professor Butler received his Ph.D. in management science and information systems from the University of Texas at Austin in 1998. His research interests involve the use of decision science models to support decision making, with a particular emphasis on decision and risk analysis models with multiple-performance criteria. Professor Butler has consulted with a number of organizations regarding the application of decision analysis tools to a variety of practical problems. Most of his consulting projects involve use of Visual Basic for Applications and Excel to implement complex decision science models in a user-friendly format. Email: john.butler2@mccombs.utexas.edu . Enrico Diecidue (" From the Editors: Brainstorming, Multiplicative Utilities, Partial Information on Probabilities or Outcomes, and Regulatory Focus ") is an associate professor of Decision Sciences at INSEAD (France) and holds a Ph.D. from the CentER (Center for Economic Research), Tilburg University, the Netherlands. Since 2001 he has been a resident faculty member at INSEAD, except for 2008–2009 when he was a visiting professor at Wharton and 2010–2011 when he was on sabbatical at the Erasmus School of Economics (the Netherlands). His main research interests are in individual decision making under uncertainty, health decisions, and experimental economics. He is interested in the role of regret, aspiration levels, and time in individual decisions. His current research is also addressing the role of groups in complex and ambiguous decisions. Professor Diecidue's research has appeared in leading journals in economics and management. He is on the editorial board of Journal of Risk and Uncertainty and is an associate editor for Decision Analysis. He teaches M.B.A., executive M.B.A., and executive participants on topics such as uncertainty, data and judgment, decision making under uncertainty, risk management, and management decision making. He has won teaching awards at INSEAD and Wharton. Email: enrico.diecidue@insead.edu . Robin L. Dillon-Merrill (" From the Editors: Brainstorming, Multiplicative Utilities, Partial Information on Probabilities or Outcomes, and Regulatory Focus ") is an associate professor in the McDonough School of Business at Georgetown University. Professor Dillon-Merrill seeks to understand and explain how and why people make the decisions that they do under conditions of uncertainty and risk. This research specifically examines critical decisions that people have made following near-miss events in situations with severe outcomes (i.e., hurricane evacuation, terrorism, NASA mission management, etc.). She has received research funding from the National Science Foundation, NASA, the Department of Defense, and the Department of Homeland Security through the University of Southern California's National Center for Risk and Economic Analysis for Terrorism Events. She has served as a risk analysis and project management expert on several National Academies Committees, including the review of the New Orleans regional hurricane protection projects and the application of risk-analysis techniques to securing the Department of Energy's special nuclear materials. She is an associate editor for Decision Analysis. Email: rld9@georgetown.edu . Raimo P. Hämäläinen (" From the Editors: Brainstorming, Multiplicative Utilities, Partial Information on Probabilities or Outcomes, and Regulatory Focus ") is a professor of operations research and director of the Systems Analysis Laboratory at Aalto University, Finland. He received his M.Sc. and Dr. Tech. degrees in systems theory and applied mathematics from the Helsinki University of Technology. His research interests include decision analysis, risk and game theory, and experimental economics, as well as dynamic optimization with aerospace applications. He is widely known for his work in environmental decision making and energy policy. He is the designer of widely used decision analysis software, including the first Web-based value tree software, Web-HIPRE; Smart-Swaps; and the Joint Gains negotiation support system. He has recently introduced the concept of Systems Intelligence, which opens a new perspective to organizational learning and personal growth. He is on the editorial board of a number of journals, including Decision Analysis (associate editor), European Journal of Operational Research, Journal of Group Decision and Negotiation, and EURO Journal on Decision Processes. Dr. Hämäläinen has received the Edgeworth-Pareto Award of the International Society for Multiple Criteria Decision Making. He is also the honorary president of the Finnish Operations Research Society. Email: raimo.hamalainen@aalto.fi . Ralph L. Keeney (" Value-Focused Brainstorming ") is a research professor emeritus at the Fuqua School of Business at Duke University. His education includes a B.S. in engineering from the University of California, Los Angeles, and a Ph.D. in operations research from Massachusetts Institute of Technology. His research interests are in the areas of decision making and risk analysis. He has applied such work to important personal decisions and as a consultant for private and public organizations addressing corporate management problems, environmental and risk studies, and decisions involving life-threatening risks. Prior to joining the Duke faculty, Professor Keeney was a faculty member in Management and Engineering at MIT and at the University of Southern California, a research scholar at the International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis in Austria, and the founder of the decision and risk analysis group of a large geotechnical and environmental consulting firm. Professor Keeney is the author of many books and articles, including Value-Focused Thinking, Decisions with Multiple Objectives, coauthored with Howard Raiffa, and Smart Choices, coauthored with John S. Hammond and Howard Raiffa, which has been translated into 15 languages. Dr. Keeney was awarded the Ramsey Medal for distinguished contributions in decision analysis by the Decision Analysis Society and is a member of the U.S. National Academy of Engineering. Email: keeney@duke.edu . L. Robin Keller (" From the Editors: Brainstorming, Multiplicative Utilities, Partial Information on Probabilities or Outcomes, and Regulatory Focus ") is a professor of operations and decision technologies in the Merage School of Business at the University of California, Irvine. She received her Ph.D. and M.B.A. in management science and her B.A. in mathematics from the University of California, Los Angeles. She has served as a program director for the Decision, Risk, and Management Science Program of the U.S. National Science Foundation (NSF). Her research is on decision analysis and risk analysis for business and policy decisions and has been funded by NSF and the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency. Her research interests cover multiple attribute decision making, riskiness, fairness, probability judgments, ambiguity of probabilities or outcomes, risk analysis (for terrorism, environmental, health, and safety risks), time preferences, problem structuring, cross-cultural decisions, and medical decision making. She is the outgoing Editor-in-Chief of Decision Analysis, published by the Institute for Operations Research and the Management Sciences (INFORMS). She is a Fellow of INFORMS and has held numerous roles in INFORMS, including board member and chair of the INFORMS Decision Analysis Society. She is a recipient of the George F. Kimball Medal from INFORMS. She has served as the decision analyst on three National Academy of Sciences committees. She has been appointed to the editorial board of the new EURO Journal on Decision Processes. Email: lrkeller@uci.edu . Anton Kühberger (" Explaining Risk Attitude in Framing Tasks by Regulatory Focus: A Verbal Protocol Analysis and a Simulation Using Fuzzy Logic ") is a professor of psychology at the University of Salzburg, Department of Cognition and Development, and a member of the Center of Neurocognitive Research at the University of Salzburg. His research interests include the following areas: judgment and decision making, in particular framing, and the role of risk, ambiguity, and uncertainty in decision making; thinking and reasoning, in particular counterfactual thinking and the notion of rationality; and social cognition, in particular the foundation of the understanding of oneself and others either by a theory of mind or by simulation. In addition, he is interested in the development of scientific methods such as verbal protocol analysis and in understanding the role statistics for the accumulation of knowledge. He is a member of the editorial board of several scholarly journals and currently is vice-dean of the Faculty of Natural Sciences at the University of Salzburg. Email: anton.kuehberger@sbg.ac.at . Kenneth C. Lichtendahl Jr. (" From the Editors: Brainstorming, Multiplicative Utilities, Partial Information on Probabilities or Outcomes, and Regulatory Focus " and " Multiplicative Utilities for Health and Consumption ") is an assistant professor of business administration at the Darden School of Business at the University of Virginia. He is an associate editor for Decision Analysis. He received his Ph.D. in decision sciences from the Fuqua School of Business at Duke University. His research focuses on decision analysis, Bayesian statistics, game theory, and dynamic programming. Email: lichtendahlc@darden.virginia.edu . Jason R. W. Merrick (" From the Editors: Brainstorming, Multiplicative Utilities, Partial Information on Probabilities or Outcomes, and Regulatory Focus ") is a professor in the Department of Statistical Sciences and Operations Research at Virginia Commonwealth University. He has a D.Sc. in operations research from George Washington University. He teaches courses in decision analysis, risk analysis, and simulation. His research is primarily in the area of decision analysis and Bayesian statistics. He has worked on projects ranging from assessing maritime oil transportation and ferry system safety, the environmental health of watersheds, and optimal replacement policies for rail tracks and machine tools. He has received grants from the National Science Foundation, the Federal Aviation Administration, the U.S. Coast Guard, the American Bureau of Shipping, British Petroleum, and Booz Allen Hamilton, among others. He has also performed training for Infineon Technologies, Wyeth Pharmaceuticals, and Capital One Services. He is an associate editor for Decision Analysis and the EURO Journal on Decision Processes. Email: jrmerric@vcu.edu . Luis Vicente Montiel (" A Simulation-Based Approach to Decision Making with Partial Information ") is a postdoctoral researcher at the University of Texas at Austin. His main research interest is mathematical modeling for optimization under uncertainty, with a special interest in decision analysis and simulation learning for optimization. His current research is dedicated to providing a theoretical and practical framework for approximating joint distributions under partial information. Luis has a Ph.D. in operations research from the University of Texas, an M.S. in financial engineering from Columbia University, and an M.S. in management science and engineering from Stanford University. Email: lvmontiel@utexas.edu . Jay R. Simon (" From the Editors: Brainstorming, Multiplicative Utilities, Partial Information on Probabilities or Outcomes, and Regulatory Focus ") is an assistant professor in the Defense Resources Management Institute of the Naval Postgraduate School. He holds a Ph.D. in operations and decision technologies from the Merage School of Business at the University of California, Irvine, an M.S. in management science and engineering, and a B.S. in mathematical and computational science from Stanford University. His primary research interest is multiattribute preference modeling, particularly involving outcomes that occur over time, space, or groups of people. His current and recent work includes a prostate cancer decision model, preference models for health decisions, preferences over geographical data, altruistic utility modeling, and multiattribute procurement. He is an associate editor for Decision Analysis and is the webmaster and social media officer for the Decision Analysis Society of INFORMS. Email: jrsimon@nps.edu . Christian Wiener (" Explaining Risk Attitude in Framing Tasks by Regulatory Focus: A Verbal Protocol Analysis and a Simulation Using Fuzzy Logic ") received his doctorate from the University of Salzburg, Austria. His first research area was the application of the EEG in connection with dyslexia. Later he moved to the area of social cognition, where his research was focused on framing and especially the simulation of decision-making behavior using a fuzzy-logic expert system. Since the completion of his dissertation, he has been working as a clinical psychologist with developmentally delayed children. Email: christian.wiener@gmx.at . Kaycee J. Wilson (" Decision Trees with Single and Multiple Interval-Valued Objectives ") completed M.S. and B.S. degrees in the School of Industrial and Systems Engineering at the University of Oklahoma in 2012 and 2010, respectively. Her primary interests lie in healthcare operations and reliability-based decision making, and she holds a National Science Foundation Graduate Research Fellowship. Email: kaycee.j.wilson-1@ou.edu . George Wu (" From the Editors: Brainstorming, Multiplicative Utilities, Partial Information on Probabilities or Outcomes, and Regulatory Focus ") has been on the faculty of the University of Chicago's Booth School of Business since September 1997. His degrees include an A.B. (applied mathematics, 1985), an S.M. (applied mathematics, 1987), and a Ph.D. (decision sciences, 1991), all from Harvard University. Prior to joining the faculty at the University of Chicago, Professor Wu was on the faculty at Harvard Business School. Professor Wu worked as a decision analyst at Procter & Gamble prior to starting graduate school. His research interests include descriptive and prescriptive aspects of decision making, in particular decision making involving risk; cognitive biases in bargaining and negotiation; and managerial and organizational decision making. Professor Wu is a coordinating editor for Theory and Decision, an advisory editor for Journal of Risk and Uncertainty, on the editorial boards of Decision Analysis (associate editor) and the Journal of Behavioral Decision Making, and a former department editor of Management Science. Email: wu@chicagobooth.edu .

Andehrs Behring Breivik no encaja en ninguna categoría existente de actuación violenta o política. Como lo revela su manifiesto, que dará que hablar durante años, Breivik es un terrorista sui generis.Brevemente, Breivik es un joven noruego que el pasado viernes cometió dos ataques terroristas. En el primero detonó una bomba en el distrito gubernamental de Oslo. En el segundo apareció disfrazado de policía en una pequeña isla donde se celebraba una reunión anual de las juventudes del Partido Laborista del país, y atacó a la multitud con armas y municiones de guerra.El manifiesto que el agresor envió a algunos miles de contactos horas antes de cometer el ataque es una obra sin precedentes en la historia de la acción criminal e ideológica. En primer lugar, el texto suma más de mil quinientas páginas, de las cuales Breivik es el autor de más de la mitad. En segundo lugar, la obra está escrita en perfecto inglés, con el objetivo expreso de difundir la ideología ahí presentada a la mayor cantidad de personas posible. En tercer lugar, los contenidos del trabajo son muy variados y llegan a un nivel de detalle inaudito. Este último aspecto es lo que hace de Breivik y su manifiesto algo extraordinario. Entre otras cosas, el lector encontrará:Una exposición detallada de la ideología política del autor (a la cual llama "Cultural conservatism or a nationalist/conservative direction"), con discusiones sobre Antonio Gramsci, György Lukács, Karl Marx, la historia del comunismo, tablas estadísticas sobre la demografía europea y otros elementos.Una descripción de los orígenes de la organización que pretende tener detrás, la Pauperes commilitones Christi Templique Solomonici o PCCTS. El nombre es el término en latín para la orden medieval monástica y militar más conocida como los Templarios.Una guía meticulosa sobre cómo comprar los ingredientes para la elaboración de explosivos, así como su preparación, su detonación en ensayos, e incluso dónde y cómo esconderlos.Una guía similar para la obtención de armas, con discusiones de diversas fuentes como la mafia albanesa o la rusa. También explica cómo preparar una armadura de combate, así como los principios del combate urbano con armas de fuego.Una bitácora de su "trabajo" desde 2002 en adelante, que incluye su dieta con detalles sobre su ingestión de proteínas y su rutina diaria.Un presupuesto de toda su "obra" desde ese año en adelante. Breivik afirma haber invertido €317.000 a lo largo de una década en su "proyecto".Instrucciones para la construcción de su epitafio.Instrucciones para la implementación de un sistema de medallas, uniformes y ritos para la orden neo-templaria, con diagramas, nombres y criterios para la aplicación de cada una.Pasos básicos de contra-inteligencia para evitar ser detectado.Un currículum vitae completo.No hay cuestiones de menor importancia para Breivik: el ensayo también incluye discusiones detalladas sobre el estado actual de la educación terciaria en Estados Unidos y Europa, extensas explicaciones sobre la teología y la historia islámica, críticas hacia las letras del hip-hop misógino estadounidense, listas de canciones inspiradoras, etc. Una enorme proporción de los textos, como el propio Breivik admite, son de autores con argumentos válidos y que están muy lejanos de promover o aceptar actos de violencia como el suyo.El cuadro que ofrece la lectura de este ensayo es de una persona de una enorme inteligencia, capacidad de organización y, sobre todo, disciplina. Breivik es un individuo altamente preparado física y mentalmente para la grotesca tarea que se propuso. Tal como indica su ensayo, ya tiene preparados los discursos que realizará en su juicio, que pretende que sea altamente público. Antes de lanzar su ataque ya tenía decidido qué criterios aplicaría con el abogado que le asignara el estado, lo que le contestará al juez y demás quienes le digan que es un criminal psicótico, y cómo planea que termine el juicio.Esto último hace que sea poco probable que aparezcan otros Breiviks – aunque sigue siendo posible. Resulta simplemente increíble que pueda haber otro individuo que comparta la misma ideología hasta el mismo nivel de compromiso, y que sobre todo elija seguir el mismo camino.Breivik se ve a sí mismo como una persona fuertemente politizada, por lo cual es necesario discutirlo en esos términos. De los primeros que surgen apuradamente en los medios –seguramente por no haber leído el manuscrito-, no se aplica casi ninguno. Breivik no es nacionalsocialista o "neo-nazi"; tampoco es asimilable al Unabomber (por más que haya coincidencias en sus textos), ni al Ku Klux Klan o a los partidos nacionalistas europeos.De hecho, quizá la forma más correcta de definir a Breivik es resucitando el significado verdadero de un término muy abusado: "de derecha". Breivik ha elegido responder a la amenaza que percibe en Europa, que es sin dudas el Islam, con un remedio neo-medieval. En su ensayo, Breivik postula que la forma óptima de organización política en Europa debe estar basada en la monarquía, y no en repúblicas:"The king or queen of a country is more democratic than a president ever could be because he or she represents all citizens." (el original no es de Breivik).El noruego está a favor de la fusión de todas las iglesias bajo el Papa nuevamente, aún siendo él mismo luterano (no practicante, a diferencia de lo que sugieren los medios). La nueva mega-Iglesia tendría un monopolio público de la religión, así como acceso privilegiado a los contenidos de la educación y los medios. Su visión de una sociedad conservadora es esta: "Ladies should be wives and homemakers, not cops or soldiers (…) Children should not be born out of wedlock. Glorification of homosexuality should be shunned."Aunque Breivik dedica literalmente cientos de páginas a textos sobre la historia de la violencia islámica contra Europa (y también sobre el caso opuesto), en ningún momento menciona los más de mil años de calamidades, miseria y sufrimiento humano que fueron consecuencia directa del sistema medieval-monárquico-eclesiástico.El principal objetivo de Breivik y sus "templarios" es la erradicación de la presencia del Islam en Europa a través de tres modalidades. La primera es la conversión al cristianismo (incluyendo como variable su creación intelectual más débil, los cristianismos "agnóstico" y "ateo"). Esta vía tiene clarísimos componentes anti-liberales y anti-democráticos, ya que los musulmanes conversos deberían renunciar a sus nombres, idiomas, vínculos con sus países de origen (incluso por vía electrónica) y otras cuestiones básicas. Para Breivik, incluso será necesario que "All traces of Islamic culture in Europe will be eradicated, even locations considered historical" – algo por definición poco "conservador".Además, Breivik no tiene ilusiones sobre el "liberalismo islámico": "to take the violence out of Islam would require it to jettison two things: the Quran as the word of Allah and Muhammad as Allah's prophet. In other words, to pacify Islam would require its transformation into something that it is not."La segunda modalidad de erradicación del Islam es la limpieza cultural, que consistiría de deportaciones o expulsiones (Breivik menciona muchos modelos, incluyendo las gigantescas ordenadas por Stalin). La última es la exterminación.Es en referencia a esto último que Breivik dedica un pasaje a discutir a Adolf Hitler y el nacionalsocialismo. El autor se aleja de estos claramente, aunque por razones muy diferentes de las del ciudadano común. Su explicación es que la "causa" nacionalsocialista y el liderazgo de Hitler destruyeron a los nacionalismos europeos por más de un siglo (es decir, hasta bien entrado el siglo XXI), porque optaron directamente por el camino de la exterminación. El resultado fue una guerra que terminó en derrota, y la entrega del continente al bolchevismo y uno de sus herederos, la socialdemocracia multicultural.Esto explica una de las principales diferencias entre Breivik y el movimiento neo-nacionalsocialista es su posición respecto a Israel y los judíos. El terrorista noruego interpreta al estado israelí como un modelo a seguir de "reunión nacional" étnica, y simpatiza enormemente con su lucha anti-jihad. Ergo, para Breivik se trata de un aliado ante un enemigo en común. El mismo principio aplica Breivik, quien se define como anti-racista, a las alianzas que propone con asiáticos orientales, hindúes y otros con tal de luchar contra el Islam.A quien sí defiende Breivik abiertamente es a Slobodan Milosevic. De hecho, el noruego argumenta que fueron los ataques de la OTAN a la Serbia de ese dictador genocida lo que primero despertó su instinto conservador. Esa podría ser una pista significativa para entender el rompecabezas ideológico del agresor, ya que las dos intervenciones internacionales en Yugoslavia ocurrieron antes del Once de septiembre, que es el gran disparador de la actual preocupación por la jihad entre muchos occidentales.En la visión de Breivik, quizá el sistema de organización social ideal sería elapartheid, pero a diferencia del caso de Sudáfrica, no dentro de un país. Para él, los judíos deberían haber sido expulsados de Europa en los 1930s; ahora deberían ser expulsados los musulmanes. El autor incluso menciona los casos de países de Asia Oriental del presente, como Corea del Sur y Japón, como ejemplos de naciones étnicamente homogéneas y prósperas. Evidentemente, Breivik es una persona que piensa en términos profundamente colectivistas. No hay derechos individuales para las personas que no forman parte de su grupo. Esta forma de concebir el mundo, sumada a la forma en que Breivik se presenta como líder de un movimiento ideológico violento, lo hacen similar a figuras como Lenin, Hitler, Mao, el Che Guevara u Osama bin Laden.De hecho, como todo pretendiente a líder carismático, Breivik incluye en su manifiesto instrucciones para tener preparadas fotografías en las que el atacante se "vea bien", pensando en el momento en el cual su rostro sea visto por el mundo – tal como está ocurriendo ahora. Así se lo propuso Breivik: "As a Justiciar Knight you will go into history as one of the most influential individuals of your time. So you need to look your absolute best and ensure that you produce quality marketing material prior to operation." El texto incluso recomienda utilizar una cama solar y aplicarse maquillaje antes de tomarse las fotografías.El aspecto más sorprendente del planteo de Breivik es el blanco que escogió para su ataque. Al leer el inmenso manifiesto y contrastarlo con los hechos de los días pasados, es inevitable quedarse con la sensación de que fue todo una excusa para perpetrar un acto de extrema violencia contra jóvenes inocentes (y desarmados, por supuesto). El manifiesto incluso lo admite con una subsección entera: "The cruel nature of our operations". Breivik explica que aunque el enemigo objetivo es el Islam en Europa, el objetivo inmediato son los europeos que han trabajado durante cerca de medio siglo para que exista esa presencia islámica en la región.Estos son, para el noruego, los multiculturalistas, marxistas y demás miembros de una suerte de élite europea. De hecho, su objetivo explícito es que para el año 2020 ocurran golpes de estado en diversos países de Europa occidental (junto con la abolición de la Unión Europea), de modo de instalar regímenes conservadores que trabajen para la eliminación simultánea del marxismo multicultural y del Islam.Estas élites y su "political correctness" son las responsables, para Breivik, de que no se puedan discutir abiertamente cuestiones que preocupan a un nacionalista conservador como él. La principal de ellas es la presencia de musulmanes en Europa. La sección tres del manifiesto es fundamental, porque tras más de 750 páginas de "diagnóstico" sobre el estado actual de Europa, el autor quiebra con todos los demás que citó y anuncia su alejamiento de la vía pacífica. Por ejemplo, en la página 791 aparece, como un subtítulo más, un anuncio importante: "Why armed resistance against the cultural Marxist/multiculturalist regimes of Western Europe is the only rational approach".De hecho, en esa sección hay varias páginas dedicadas a enunciar los cargos legales que se le imputan a multiplicidad de líderes europeos. Como parte de su gigantesca acusación contra el sistema político-social europeo de posguerra, Breivik incluso ofrece cálculos específicos de las cantidades de europeos cuyos derechos han sido violados de diversas maneras por los efectos de esas políticos, que van desde la violación y el asesinato hasta los despidos de personas. Todos se imputan, en conjunto y criminalmente, a estas "élites" cuya muerte se anuncia poco a poco.En lugar de estas personas aparecerá, en palabras de Breivik, un "cultural conservative tribunal" en cada país que implemente un nuevo régimen político. Como parte de esta iniciativa, aparecen mencionadas casualmente algunas medidas atroces: "All Muslims are to be immediately deported to their country of origin. Each family (family head) will receive 25 000 Euro providing they accept the deportation terms. Anyone who violently resists deportation will be executed". Breivik también prevé compensaciones financieras para los sujetos que fueron "víctimas intelectuales" del sistema previo, así como específicamente para los ciudadanos de Serbia por el bombardeo de OTAN. También incluye los parámetros de su propia "ley de medios", por utilizar un desafortunado término rioplatense, que implica la imposición de cuotas de periodistas e intelectuales "conservadores" y nacionalistas en diversas organizaciones mediáticas.El método que ha elegido Breivik, conscientemente sin duda, es similar al viejo anarquismo de la propaganda por el hecho, que consiste de atacantes solitarios que cometen actos espectaculares de demostración e inspiración ideológica. El noruego llama a su campaña de violencia "A Declaration of pre-emptive War" contra sus dos enemigos. Breivik indica claramente que aquellos que existan como él actualmente en Europa son pocos pero que están en aumento; su ataque está pensado para encender la chispa de la conmoción en la región, lo cual incluiría también la aparición de más adeptos. Tácticamente, el ataque del pasado viernes 22 de julio en Noruega es definido por su autor como "military shock attacks by clandestine cell systems".Hay más pasajes que directamente preanuncian el ataque que Breivik escogió lanzar: "consider making use of a remote detonation, (…) to attract attention to one location. Ensure that the enemy forces are heading for this location. By then, you will be on the opposite side of town and in the middle of the process of finishing your primary goal." El blanco se vuelve cada vez más específico: el primero de la lista que hay en el manifiesto es "political parties - cultural Marxist/multiculturalist political parties."En el apartado correspondiente a este tipo de organización, el primer país detallado es Noruega, y el primer partido que aparece ahí es el "Norwegian Labour Party". Más adelante, nuevamente en primer lugar entre una lista de blancos, dice que un blanco primario es: "the annual party meeting of the socialist/social democrat party in your country."Curiosamente, aunque Breivik propone algunas formas de organización colectiva (como la neo-templaria), sus instrucciones para los actos de terrorismo son estrictas respecto a que las células deben ser individuales. Es por eso que Breivik el terrorista pasó desapercibido, a juzgar por la información disponible, incluso en los círculos nacionalistas no violentos.De los nueve miembros que supuestamente asistieron en 2002 a la reunión fundacional en Londres de la organización neo-templaria (todos anónimos), cuatro son descritos como "cristiano ateo" o "cristiano agnóstico". El propio Breivik está muy indeciso respecto a su religión: "I'm not going to pretend I'm a very religious person as that would be a lie (…) I consider myself to be 100% Christian (…) I'm not an excessively religious man". Sería interesante saber qué opinaría Hugues de Payens, fundador de la orden original, respecto a esta falta de disciplina teológica (que en realidad es una ausencia total). Son sin ninguna duda los nombres de estos nueve miembros iniciales, y de otros, lo que más están buscando los servicios de inteligencia de varios estados europeos.La visión del mundo de Breivik está claramente influenciada por el pensamiento colectivista, y su propia obra parece aproximarse a un sistema de pensamiento que podría llamarse ideológico. Es por eso que es posible concluir que no se trata de un lunático desequilibrado que pertenece a un manicomio. Es peor que eso: una persona que en todo momento supo lo que hacía, que se preparó durante años para hacerlo, y que desplegó un alto nivel de meticulosidad para lograrlo. Hasta el efecto de su ataque está pensado desde hace años: "The art of asymmetrical warfare is less about inflicting immediate damage but all about the indirect long term psychological and ideological damage. Our shock attacks are theatre and theatre is always performed for an audience".Las descripciones más personales de Breivik son reveladoras del grado de control que tenía sobre sí mismo: "I have managed to stay focused and highly motivated for a duration of more than 9 years now (…) I have never been happier than I am today (…) I do a mental check almost every day through meditation and philosophizing (…) I simulate various future scenarios relating to resistance efforts, confrontations with police, future interrogation scenarios, future court appearances, future media interviews etc".El objetivo de Breivik es la fundación de una nueva cadena de nacionalismos post-nazis en Europa, y es importante que ese proyecto fracase. El autor concibió un "100 year plan to contribute to seize political power in Western European countries currently controlled by anti-nationalists" (de ahí el título de su manifiesto: 2083). En sus planes más delirantes hacia el futuro, Breivik menciona todo tipo de planes, desde el robo y la detonación de armas nucleares en las capitales europeas hasta la colaboración con Al-Qaeda, el gobierno de Irán, y otros terroristas islámicos.Como se dijo anteriormente, el manifiesto es increíblemente largo y contiene todo tipo de cosas. Hay discusiones muy detalladas sobre la niñez ("My best friend for many years, a Muslim"), adolescencia (incluyendo encuentros con pandillas pakistaníes y un pasado como "graffiti artist") y juventud del autor, con descripciones (con nombres) de sus amigos y hasta las vidas sexuales de sus familiares más cercanos. Hay planes para la importación de inmigrantes en la era "post-islámica" de Europa, con detalles sobre los horarios, la compensación, las localidades y más. Breivik tiene hasta pensado cuál será el nuevo himno de Europa. También explica que él no fue el fundador de la organización neo-templaria, sino el octavo miembro (algo que recuerda a la historia de Adolf Hitler y su ingreso al NSDAP), y que a través de ella conoció a un criminal de guerra serbio en Liberia. Su mentor fue un inglés, fundador de la organización y sin duda un importantísimo blanco para la inteligencia doméstica británica en este mismo momento.Actualmente el "caso Breivik" se encuentra en una etapa que el propio terrorista ya tiene planeada desde hace años: "Your arrest will mark the initiation of the propaganda phase. Your trial offers you a stage to the world (…) A Justiciar Knight is not only a valorous resistance fighter, a one man army; he is a one man marketing agency as well". El terrorista está muy consciente de la opinión que el mundo se ha formado sobre él, y ya ha recorrido mentalmente el camino para superar el ostracismo de su causa: "It might sound completely ridiculous and funny to most people today. But by presenting the following accusations and demands in all seriousness we are indirectly conditioning everyone listening for the conflicts and scenarios ahead. They will laugh today, but in the back of their minds, they have an ounce of fear, respect and admiration for our cause and the alternative and authority we represent".Breivik no es un criminal o incluso un terrorista común. Es una figura nefasta con una ideología totalmente nueva. Es muy importante conocer los términos ideológicos y metodológicos en los que operó, porque existe una preocupante posibilidad de que haya otros como él en el futuro.*Licenciado en Estudios Internacionales - Universidad ORT Uruguay Candidato al Master of Arts in Security Studies - Georgetown University

SUMMARYA great changement was occurring after fell down the Berlin Wall in East Europe, in 1989.The countries had begun to new period with high debts and inflation by these changements.East European countries have a common feature by carry out the transition period politics by rapidly in this process. So, it was necessity on stabilization politics but not easy.At result, privatization and restructure got an importance.I – THEORICAL AND CONSEPTIONAL FRAME OF MARKET ECONOMYFree market economy has the same philosophy and idea with liberalism. Economical liberalism is defended the free competition, reducing the customs taxes, import freedom and resisted to interference of state on the economy.Classical economy's base is economical freedom and market economy. Market economy is relying on free competition and private enterprise. Price mechanism and world prices are important. Interference of state must be in minimum levels. Public sector must be reduced. Basic factors such as wage, capital and foreign currency must reflect the real market prices, must get an importance to external trade.1-DEVELOPMENT OF MARKET ECONOMY1.1. CLASSIC REVIEWFree trade, specialization only on one field, annihilate the obstacles such as customs and quotas, interferences of state on the market are most important according to Adam Smith, which lived in 18th century.A specialization between nations must be obtained according to Ricardo. So, it must be an exchange on the entire world. 1.2. NEO-CLASSIC REVIEWAlfred Marshall, Leon Walras and Carl Menger is an echol. The state must be more active to improve the poor part of community and must create the opportunities on the market, get the taxes from revenues and wealth, finance the education, health, park and city planning, defence the personal freedom, private property and open markets, manufacture the public commodities.1.3. ORDO-LIBERALISM REVIEWIt is different from classic liberalism. Economical regularity is social which emerges in an evident process, not natural. Social and juridical standards emerge the economical system.Price, monetarily stability, sciences, stability and durability on economical politics are important to emerging of market economy.Basic aim is bring to existence an economical constitution.2- BASIC ELEMENTS OF MARKET ECONOMYBasic factors are enterprising, competition, economical ideas and attitudes.Enterprising is a person which makes unity the manufacturing factors, makes direct the investments, begins to motion by utilize the signals from internal and external markets, gets the share on productivity and determines the firm profit. Basic aim is profit.Competition is social event, protects the personal, which works with high productivity against to personal, which works with low productivity, uses the sources most effectively. Buyer and seller number must be too much in this system. Competition is opposed to monopolization but necessity laws and politics have to support it. ECONOMICAL IDEAS AND ATTITUDESIt includes price, wage, interest, hire and foreign currency. Price system occurs freely according to rate of request and demand conditions. At this straight, firms and consumers must carry out their decisions freely.3- MARKET MECHANISM FLOW AND ROLE OF SOURCE DISTRIBUTIONConsumers and producers have activities on the market economy. The prices are determined according to the lowest cost and to the highest profit.Ideal special future is high productivity, low profit and high production. Competition reduces the profit to the lowest level.Main mechanism on free market is price. If the relative scarcity is enough, request and demand is more or less equal.Producers and consumers may have a decision according to the price indicator and request and demand. This case makes lead the manufacturing, increases the alternatives, also economical activities make an harmony against to conditions.The evident features of market economy are free decision, liberty on preferences, a great price mechanism and competition. So, economical stability is obtainable.Interferences may apply on the market economy for public health, regulations on economical activities, protect the consumers. These motions are generally precautions to control of drugs and drink manufacturing and consumption, annihilation of harmful on public health, growth the power on economic morals, make grow the quality, regulation on manufacturing and marketing. The state may meddle with economy to development rapidly. For example, the state may encourage the saving, increase the rates of interest, decrease the taxes to get on the saving, provide the precautions on investment.The buyers and sellers cannot determine the price on one's own on free competition market. Otherwise monopoly, trust and cartels may occur, stability may out of order between commodity and services.Market economy may deviate from the rules on two main categories.Manufacturer, buyer and seller may make deviate from the rules. Especially trade unionization is effective on this deviation.The state may interfere in economy by taxes, if social and individual advantages different, it may deviate from competition market.The state is exist in every kind of economy and serves to people with harmony and politics and social philosophies of our age. Also it provides security, education and health services but it doesn't determine the prices. It is one of the biggest manufacturers at the same time.II – HISTORICAL WIEW TO BULGARIAN ECONOMY IN THE TRANSITION PERIOD OF FREE MARKET ECONOMY1. BASIC SOCIAL AND ECONOMICAL INDICATORS1.1. GENERALThe form of government is republic, capital is Sofia, Population is 8.297.000(1997), increasing of population is %0. 7, distinctive characteristics in common with Turkishs, Pomaks, Russians, Gipsies, Tatars, Jewishes are in 16 percent.Estimated agricultural area is 1/3 and woodland is 1/3 of all the land. Charcoal, petroleum, natural gas, ferrum and sources except metal are too much. Bulgaria can't use the money too much on surroundings cause of economical lacks.Too many people are migrated to Turkey reason of economical lacks after communism regime. Population is decreased year by year, but unemployment.2. BULGARIA BEFORE 1989Ottoman empire had governorship on the Bulgaria more 500 years till 1908. Then, Bulgarian Kingdom is founded in 1908. Stamboliyski is in powered from Farmer Party in 1920. A new fascism supporter government is founded but communists and farmers were outside of government.Bulgaria is allied with Germany in 1941. Although a new government was found in 1944, the republican regime with referendum is founded in 1946. The new constution is validated in 1947. Cercenkov is in powered in 1950, relations with U.S.A. were out of order and membership of United Nations was validity in 1955.The new constitution is validated in 1971. T.Jivkow is in powered continually, became arrested cause of irregularity in 1990 and then, again a new constitution is validated. Communist Party is made to take out of only one party. In that year, state's name is changed to Republic of Bulgaria and removed the communist symbols from flag. Privatizational laws are validated with Jelev in 1992. The Government of Videnov is contraried the privatization in 1994.Peter Stoyanov is Nato's supporter and he was president in 1996. United Democratic Forces is in powered with 52 percent of vote after selections in 1997.2.1. COMECON AND COLLAPSING OF SYSTEMComecon is a union that emerged by East European Countries. Bulgarian economy has begun to transition period with some negative ness like other East European countries causes of political incompetence and dissociating end of 1980s.Bulgaria which had more than 60 percent of export to associate but it had couldn't find the new markets cause of inadequate ship of quality standards and had an old technology. Foreign currency reserves are high level. It has too many debts, political incompetent ship in the land. Financial system is not conformity to market economy and also could not claim 2 million dollars of money owing from Iraq because of golf war. So, Bulgaria couldn't save from crisis because of above reasons.2.2 GENERAL ECONOMICAL DEVELOPMENT AND SECTORSBulgarian manufacturing industry basically is founded on textile, wooden engrave, leather products and food prep rationing sectors.Bulgaria had realisation the attacks on the heavy industry that supported by S.S.C.B. after 2nd world war.Production of electro-mechanic and electronic goods in manufacturing sector is reached to an important share since 1970s.The biggest natural wealth of Bulgaria is productive earths. There are not important minerals in Bulgaria.In the following period of 2nd world war, metallurgy and chemical production had an importance. Industry sector had old technology. Its competition is losted the power with disunited of the Comecon.Productivity rates on industry are grown with economical reforms that started in 1979. Economical growing is dynamically continued in spite of reducing the productivity on agriculture sector, building sector and investments in Bulgaria. Especially, price volatility on agriculture sector is a reason of suspicion about real value of growth in 1988 according to 1987.Productions on agriculture and industry of Bulgaria are reduced according to statistics. Main problem on agriculture sector is delivery prices of goods.A stagnation indicator on Bulgarian economy is weakness of building and construction sector. Manufacturing products such as cement and weawing is in necessity. Manufacturing level is inadequate on that area and also unqualificationed organisations have been affected.2.3 - FOREIGN TRADEThere are no definite results on foreign trade reason of inadequate of numerical data's.However, export is increased up to the rate of 4 percent in 1988 and import is reduced to the rate of 1.8 percent. Bulgaria finance deficit is 600 million dollars result of trade with west countries in 1998. Tourism revenues are positive. Trade connections with Turkey are weak according to another East European countries.2.4 – PERESTROICA POLITICSThe new age on economy with state council's decision is started in January 9,1989. Activities to get the indepences of firms are velocitied. At the same time, this decision is more benefit to foreign investors too.3. 1989 – 1997 TRANSITION PERIOD3.1 – ECONOMICAL REFORM ACTIVITIESAlteration is started in east block countries after 1989 and together with this alteration. Comecon is losted the activity. So, idle capacities are commenced and Bulgaria is losted the production markets.The reforms are making started by new government in February 1991. External trade regime is liberalisation in one direction; this is one of the import nest factors of the reforms. With a decision is accepted in 1989, basic of economical reforms are occurred. Firms had equal rights to execution of economical activities. The laws related to foreign investment are validated in 1992.Commercial banks have gone to consolidation. Prices had freed except 11 basic consumption. Economical activities, government status on economy, foreign trade and foreign exchange regime, price regulations, privatization, tax systems are reorganized about foreign investors.3.2. SECTORAL CONSTITUTIONIndustrial sector had the over 50 percent of share on economy until 1990s. 11 private sector's share with service and trade sector approached to 60 percent between 1992 and 1997.SECTORSProductivity with old technologies on industrial sector is at low level. Engineering sector is developed. Products of textile sector are manufactured at high quality.CHEMICALSChemical products that have an important mark on export of Bulgaria. They were 1,096 milliard dollars with 22,3 percent in 1997 and 983 million dollars with 19.4 percent of total export in 1998.AGRICULTURE, FOOD AND TOBACCORate of plan tablelands are 34 percent in Bulgaria. Totally 304 firms are active on food, drink and tobacco sector.METALLURGY AND MINERSHIPIron product is 6.2 percent and other than iron is 6.8 percent on all of industry in 1998. In 1997, metallurgy sector is grown up to 117.2 percent with 529 million dollars in total amount of export in Bulgaria.MACHINEShare of machine sector is 13.8 percent in all of industry. Principal are; Machine parts, tractor, bus, ship, building and auto spare parts.CONSTRUCTIONPrivate firms in the sector have share with 13 percent in 1991. That share is grown to 62 percent in 1995 but then; it is reduced reason of financial inadequate ships.TOURISMTourism revenues are approximately 280 million dollars in 1995.4.5 million of transits and totally 8 million tourists are visited the Bulgaria in 1996.3.3. TRADE AFTER ECONOMICAL REFORMSExport of Bulgaria is totally 4.9 milliard dollars in 1997. The import nest export products are fuel oil, other fuels, cooper and its products and nuclear reactors. Import is 4.5 milliard dollars in 1997 and included the product such as mineral fuels, nuclear reactor heaters and spare parts, electric machines, mineral substances, cotton, synthetic fibres, cereals, auto and tractors.3.4. EXTERNAL DEBTSRate of the external debts to export revenues were 249.9 Percent in 1993 but then, back to 188.2 percent in 1994.Official external debts were 10.363 dollars in the end of 1997.3.5. FOREIGN INVESTORS EXTERNAL CAPITALMost investments with 636.2 million dollars by foreigners are made in 1997. This amount is 526 million dollars in 1998. Principal foreign investors are European countries and U.S.A. A new foreigner investment law is prepared in Oct 1997. Main sectors to investment are industry, trade, finance and tourism.3.6. COMMERCIAL BANKINGState banks are privatization by associate. Regulations relate to control of banking are valitidied by government. In the middle of 1997, a new law on banking are validated after economical crisis in 1996, Central Bank Law are rebuilt. High levels of capital and capital qualifications are obligationed.3.7. PRIVATIZATIONPrivatization is started with foundation transformation and privatization belongs to state and municipalities in April 1992. Privatization Agency is built-up. Privatization is realization with totally 836 million dollars between Jan 1,1993 and Dec 30,1998. Its part of 421.4 million dollars is in 1997 and part of 116 million dollars is realization in 1998.Foundations like ports, telecommunication and, etc.are out of privatization by laws. 95 percent of state firms transformed to form of private limited or nationalization. Share of these firms are belong to state.III. BULGARIA IN EUROPAN UNION AND CONNECTIONS WITH TURKEY1. BULGARIAN ECONOMY AND CONNECTIONS WITH TURKEYTest and certification operations, metal products except iron, chemical products, cereals, operational petroleum. Products are important substances from Bulgaria to Turkey.Although weaving products, food, chemical products, leather and stout leather products, glass, ceramics, brick products are ones of important from Turkey to Bulgaria.1.1. CONTENTS OF FREE TRADE AGREEMENT BETWEEN TURKEY AND BULGARIAAll taxes and restrictictions on industrial products by signed on European Agreement between European Union and Bulgaria in Mar 8,1993 and validated in Dec 31,1993 will be removed till 2002.Turkey and Bulgaria made easy to particularization into agricultural products market by reduced the taxes for between their selves.End of signed acts, 131 products of 446 that stated to Turkey and 1141 goods of existing on European Union Agreement are liberalization by remove from list of sensitive products.Foreign companies had a partnership rights with corporations and individuals and also foreign individuals had a right on economical activities by law of keeping foreign investors, which is validated in 1992. Same economical rights are recognized between foreigners and Bulgarians and also getting unlimited share from exist companies and companies that will be found.2. CONNECTIONS WITH EUROPEAN UNION AND FINANCIAL PORTREIT OF BULGARIA2.1. CONNECTION WITH EUROPEAN UNION OF BULGARIAIn the autumn 1989, Berlin wall is demolished and this motion make united the European that had divided to east and west after 2nd world war. Comecon's mean is continuing the economical dependent ship to Soviet Union. But, most east and west European countries reject it. After these European Union augmented economical and political supports to that countries reason of carry out and conclude the reform, which is started in middle and east European countries.Firstly, a group includes the Turkey is formed by 24 of OECD countries. G24s are transferred to entrust with coordination of support to the European Union Commission.That commission is functionizationed the Phare program that helps on financial and technical areas to Poland and Hungary. Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia and Romania in Sept.1990, Albanian, Estonia, Leetonia and Livonia in Jan.1992 and Slovenia in Aug.1992 are included by Phare program.Military regulations on security of West European losted the importance but they are already securely areas.Main political aims that related to Middle and East European countries of European Unions are explained below;a- Encouragement of liberal democratic system with respectful of law's superiority.b- to be sense on surroundingsc- to prevent the ethnical collidesd- to prevent the migration to foreign countries at the west.e- Phare program and encouragement of free market economy from planned economy.2.2. WHAT IS THE PHARE PROGRAM?Phare program's aim is build the encourage mental conditions to the market economy and to take pains about investments on economies of Middle and East Europe countries. This program includes unfinancable fields by traditional external supports. That supports on the program is formed by credits and encouragements and used for pilot projects related to reorganization of associations.Bulgaria is taken a support of 10.6 millions ECU by include of Phare program.European Union don't use only Phare program as a tool on politics related to Middle and East Europe countries, except itIncludes the programs within own constitution such as ERASMUS and COMETT.2.3. FIRST PERIOD (before 1989)In this period; trading is developed between Middle and East European countries that named as COMECON COUNTRIES but couldn't show the same developments against to West Europe in European Union.Soviet Union takes the priority on exporting with countries. Bulgaria is the develop pest country on trade with Soviet Union.2.4 TRANSITION PERIOD (1989-1992)The great changements occurred on trade in Soviet Union and Middle and East Europe countries from starting the reforms in 1989 to 1992.From 1989,trade and partnership agreements signed with Hungary and Poland then, with Czechoslovakia in 1990,also Bulgaria and Romania in 1991. At the same time, rejection is started on amount of restrictions. Exporting is increased between Middle and East European countries, Soviet Union and European Union other than below too;Devaluation in the countries other than Hungary,- Workings to join into the West European markets reason of re-emerging the losted ones in East European- Import is on peak-level from those countries to Germany after unitized the East and West Europe.2.5. EUROPEAN AGREEMENTSEuropean agreements are acted end of 1991.Bulgaria-Europe agreement's date of signature: Mar8, 1993Date of being inforce: Dec 31,1995Temporarily agreement: Dec 31,1992European agreement has been in force in Bulgaria, end of 1995. European agreements are partnership agreements that signed by based on 238th paragraph of Roma agreement and Maastricht agreement. According to that state, increasing of export is an prestipulation to growth the economy with stability.3. SUCCEED OF STABILITY PROGRAM IN BULGARIABulgaria signed on an agreement with IMF to pass over the economical hardships and started the reforms in 1991.Economy is grown at the rates of 2.1 percent in 1995.In 1997,economy has the new crisis related to Yugoslavia crisis and so, Bulgaria signed on a new agreement with IMF.Leva is fixed with 20 DM and 1000 Bulgarian Leva to 1 DM and constructral reforms is started to gain the speed.Economy in Bulgaria grown to positive from 1994 but to the 10.9 percent in 1996.- Inflation rates (%) in Republic of Bulgaria; 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 199882,2 72,8 96,2 62 123,1 1082,3 22,3After the stand-by agreement with IMF, inflation approached to 22.3 percent in 1998.Annual average of inflation is expected as 7.3 percent in 1999 and 9.0 percent in 2000.Bulgaria is the poorest country according to other east European countries candidate to membership of EU. Bulgarian Leva is determined by rejected the 3 zeros from Detsch Mark. So, new Leva is make related on euro at the rates of 1.95583:euro 1 (Lvl:DMI ).CONCLUSION:Bulgaria is declared the moratorium reason of hardness's to find an external debt, to refund the capital and interests of external debt.While external debt is 10.6-milliard dollars end of 1990,it has been 12.2 milliard dollars, end of 1993. So, started to paces towards to market economy in Feb 1991. Annual inflation is reduced from 338.5 percent in 1991 to 79.4 percent in 1992.The debts of managements of state are ruined the budget and also a reason to broken balance on economy too.The crisis on foreign currency is occurred in Mar 1994. Reforms have been out of control at the result of that crisis.Leva is devaluated as 100 percent and inflation is reduced to 90 percent on annual average. At this parallel, financial and revenue politics, money and its value are controlled. The debts to foreign countries are decreased to 9.8 milliard dollars with precautions in 1994 and end of 1996.Financial balance are obtained again in the first months of 1995, reduced the inflation and also rate of interests to 72 percent.Rate of exchange (Leva/$) was 503 percent between Jan 1 and Feb 12,1997. Especially, that increasing was 20-percent/each day in Feb 1997.Rate of interest was 300 percent in Sep.1996. 14 Banks are bankrupted in that period. Bulgaria had been 1st of the world from inflation increasing speed of view.Inflation, devaluation, unemployment and also wages are on the lowest level in transition period in Bulgaria. Incoming per person is decreased 50 percent between 1989 and 1995.Annual criminal events are increased 3 times more after 1990. Money committee had formed by advice of IMF in Jul 1997. 1Deutsche Mark is indexed on 1 Leva.Qualified personnel with educationed on technical areas is a great potential force of Bulgarian economy.Bulgaria will be completed the transition period when it became to membership of European Union.

"To this day I feel humiliation for what was done to me… The time I spent in Abu Ghraib — it ended my life. I'm only half a human now." That's what Abu Ghraib survivor Talib al-Majli had to say about the 16 months he spent at that notorious prison in Iraq after being captured and detained by American troops on October 31, 2003. In the wake of his release, al-Majli has continued to suffer a myriad of difficulties, including an inability to hold a job thanks to physical and mental-health deficits and a family life that remains in shambles.He was never even charged with a crime — not exactly surprising, given the Red Cross's estimate that 70% to 90% of those arrested and detained in Iraq after the 2003 American invasion of that country were guilty of nothing. But like other survivors, his time at Abu Ghraib continues to haunt him, even though, nearly 20 years later in America, the lack of justice and accountability for war crimes at that prison has been relegated to the distant past and is considered a long-closed chapter in this country's War on Terror.The Abu Ghraib "Scandal"On April 28th, 2004, CBS News's 60 Minutes aired a segment about Abu Ghraib prison, revealing for the first time photos of the kinds of torture that had happened there. Some of those now-infamous pictures included a black-hooded prisoner being made to stand on a box, his arms outstretched and electrical wires attached to his hands; naked prisoners piled on top of each other in a pyramid-like structure; and a prisoner in a jumpsuit on his knees being threatened with a dog. In addition to those disturbing images, several photos included American military personnel grinning or posing with thumbs-up signs, indications that they seemed to be taking pleasure in the humiliation and torture of those Iraqi prisoners and that the photos were meant to be seen.Once those pictures were exposed, there was widespread outrage across the globe in what became known as the Abu Ghraib scandal. However, that word "scandal" still puts the focus on those photos rather than on the violence the victims suffered or the fact that, two decades later, there has been zero accountability when it comes to the government officials who sanctioned an atmosphere ripe for torture.Thanks to the existence of the Federal Tort Claims Act, all claims against the federal government, when it came to Abu Ghraib, were dismissed. Nor did the government provide any compensation or redress to the Abu Ghraib survivors, even after, in 2022, the Pentagon released a plan to minimize harm to civilians in U.S. military operations. However, there is a civil suit filed in 2008 — Al Shimari v. CACI — brought on behalf of three plaintiffs against military contractor CACI's role in torture at Abu Ghraib. Though CACI tried 20 times to have the case dismissed, the trial — the first to address the abuse of Abu Ghraib detainees — finally began in mid-April in the Eastern District Court of Virginia. If the plaintiffs succeed with a ruling in their favor, it will be a welcome step toward some semblance of justice. However, for other survivors of Abu Ghraib, any prospect of justice remains unlikely at best.The Road to Abu Ghraib"My impression is that what has been charged thus far is abuse, which I believe technically is different from torture… And therefore, I'm not going to address the 'torture' word." So said Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld at a press conference in 2004. He failed, of course, to even mention that he and other members of President George W. Bush's administration had gone to great lengths not only to sanction brutal torture techniques in their "Global War on Terror," but to dramatically raise the threshold for what might even be considered torture.As Vian Bakir argued in her book Torture, Intelligence and Sousveillance in the War on Terror: Agenda-Building Struggles, his comments were part of a three-pronged Bush administration strategy to reframe the abuses depicted in those photos, including providing "evidence" of the supposed legality of the basic interrogation techniques, framing such abuses as isolated rather than systemic events, and doing their best to destroy visual evidence of torture altogether.Although top Bush officials claimed to know nothing about what happened at Abu Ghraib, the war on terror they launched was built to thoroughly dehumanize and deny any rights to those detained. As a 2004 Human Rights Watch report, "The Road to Abu Ghraib," noted, a pattern of abuse globally resulted not from the actions of individual soldiers, but from administration policies that circumvented the law, deployed distinctly torture-like methods of interrogation to "soften up" detainees, and took a "see no evil, hear no evil," approach to any allegations of prisoner abuse.In fact, the Bush administration actively sought out legal opinions about how to exclude war-on-terror prisoners from any legal framework whatsoever. A memorandum from Attorney General Alberto Gonzales to President Bush argued that the Geneva Conventions simply didn't apply to members of the terror group al-Qaeda or the Afghan Taliban. Regarding what would constitute torture, an infamous memo, drafted by Office of Legal Counsel attorney John Yoo, argued that "physical pain amounting to torture must be equivalent in intensity to the pain accompanying serious physical injury, such as organ failure, impairment of bodily function, or even death." Even after the Abu Ghraib photos became public, Rumsfeld and other Bush administration officials never relented when it came to their supposed inapplicability. As Rumsfeld put it in a television interview, they "did not apply precisely" in Iraq.In January 2004, Major General Anthony Taguba was appointed to conduct an Army investigation into the military unit, the 800th Military Police Brigade, which ran Abu Ghraib, where abuses had been reported from October through December 2003. His report was unequivocal about the systematic nature of torture there: "Between October and December 2003, at the Abu Ghraib Confinement Facility (BCCF), numerous incidents of sadistic, blatant, and wanton criminal abuses were inflicted on several detainees. This systemic and illegal abuse of detainees was intentionally perpetrated by several members of the military police guard force (372nd Military Police Company, 320th Military Police Battalion, 800th MP Brigade), in Tier (section) 1-A of the Abu Ghraib Prison."Sadly, the Taguba report was neither the first nor the last to document abuse and torture at Abu Ghraib. Moreover, prior to its release, the International Committee of the Red Cross had issued multiple warnings that such abuse was occurring at Abu Ghraib and elsewhere.Simulating AtonementOnce the pictures were revealed, President Bush and other members of his administration were quick to condemn the violence at the prison. Within a week, Bush had assured King Abdullah of Jordan, who was visiting the White House, that he was sorry about what those Iraqi prisoners had endured and "equally sorry that people who've been seeing those pictures didn't understand the true nature and heart of America."As scholar Ryan Shepard pointed out, Bush's behavior was a classic case of "simulated atonement," aimed at offering an "appearance of genuine confession" while avoiding any real responsibility for what happened. He analyzed four instances in which the president offered an "apologia" for what happened — two interviews with Alhurra and Al Arabiya television on May 5, 2004, and two appearances with the King of Jordan the next day.In each case, the president also responsible for the setting up of an offshore prison of injustice on occupied Cuban land in Guantánamo Bay in 2002 managed to shift the blame in classic fashion, suggesting that the torture had not been systematic and that the fault for it lay with a few low-level people. He also denied that he knew anything about torture at Abu Ghraib prior to the release of the photos and tried to restore the image of America by drawing a comparison to what the regime of Iraqi autocrat Saddam Hussein had done prior to the American invasion.In his interview with Alhurra, for example, he claimed that the U.S. response to Abu Ghraib — investigations and justice — would be unlike anything Saddam Hussein had done. Sadly enough, however, the American takeover of that prison and the torture that occurred there was anything but a break from Hussein's reign. In the context of such a faux apology, however, Bush apparently assumed that Iraqis could be easily swayed on that point, regardless of the violence they had endured at American hands; that they would, in fact, as Ryan Shepard put it, "accept the truth-seeking, freedom-loving American occupation as vastly superior to the previous regime."True accountability for Abu Ghraib? Not a chance. But revisiting Bush's apologia so many years later is a vivid reminder that he and his top officials never had the slightest intention of truly addressing those acts of torture as systemic to America's war on terror, especially because he was directly implicated in them.Weapons of American ImperialismOn March 19th, 2003, President Bush gave an address from the Oval Office to his "fellow citizens." He opened by saying that "American and coalition forces are in the early stages of military operations to disarm Iraq, to free its people and to defend the world from grave danger." The liberated people of Iraq, he said, would "witness the honorable and decent spirit of the American military."There was, of course, nothing about his invasion of Iraq that was honorable or decent. It was an illegally waged war for which Bush and his administration had spent months building support. In his State of the Union address in 2002, in fact, the president had referred to Iraq as part of an "axis of evil" and a country that "continues to flaunt its hostility toward America and to support terror." Later that year, he began to claim that Saddam's regime also had weapons of mass destruction. (It didn't and he knew it.) If that wasn't enough to establish the threat Iraq supposedly posed, in January 2003, Vice President Dick Cheney claimed that it "aids and protects terrorists, including members of al-Qaeda."Days after Cheney made those claims, Secretary of State Colin Powell falsely asserted to members of the U.N. Security Council that Saddam Hussein had chemical weapons, had used them before, and would not hesitate to use them again. He mentioned the phrase "weapons of mass destruction" 17 times in his speech, leaving no room to mistake the urgency of his message. Similarly, President Bush insisted the U.S. had "no ambition in Iraq, except to remove a threat and restore control of that country to its own people."The false pretenses under which the U.S. waged war on Iraq are a reminder that the war on terror was never truly about curbing a threat, but about expanding American imperial power globally.When the United States took over that prison, they replaced Saddam Hussein's portrait with a sign that said, "America is the friend of all Iraqis." To befriend the U.S. in the context of Abu Ghraib, would, of course, have involved a sort of coerced amnesia.In his essay "Abu Ghraib and its Shadow Archives," Macquarie University professor Joseph Pugliese makes this connection, writing that "the Abu Ghraib photographs compel the viewer to bear testimony to the deployment and enactment of absolute U.S. imperial power on the bodies of the Arab prisoners through the organizing principles of white supremacist aesthetics that intertwine violence and sexuality with Orientalist spectacle."As a project of American post-9/11 empire building, Abu Ghraib and the torture of prisoners there should be viewed through the lens of what I call carceral imperialism — an extension of the American carceral state beyond its borders in the service of domination and hegemony. (The Alliance for Global Justice refers to a phenomenon related to the one I'm discussing as "prison imperialism.") The distinction I draw is based on my focus on the war on terror and how the prison became a tool through which that war was being fought. In the case of Abu Ghraib, the capture, detention, and torture through which Iraqis were contained and subdued was a primary strategy of the U.S. colonization of Iraq and was used as a way to transform detained Iraqis into a visible threat that would legitimize the U.S. presence there. (Bagram prison in Afghanistan was another example of carceral imperialism.)Beyond Spectacle and Towards JusticeWhat made the torture at Abu Ghraib possible to begin with? While there were, of course, several factors, it's important to consider one above all: the way the American war not on, but of terror rendered Iraqi bodies so utterly disposable.One way of viewing this dehumanization is through philosopher Giorgio Agamben's Homo Sacer, which defines a relationship between power and two forms of life: zoe and bios. Zoe refers to an individual who is recognized as fully human with a political and social life, while bios refers to physical life alone. Iraqi prisoners at Abu Ghraib were reduced to bios, or bare life, while being stripped of all rights and protections, which left them vulnerable to uninhibited and unaccountable violence and horrifying torture.Twenty years later, those unforgettable images of torture at Abu Ghraib serve as a continuous reminder of the nature of American brutality in that Global War on Terror that has not ended. They continue to haunt me — and other Muslims and Arabs — 20 years later. They will undoubtedly be seared in my memory for life.Whether or not justice prevails in some way for Abu Ghraib's survivors, as witnesses – even distant ones — to what transpired at that prison, our job should still be to search for the stories behind the hoods, the bars, and the indescribable acts of torture that took place there. It's crucial, even so many years later, to ensure that those who endured such horrific violence at American hands are not forgotten. Otherwise, our gaze will become one more weapon of torture — extending the life of the horrific acts in those images and ensuring that the humiliation of those War on Terror prisoners will continue to be a passing spectacle for our consumption.Two decades after those photos were released, what's crucial about the unbearable violence and horror they capture is the choice they still force viewers to make — whether to become just another bystander to the violence and horror this country delivered under the label of the War on Terror or to take in the torture and demand justice for the survivors.This piece has been republished with permission from TomDispatch.

Yes, it's already time to be worried — very worried. As the wars in Ukraine and Gaza have shown, the earliest drone equivalents of "killer robots" have made it onto the battlefield and proved to be devastating weapons. But at least they remain largely under human control. Imagine, for a moment, a world of war in which those aerial drones (or their ground and sea equivalents) controlled us, rather than vice-versa. Then we would be on a destructively different planet in a fashion that might seem almost unimaginable today. Sadly, though, it's anything but unimaginable, given the work on artificial intelligence (AI) and robot weaponry that the major powers have already begun. Now, let me take you into that arcane world and try to envision what the future of warfare might mean for the rest of us.By combining AI with advanced robotics, the U.S. military and those of other advanced powers are already hard at work creating an array of self-guided "autonomous" weapons systems — combat drones that can employ lethal force independently of any human officers meant to command them. Called "killer robots" by critics, such devices include a variety of uncrewed or "unmanned" planes, tanks, ships, and submarines capable of autonomous operation. The U.S. Air Force, for example, is developing its "collaborative combat aircraft," an unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) intended to join piloted aircraft on high-risk missions. The Army is similarly testing a variety of autonomous unmanned ground vehicles (UGVs), while the Navy is experimenting with both unmanned surface vessels (USVs) and unmanned undersea vessels (UUVs, or drone submarines). China, Russia, Australia, and Israel are also working on such weaponry for the battlefields of the future.The imminent appearance of those killing machines has generated concern and controversy globally, with some countries already seeking a total ban on them and others, including the U.S., planning to authorize their use only under human-supervised conditions. In Geneva, a group of states has even sought to prohibit the deployment and use of fully autonomous weapons, citing a 1980 U.N. treaty, the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons, that aims to curb or outlaw non-nuclear munitions believed to be especially harmful to civilians. Meanwhile, in New York, the U.N. General Assembly held its first discussion of autonomous weapons last October and is planning a full-scale review of the topic this coming fall.For the most part, debate over the battlefield use of such devices hinges on whether they will be empowered to take human lives without human oversight. Many religious and civil society organizations argue that such systems will be unable to distinguish between combatants and civilians on the battlefield and so should be banned in order to protect noncombatants from death or injury, as is required by international humanitarian law. American officials, on the other hand, contend that such weaponry can be designed to operate perfectly well within legal constraints.However, neither side in this debate has addressed the most potentially unnerving aspect of using them in battle: the likelihood that, sooner or later, they'll be able to communicate with each other without human intervention and, being "intelligent," will be able to come up with their own unscripted tactics for defeating an enemy — or something else entirely. Such computer-driven groupthink, labeled "emergent behavior" by computer scientists, opens up a host of dangers not yet being considered by officials in Geneva, Washington, or at the U.N.For the time being, most of the autonomous weaponry being developed by the American military will be unmanned (or, as they sometimes say, "uninhabited") versions of existing combat platforms and will be designed to operate in conjunction with their crewed counterparts. While they might also have some capacity to communicate with each other, they'll be part of a "networked" combat team whose mission will be dictated and overseen by human commanders. The Collaborative Combat Aircraft, for instance, is expected to serve as a "loyal wingman" for the manned F-35 stealth fighter, while conducting high-risk missions in contested airspace. The Army and Navy have largely followed a similar trajectory in their approach to the development of autonomous weaponry.The Appeal of Robot "Swarms"However, some American strategists have championed an alternative approach to the use of autonomous weapons on future battlefields in which they would serve not as junior colleagues in human-led teams but as coequal members of self-directed robot swarms. Such formations would consist of scores or even hundreds of AI-enabled UAVs, USVs, or UGVs — all able to communicate with one another, share data on changing battlefield conditions, and collectively alter their combat tactics as the group-mind deems necessary."Emerging robotic technologies will allow tomorrow's forces to fight as a swarm, with greater mass, coordination, intelligence and speed than today's networked forces," predicted Paul Scharre, an early enthusiast of the concept, in a 2014 report for the Center for a New American Security (CNAS). "Networked, cooperative autonomous systems," he wrote then, "will be capable of true swarming — cooperative behavior among distributed elements that gives rise to a coherent, intelligent whole."As Scharre made clear in his prophetic report, any full realization of the swarm concept would require the development of advanced algorithms that would enable autonomous combat systems to communicate with each other and "vote" on preferred modes of attack. This, he noted, would involve creating software capable of mimicking ants, bees, wolves, and other creatures that exhibit "swarm" behavior in nature. As Scharre put it, "Just like wolves in a pack present their enemy with an ever-shifting blur of threats from all directions, uninhabited vehicles that can coordinate maneuver and attack could be significantly more effective than uncoordinated systems operating en masse."In 2014, however, the technology needed to make such machine behavior possible was still in its infancy. To address that critical deficiency, the Department of Defense proceeded to fund research in the AI and robotics field, even as it also acquired such technology from private firms like Google and Microsoft. A key figure in that drive was Robert Work, a former colleague of Paul Scharre's at CNAS and an early enthusiast of swarm warfare. Work served from 2014 to 2017 as deputy secretary of defense, a position that enabled him to steer ever-increasing sums of money to the development of high-tech weaponry, especially unmanned and autonomous systems.From Mosaic to ReplicatorMuch of this effort was delegated to the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA), the Pentagon's in-house high-tech research organization. As part of a drive to develop AI for such collaborative swarm operations, DARPA initiated its "Mosaic" program, a series of projects intended to perfect the algorithms and other technologies needed to coordinate the activities of manned and unmanned combat systems in future high-intensity combat with Russia and/or China."Applying the great flexibility of the mosaic concept to warfare," explained Dan Patt, deputy director of DARPA's Strategic Technology Office, "lower-cost, less complex systems may be linked together in a vast number of ways to create desired, interwoven effects tailored to any scenario. The individual parts of a mosaic are attritable [dispensable], but together are invaluable for how they contribute to the whole."This concept of warfare apparently undergirds the new "Replicator" strategy announced by Deputy Secretary of Defense Kathleen Hicks just last summer. "Replicator is meant to help us overcome [China's] biggest advantage, which is mass. More ships. More missiles. More people," she told arms industry officials last August. By deploying thousands of autonomous UAVs, USVs, UUVs, and UGVs, she suggested, the U.S. military would be able to outwit, outmaneuver, and overpower China's military, the People's Liberation Army (PLA). "To stay ahead, we're going to create a new state of the art… We'll counter the PLA's mass with mass of our own, but ours will be harder to plan for, harder to hit, harder to beat."To obtain both the hardware and software needed to implement such an ambitious program, the Department of Defense is now seeking proposals from traditional defense contractors like Boeing and Raytheon as well as AI startups like Anduril and Shield AI. While large-scale devices like the Air Force's Collaborative Combat Aircraft and the Navy's Orca Extra-Large UUV may be included in this drive, the emphasis is on the rapid production of smaller, less complex systems like AeroVironment's Switchblade attack drone, now used by Ukrainian troops to take out Russian tanks and armored vehicles behind enemy lines.At the same time, the Pentagon is already calling on tech startups to develop the necessary software to facilitate communication and coordination among such disparate robotic units and their associated manned platforms. To facilitate this, the Air Force asked Congress for $50 million in its fiscal year 2024 budget to underwrite what it ominously enough calls Project VENOM, or "Viper Experimentation and Next-generation Operations Model." Under VENOM, the Air Force will convert existing fighter aircraft into AI-governed UAVs and use them to test advanced autonomous software in multi-drone operations. The Army and Navy are testing similar systems.When Swarms Choose Their Own PathIn other words, it's only a matter of time before the U.S. military (and presumably China's, Russia's, and perhaps those of a few other powers) will be able to deploy swarms of autonomous weapons systems equipped with algorithms that allow them to communicate with each other and jointly choose novel, unpredictable combat maneuvers while in motion. Any participating robotic member of such swarms would be given a mission objective ("seek out and destroy all enemy radars and anti-aircraft missile batteries located within these [specified] geographical coordinates") but not be given precise instructions on how to do so. That would allow them to select their own battle tactics in consultation with one another. If the limited test data we have is anything to go by, this could mean employing highly unconventional tactics never conceived for (and impossible to replicate by) human pilots and commanders.The propensity for such interconnected AI systems to engage in novel, unplanned outcomes is what computer experts call "emergent behavior." As ScienceDirect, a digest of scientific journals, explains it, "An emergent behavior can be described as a process whereby larger patterns arise through interactions among smaller or simpler entities that themselves do not exhibit such properties." In military terms, this means that a swarm of autonomous weapons might jointly elect to adopt combat tactics none of the individual devices were programmed to perform — possibly achieving astounding results on the battlefield, but also conceivably engaging in escalatory acts unintended and unforeseen by their human commanders, including the destruction of critical civilian infrastructure or communications facilities used for nuclear as well as conventional operations.At this point, of course, it's almost impossible to predict what an alien group-mind might choose to do if armed with multiple weapons and cut off from human oversight. Supposedly, such systems would be outfitted with failsafe mechanisms requiring that they return to base if communications with their human supervisors were lost, whether due to enemy jamming or for any other reason. Who knows, however, how such thinking machines would function in demanding real-world conditions or if, in fact, the group-mind would prove capable of overriding such directives and striking out on its own.What then? Might they choose to keep fighting beyond their preprogrammed limits, provoking unintended escalation — even, conceivably, of a nuclear kind? Or would they choose to stop their attacks on enemy forces and instead interfere with the operations of friendly ones, perhaps firing on and devastating them (as Skynet does in the classic science fiction Terminator movie series)? Or might they engage in behaviors that, for better or infinitely worse, are entirely beyond our imagination?Top U.S. military and diplomatic officials insist that AI can indeed be used without incurring such future risks and that this country will only employ devices that incorporate thoroughly adequate safeguards against any future dangerous misbehavior. That is, in fact, the essential point made in the "Political Declaration on Responsible Military Use of Artificial Intelligence and Autonomy" issued by the State Department in February 2023. Many prominent security and technology officials are, however, all too aware of the potential risks of emergent behavior in future robotic weaponry and continue to issue warnings against the rapid utilization of AI in warfare.Of particular note is the final report that the National Security Commission on Artificial Intelligence issued in February 2021. Co-chaired by Robert Work (back at CNAS after his stint at the Pentagon) and Eric Schmidt, former CEO of Google, the commission recommended the rapid utilization of AI by the U.S. military to ensure victory in any future conflict with China and/or Russia. However, it also voiced concern about the potential dangers of robot-saturated battlefields."The unchecked global use of such systems potentially risks unintended conflict escalation and crisis instability," the report noted. This could occur for a number of reasons, including "because of challenging and untested complexities of interaction between AI-enabled and autonomous weapon systems [that is, emergent behaviors] on the battlefield." Given that danger, it concluded, "countries must take actions which focus on reducing risks associated with AI-enabled and autonomous weapon systems."When the leading advocates of autonomous weaponry tell us to be concerned about the unintended dangers posed by their use in battle, the rest of us should be worried indeed. Even if we lack the mathematical skills to understand emergent behavior in AI, it should be obvious that humanity could face a significant risk to its existence, should killing machines acquire the ability to think on their own. Perhaps they would surprise everyone and decide to take on the role of international peacekeepers, but given that they're being designed to fight and kill, it's far more probable that they might simply choose to carry out those instructions in an independent and extreme fashion.If so, there could be no one around to put an R.I.P. on humanity's gravestone.This article was republished with permission from Tom Dispatch

Jennifer Huddleston and Gent Salihu


In previous years, debates about online speech at a state level had largely focused on issues such as concerns about anti‐​conservative bias or online radicalization. More recently, however, many states have instead focused on the impact of social media platforms and the internet on kids and teens.
While many of the proponents of these bills may have good intentions, these proposals have significant consequences for parents, children, and all internet users when it comes to privacy and speech. States that have enacted such legislation have faced legal challenges on First Amendment grounds and cases are currently pending in the courts.
In general, there have been four categories of legislation at a state level: age‐​appropriate design codes, age‐​verification and internet access restrictions, content‐​specific age‐​verification laws, and digital literacy proposals. With many state legislatures recessing this summer, there is an opportunity to analyze what the emerging patchwork of such laws looks like, the potential consequences of these actions, and what — if any — positive policies have happened.
Age‐​Appropriate Design Codes and Age Verification for Online Activity in the US
Signed into law in 2023, the California Age‐​Appropriate Design Code Act is the first of its kind in the United States. The law obliges businesses to conduct risk assessments of their data management practices and to estimate the age of child users with a higher degree of certainty than existing laws, controlling their access to certain content. While such a law is well intended, it has raised serious concerns about privacy and free speech and is currently being challenged in court. Other states are considering bills that require age verification for using social media.
Such proposals originate in European countries, such as the UK, which is considering its own Online Safety Bill to prevent young people from harmful content but also raises serious concerns around the censorship of lawful speech, privacy, and encryption. On speech, such initiatives threaten the right to anonymous speech. On privacy, kids and adults are likely to be harmed by invasive, yet currently unsafe methods of age‐​verification technologies in an online ecosystem where at least 80% of businesses claim to have been hacked at least once. On encryption, some have advocated introducing backdoors in end‐​to‐​end encryption to catch malicious actors that harm kids while overlooking the importance of encrypted channels for kids to safely call out abusers.
This legislative session, several U.S. states have contemplated bills that would require additional steps to verify who may have a user account on social media or other websites, each with their unique approaches. But many share common concerns. For example, a cluster of states have sought to mandate explicit parental consent for minors creating or operating a social media account, like Pennsylvania, Ohio, Connecticut, and Louisiana. Pennsylvania, for example, has proposed legislation stating that a minor cannot have a social media account unless explicit written consent is granted by a parent or guardian. Ohio and Connecticut have followed a similar path requiring parental consent for children under 16 using social media. Wisconsin considered a bill recently to require social media companies to verify the age of users and require parental consent for children to create accounts. More than 60 bills were introduced in 2023 and at least nine states considered age verification, age‐​appropriate design codes, or other restrictions on young people's internet usage. Most of these proposals failed; however, there are a few significant age verification bills that were still pending or enacted as of July.
The Governor of Louisiana signed the Secure Online Child Interaction and Age Limitation Act (SB162) into law on June 28. This law not only enforces parental consent for minors, but expressly requires companies to verify the age of all Louisiana account holders. As will be discussed below, this is often the case with age‐​verification laws more generally. Similarly, Arkansas passed the Social Media Safety Act, requiring children under 18 to obtain parental consent for creating a social media account. Utah went a step further by banning access to social media after 10:30 pm for all children under 18 unless parents modify the settings.
Consequences of Age‐​Appropriate Design Codes
The implementation of overly broad policies raises significant privacy concerns, not only for young users but for everyone. The process of accurately determining the age of an underage social media user inherently necessitates determining the age of all users. In a context where social media companies may be held accountable for errors in age determination, the request for sensitive information such as proof of ID becomes a requirement for all users. This poses immediate questions regarding the type of identification data to be collected and how companies might utilize this information before the age verification process is complete.
On a practical level, social media platforms cannot solely depend on their internal capabilities for age verification, thus necessitating reliance on third‐​party vendors. This reliance presents a further question: who possesses the necessary infrastructure to manage such data collection? Currently, MindGeek, the parent company of PornHub, stands as one of the dominant international market players in age verification. Many conservatives may question such a company or the social media platforms they are concerned about having the IDs or biometrics of young users. For example, the Arkansas Social Media Safety Act relies on third‐​party companies to verify users' personal information.
Options that do not require the collection of sensitive documents — like government IDs or birth certificates — are likely to rely on biometrics. In such cases, not only are there concerns about the potential risk of this information falling into the hands of malevolent actors, but also questions of the accuracy of such technology in cases, such as distinguishing the difference in a 17 ½‑year‐​old and an 18‐​year‐​old. These are critical considerations for legislators as they advance bills aiming to replace parental oversight with governmental control, a shift that may also generate unforeseen consequences and risks.
We must also consider the potential repercussions on youth when their freedom of speech, expression, and peer association are curtailed due to the absence of social media. How can we balance the disparities between parents who restrict their children's access to social media and those who permit it? In today's digital age, children often forgo playing in neighborhood streets and optinstead for virtual interaction.
Social media platforms have empowered young people to voice their opinions on political matters and vital issues such as climate change. Without the communication channels provided by social media, the reach and organization of initiatives like Greta Thunberg's "Fridays for Future" would have been significantly reduced. It's crucial to consider the potential loss of such influential platforms which serve not only as a stage for youthful expression, but also a catalyst for activism. Introducing bills that impose broad restrictions on access to social media is likely to also obstruct these beneficial aspects stemming from social media usage.
Additionally, these restrictions would make it difficult — if not impossible — for users of all ages to engage in anonymous speech as well as access communication and lawful speech. The only way to verify users under a certain age — such as 16 or 18 — is to also verify users over that age. This means all users would be forced to provide sensitive information like passports, driver's licenses, or biometrics in order to participate in online discussions. This information would have to be tied to a user's account, meaning it would be impossible for users to retain true anonymity. This sets up a honeypot of sensitive personal information for malicious hackers.
Topic‐​Based Age‐​Appropriate Design Codes or Age‐​Verification
Some states have introduced age‐​verification legislation that targets specific content. Currently, these proposals have been limited to pornographic material and websites. For websites exclusively dealing with pornography, the task of flagging them is relatively straightforward. However, challenges arise when attempting to regulate more malleable platforms that do not primarily host adult content.
Louisiana was the first state to take such an approach with a law that requires age verification for access to platforms if pornographic content comprises more than one‐​third of the overall content. However, such thresholds can often be arbitrary and could impact more general‐​use websites that may be attempting to remove such content. For example, platforms like Twitter and BlueSky allow adult nudity, and other "sensitive media content" are permissible with certain restrictions. The platforms likely engage in significant content moderation and flagging of such content; however, the exact percentage of such content on a website may vary.
Lawmakers must also take into account how such laws could impact smaller platforms. A new platform with fewer users could have only a small amount of adult content but cross an arbitrarily set threshold based on the percentage of content. Small websites that see a sudden increase in users might also struggle to keep up with moderation for a time and end up over thresholds — even if such content violates their official terms.
Pragmatically, these laws may not be as effective at achieving their goal as policymakers may hope. As of July 1st, Virginia is the most recent state to enact a law that requires age verification for websites showcasing adult content. However, given that consumers have privacy concerns over sharing their sensitive personal data, they tend to bypass these protective measures, raising concerns over their effectiveness. For instance, since the enactment of the law, Google Trends data indicates that Virginia leads the US in searches for virtual private networks (VPNs), a tool that allows individuals to access such sites without disclosing sensitive information to these adult‐​content websites. Utah also saw an uptick in VPN searches when it introduced its age verification law (SB287). It's worth noting that bypass methods aren't exclusive to adults.. A study on the enforcement of similar laws in the United Kingdom revealed that 23% of minors say that they can bypass blocking measures. In addition to relying on VPNs to bypass age verification, users may also visit more obscure adult content sites that are less likely to follow safety protocols.
The ease with which these measures can be circumvented suggests that these government laws may put people's sensitive data at risk and infringe upon young people's rights to access various speech forums, all without providing effective ways to reap their intended benefits. Rather than enacting laws that may not achieve their intended effects, focus should be shifted toward actionable measures like public awareness and education. The state‐​level patchwork approach to handling people's sensitive data underscores the urgent need for a comprehensive federal privacy bill.
A Better Alternative: State Bills Promoting Digital Literacy
The concerns about young people online are quite varied and an important reason why the best solutions are likely left to parents and trusted adults in a child's life, rather than a government one‐​size‐​fits‐​all approach. One positive set of legislative proposals that has emerged over this last session are those that focus on the education of young people through improved digital literacy curriculum. This approach will empower young people to use technology in beneficial ways while also advising them what to do should they encounter harmful or concerning content.
As discussed in more detail in a recent policy brief, many states already have an element of digital literacy in their K‑12 curriculum; however, such standards typically pre‐​date the rise of the internet and social media. This year, Florida passed a law that would include social media digital literacy in the curriculum. States including Alabama, Virginia, and Missouri also considered such laws.
An education‐​focused approach will empower young people to make good decisions around their own technology use. Ideally, such a curriculum should be balanced or neutral in its approach to explaining the risks and benefits of social media or other online activities. States should not be too prescriptive in their approach or allow individual schools to make decisions that reflect specific values or issues encountered by their students. They should give way to parental notification and responsiveness when it comes to discussions around such issues. Civil society and industry have provided a great number of responses to support parental choice and controls. If policymakers are to be involved, the focus should be on education and empowerment rather than restriction and regulation.
Conclusion
2023 has seen an increase in policy proposals seeking to regulate the internet access of young people, but this carries consequences for all internet users. Such actions will likely face challenges in court on First Amendment grounds as seen with the Arkansas and California laws. As with users of any age, children and teens' use of and experience with technology can be both positive and negative. A wide array of tools exists to empower parents and young people to deal with concerns, including exposure to certain content or time spent on social media. If policymakers seek to do anything in this area, the focus should be on empowering and educating children and parents on how to use the internet in positive ways and what to do if they have concerns, not through heavy‐​handed regulation that both fails to improve online safety and takes away its beneficial uses.

El ecosistema web es enorme y, en general, se sustenta principalmente en un atributo intangible que sostiene la mayoría de los servicios gratuitos: la explotación de la información personal del usuario. A lo largo de los años, la preocupación por la forma en que los servicios utilizan los datos personales ha aumentado y atraído la atención de los medios de comunicación, gobiernos, reguladores y también de los usuarios. Esta recogida de información personal es hoy en día la principal fuente de ingresos en Internet. Además, por si fuera poco, la publicidad online es la pieza que lo sustenta todo. Sin la existencia de datos personales en comunión con la publicidad online, Internet probablemente no sería el gigante que hoy conocemos. La publicidad online es un ecosistema muy complejo en el que participan múltiples actores. Es el motor principal que genera ingresos en la red, y en pocos años ha evolucionado hasta llegar a miles de millones de usuarios en todo el mundo. Mientras navegan, los usuarios generan datos muy valiosos sobre sí mismos que los anunciantes utilizan después para ofrecerles productos relevantes en los que podrían estar interesados. Se trata de un enfoque bidireccional, ya que los anunciantes pagan a intermediarios para que muestren anuncios al público que, en principio, está más interesado. Sin embargo, este comercio, intercambio y tratamiento de datos personales, además de abrir nuevas vías de publicidad, exponen la privacidad de los usuarios. Esta incesante recopilación y comercialización de la información personal suele quedar tras un muro opaco, donde el usuario generalmente desconoce para qué se utilizan sus datos. Las iniciativas de privacidad y transparencia se han incrementado a lo largo de los años para empoderar al usuario en este negocio que mueve miles de millones de dólares en ingresos. No en vano, tras varios escándalos, como el de Facebook Cambridge Analytica, las empresas y los reguladores se han unido para crear transparencia y proteger a los usuarios de las malas prácticas derivadas del uso de su información personal. Por ejemplo, el Reglamento General de Protección de Datos, es el ejemplo más prometedor de regulación, que afecta a todos los estados miembros de la Unión Europea, abogando por la protección de los usuarios. El contenido de esta tesis tomará como referencia esta legislación. Por todo ello, el propósito de esta tesis consiste en aportar herramientas y metodologías que pongan de manifiesto usos inapropiados de datos personales por las grandes compañías del ecosistema publicitario online, y cree transparencia entre los usuarios, proporcionando, a su vez, soluciones para que se protejan. Así pues, el contenido de esta tesis ofrece diseño, análisis e implementación de metodologías que miden el impacto social y económico de la información personal online en los servicios extensivos de Internet. Principalmente, se centra en Facebook, una de las mayores redes sociales y servicios en la web, que cuenta con más de 2,8B de usuarios en todo el mundo y generó unos ingresos solo en publicidad online de más de 84 mil millones de dólares en el año 2020. En primer lugar, esta tesis presenta una solución, en forma de extensión del navegador llamada FDVT (Data Valuation Tool for Facebook users), para proporcionar a los usuarios una estimación personalizada y en tiempo real del dinero que están generando para Facebook. Analizando el número de anuncios e interacciones en una sesión, el usuario obtiene información sobre su valor dentro de esta red social. La extensión del navegador ha tenido una importante repercusión y adopción tanto por parte de los usuarios, instalándose más de 10k veces desde su lanzamiento público en octubre de 2016, como de los medios de comunicación, apareciendo en más de 100 medios. En segundo lugar, el estudio e investigación de los posibles riesgos asociados al tratamiento de los datos de los usuarios debe seguir también a la creación de este tipo de soluciones. En este contexto, esta tesis descubre y desvela resultados impactantes sobre el uso de la información personal: (i) cuantifica el número de usuarios afectados por el uso de atributos sensibles utilizados para la publicidad en Facebook, utilizando como referencia la definición de datos sensibles del Reglamento General de Protección de Datos. Esta tesis se basa en el uso de Procesamiento de Lenguaje Natural para identificar los atributos sensibles, y posteriormente utiliza el la plataforma de creación de anuncios de Facebook para recuperar el número de usuarios asignados con esta información sensible. Dos tercios de los usuarios de Facebook se ven afectados por el uso de datos personales sensibles que se les atribuyen. Además, la legislación parece no tener efecto en este uso de atributos sensibles por parte de Facebook, y presenta graves riesgos para los usuarios. (ii) Se modela cuál es el número de atributos que no identifican a priori personalmente al usuario y que aun así son suficientes para identificar de forma única a un individuo sobre una base de datos de miles de millones de usuarios, y se demuestra que llegar a un solo usuario es plausible incluso sin conocer datos que lo identifiquen personalmente de ellos mismos. Los resultados demuestran que 22 intereses al azar de un usuario son suficientes para identificarlo unívocamente con un 90% de probabilidad, y 4 si tomamos los menos populares. Por último, esta tesis se ha visto afectada por el estallido de la pandemia del COVID- 19, lo que ha contribuido al análisis de la evolución del mercado de la publicidad en línea con este periodo. La investigación demuestra que el mercado de la publicidad muestra una inelasticidad casi perfecta en la oferta y que cambió su composición debido a un cambio en el comportamiento en línea de los usuarios. También ilustra el potencial que tiene la utilización de los datos de los grandes servicios en línea, dado que ya tienen una alta tasa de adopción, y presenta un protocolo para la localización de contactos que han estado potencialmente expuestos a personas que direon positivo en COVID-19, en contraste con el fracaso de las nuevas aplicaciones de localización de contactos. En conclusión, la investigación de esta tesis muestra el impacto social y económico de la publicidad online y de los grandes servicios online en los usuarios. La metodología utilizada y desplegada sirve para poner de manifiesto y cuantificar los riesgos derivados de los datos personales en los servicios en línea. Presenta la necesidad de tales herramientas y metodologías en consonancia con la nueva legislación y los deseos de los usuarios. Siguiendo estas peticiones, en la búsqueda de transparencia y privacidad, esta tesis muestra soluciones y medidas fácilmente implementables para prevenir estos riesgos y capacitar al usuario para controlar su información personal. ; The web ecosystem is enormous, and overall it is sustained by an intangible attribute that mainly supports the majority of free services: the exploitation of personal information. Over the years, concerns on how services use personal data have increased and attracted the attention of media and users. This collection of personal information is the primary source of revenue on the Internet nowadays. Furthermore, on top of this, online advertising is the piece that supports it all. Without the existence of personal data in communion with online advertising, the Internet would probably not be the giant we know today. Online advertising is a very complex ecosystem in which multiple stakeholders take part. It is the motor that generates revenue on the web, and it has evolved in a few years to reach billions of users worldwide. While browsing, users generate valuable data about themselves that advertisers later use to offer them relevant products in which users could be interested. It is a two-way approach since advertisers pay intermediates to show ads to the public that is, in principle, most interested. However, this trading, sharing, and processing of personal data and behavior patterns, apart from opening up new advertising ways, expose users' privacy. This incessant collection and commercialization of personal information usually fall behind an opaque wall, where the user often does not know what their data is used for. Privacy and transparency initiatives have increased over the years to empower the user in this business that moves billions of US dollars in revenue. Not surprisingly, after several scandals, such as the Facebook Cambridge Analytica scandal, businesses and regulators have joined forces to create transparency and protect users against the harmful practices derived from the use of their personal information. For instance, the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), is the most promising example of a data protection regulation, affecting all the member states of the European Union (EU), advocating for protecting users. The content of this thesis will use this legislation as a reference. For all these reasons, the purpose of this thesis is to provide tools and methodologies that reveal inappropriate uses of personal data by large companies in the online advertising ecosystem and create transparency among users, providing solutions to protect themselves. Thus, the content of this thesis offers design, analysis, and implementation of methodologies that measure online personal information's social and economic impact on extensive Internet services. Mainly, it focuses on Facebook (FB), one of the largest social networks and services on the web, accounting with more than 2.8B Monthly Active Users (MAU) worldwide and generating only in online advertising revenue, more than $84B in 2020. First, this thesis presents a solution, in the form of a browser extension called Data Valuation Tool for Facebook users (FDVT), to provide users with a personalized, real-time estimation of the money they are generating for FB. By analyzing the number of ads and interactions in a session, the user gets information on their value within this social network. The add-on has had significant impact and adoption both by users, being installed more than 10k times since its public launch in October 2016, and media, appearing in more than 100 media outlets. Second, the study and research of the potential risks associated with processing users' data should also follow the creation of these kinds of solutions. In this context, this thesis discovers and unveils striking results on the usage of personal information: (i) it quantifies the number of users affected by the usage of sensitive attributes used for advertising on FB, using as reference the definition of sensitive data from the GDPR. This thesis relies on the use of Natural Language Processing (NLP) to identify sensitive attributes, and it later uses the FB Ads Manager to retrieve the number of users assigned with this sensitive information. Two-thirds of FB users are affected by the use of sensitive personal data attributed to them. Moreover, the legislation seems not to affect this use of sensitive attributes from FB, and it presents severe risks to users. (ii) It models the number of non-Personal Identifiable Information (PII) attributes that are enough to uniquely identify an individual over a database of billions of users and proofs that reaching a single user is plausible even without knowing PII data of themselves. The results demonstrate that 22 interests at random from a user are enough to identify them uniquely with a 90% of probability, and 4 when taking the least popular ones. Finally, this thesis was affected by the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic what led to side contribute to the analysis of how the online advertising market evolved during this period. The research shows that the online advertising market shows an almost perfect inelasticity on supply and that it changed its composition due to a change in users' online behavior. It also illustrates the potential of using data from large online services which already have a high adoption rate and presents a protocol for contact tracing individuals who have been potentially exposed to people who tested positive in COVID-19, in contrast to the failure of newly deployed contact tracing apps. In conclusion, the research for this thesis showcases the social and economic impact of online advertising and extensive online services on users. The methodology used and deployed is used to highlight and quantify the risks derived from personal data in online services. It presents the necessity of such tools and methodologies in line with new legislation and users' desires. Following these requests, in the search for transparency and privacy, this thesis displays easy implementable solutions and measurements to prevent these risks and empower the user to control their personal information. ; This work was supported by the Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deporte, Spain, through the FPU Grant FPU16/05852, the Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación, Spain, through the project ACHILLES Grant PID2019-104207RB-I00, the H2020 EU-Funded SMOOTH project under Grant 786741, and the H2020 EU-Funded PIMCITY project under Grant 871370. ; Programa de Doctorado en Ingeniería Telemática por la Universidad Carlos III de Madrid ; Presidente: David Larrabeiti López.- Secretario: Gregorio Ignacio López López.- Vocal: Noel Crespi

Cap I: Questo capitolo mira a stabilire un punto di partenza per quanto riguarda questa tesi, ricostruendo una definizione ampiamente accettata dalla comunità internazionale su ciò che si deve intendere come concetto di vittime di crimini atroci, concetto sviluppato e perfezionato dal diritto internazionale pubblico, in particolare i contributi a tale concetto proverranno dal diritto internazionale dei diritti umani e dal diritto penale internazionale, inoltre si analizzerà ciascuno degli obiettivi dei modelli di giustizia restaurativa e la di giustizia retributiva per le vittime, dimostrando che esiste un punto di convergenza o di visione eclettica tra i due modelli nel diritto penale internazionale a favore delle vittime di crimini atroci. In questo capitolo si pretende introdurre un concetto simile a quello riconosciuto a livello internazionale come la carta dei diritti umani, in questo caso si introdurrà il concetto di Carta Internazionale dei diritti delle Vittime di crimini atroci, carta fondamentale composta da quattro documenti essenziali e la riunione degli stessi sarà la loro carta dei loro diritti, nel senso di fornire la protezione, difesa e riconoscimento dei loro diritti come Lex specialis, termine utilizzato non per privilegiare l'applicazione di una norma, ma per la costruzione di un corpo legale attraverso l'unione di vari pezzi che contiene disposizioni specifiche e generali, che di per sé non corrispondono ad una posizione cronologica, allo stesso modo, questa Carta delle Vittime si vedrà arricchita dal retaggio di due tradizioni giuridiche del common law e del civile law che hanno inciso nei tribunali internazionali penali e/o dei diritti umani, che rendono effettiva la protezione delle vittime . È allora che si tratterà: In primo luogo, sugli apporti che realizzano i Principi fondamentali di giustizia per le vittime di reati e dell'abuso di potere. In secondo luogo, si approfondirà sui contributi dei principi e delle linee guida sul diritto delle vittime di violazioni manifeste delle norme internazionali dei Cap I diritti umani e di gravi violazioni del diritto internazionale umanitario a interporre ricorsi e ottenere riparazioni, si farà riferimento agli strumenti e alla giurisprudenza del Sistema Universale Dei Diritti Umani, il Sistema regionale Interamericano Dei Diritti Umani, il Sistema Regionale Europeo Dei Diritti Umani e il Sistema Regionale Africano Dei Diritti Umani. In modo uguale si tratterà di garantire in ogni momento alle vittime il diritto di ottenere un risarcimento per le violazioni verificatesi ai loro diritti internazionalmente riconosciuti o per le violazioni del diritto internazionale umanitario. In terzo luogo, si analizzeranno i contributi apportati dai Principi contro l'impunità, in particolare i principi del diritto di sapere, del diritto alla giustizia e del diritto alla riparazione. Quarto luogo: Si descriveranno le caratteristiche generali del riconoscimento dei diritti delle vittime nel Sistema della Corte Penale Internazionale. ; cap II: Questo capitolo analizzerà i principi generali che regolano il processo penale internazionale, in particolare quelli a favore delle vittime e degli imputati coinvolti nel processo. Questi principi saranno definiti e spiegati sulla base della giurisprudenza internazionale dei diritti umani, del diritto penale internazionale e della dottrina internazionale. Di conseguenza, saranno trattati come principi per le vittime; l'accesso alla giustizia che tratta il ricorso effettivo contro i gravi crimini perpetrati, che comprendono: il diritto di accedere a un rimedio adeguato e idoneo, il diritto a un ricorso effettivo e il diritto a un ricorso opportuno. Il principio della quarta istanza a favore delle vittime, in particolare l'esame del diritto penale internazionale sulla cosa giudicata fraudolenta l principio dell'adozione di misure di protezione a favore delle vittime di crimini atroci: il principio delle Norme imperative di diritto internazionale generale, jus cogens ed i principi secondo i quali l'imputato deve essere presente nel processo. Allo stesso modo, per sviluppare il processo e come garanzia per gli indagati e imputati e talvolta della vittima, si svilupperanno i principi di: la presunzione di innocenza; il principio di indipendenza e di imparzialità dei giudici; il principio della parità e della ragionevolezza della durata del procedimento; l'uguaglianza delle parti; la pubblicità del procedimento; accesso obbligatorio all' informazione, la confidenzialità e la riservatezza; la durata ragionevole del procedimento e il principio della doppia istanza. ; Cap III: Una volta definiti i diritti delle vittime, Carta Internazionale dei diritti delle Vittime di crimini atroci, questo capitolo mira a descrivere le fasi proprie del processo dinanzi alla Corte Internazionale Penale quale massimo esponente del diritto penale internazionale; per questo, la procedura sarà spiegata in modo dettagliato e illustrativo, facendo riferimento alle norme pertinenti degli Statuti e delle regole di procedimento e prova dell'TPIY, dell'TPIR e della Corte Internazionale Penale CPI, nonché alla prassi giuridica dei tribunali penali ad hoc, così come all'influenza degli strumenti e della giurisprudenza dei Tribunali penali internazionali di diritti umani. Pertanto, descriverà il modo di attivazione della Corte da parte di: Gli Stati, il Consiglio di sicurezza, la Procura della CPI, introducendo la partecipazione delle vittime alla trasmissione di informazioni sui reati atroci alla Procura della CPI; così come sitratterà dell'accesso e capacità di azione delle vittime, il diritto di partecipazione al diritto penale internazionale, in particolare dinanzi alla Corte Internazionale Penale, nonché i diritti riconosciuti dallo Statuto di Roma agli indagati e che si trovano in un processo internazionale penale in confronto con gli strumenti relativi ai diritti umani. Dopo di ciò si procederà ad affrontare le varie fasi del processo avviato dalla Corte Internazionale Penale, vale a dire la fase di apertura dell'inchiesta da parte del Procuratore, il principio di complementarità e il test di ammissibilità, le condizioni per l'avvio delle indagini, Lo svolgimento delle indagini e delle indagini da parte del Procuratore della CPI, comprese: la cooperazione giudiziaria degli Stati, la procedura di arresto in attesa di processo, La presentazione dell'atto d'accusa e delle accuse, la procedura preliminare all'udienza. A sua volta si tratterà tutto ciò che riguarda il Processo, vale a dire la presentazione del caso, le norme sulle prove, la delibera, la determinazione della pena, e la procedura di appello o la revisione del processo. Inoltre, questo capitolo mirerà a definire e descrivere le modalità di partecipazione delle vittime all'intero procedimento dinanzi alla Corte Internazionale Penale. Le Corti Internazionali Penali sono state istituite in diversi contesti per indagare e punire crimini gravi; tuttavia, né il Tribunale Penale Internazionale per il Ruanda, né il Tribunale Penale Internazionale per l'ex Iugoslavia e attualmente il Tribunale Penale Internazionale, non sono dotati di forze di polizia che possa operare liberamente nel territorio degli Stati interessati, motivo per cui gli agenti internazionali sono spesso costretti a intervenire per impedire che gli stessi funzionari siano ostacolati, sia per la loro incapacità che per la loro riluttanza, da certe violazioni. Non essendo dotate di un'autorità di polizia, accade spesso che la loro vera funzione sia relegata dagli Stati e non vi sia più azione. È per questo che la sfida particolare nei confronti degli Stati che esplicitamente o tacitamente sono riluttanti a tali ricerche, è quello di trovare la combinazione tra coercizione legale ed estendere un qualche tipo di azione che permetta un'indagine adeguata. Occorre sottolineare che molti degli sviluppi giurisprudenziali e statutari derivanti dall'esperienza dei tribunali per l'ex Iugoslavia e il Ruanda sono stati inseriti nello Statuto e nelle regole della Corte Internazionale Penale. Nella pratica, tuttavia, esistono differenze importanti che spesso riflettono i diversi contesti di ciascuna situazione. È importante notare che l'innovazione apportata dallo Statuto che è rilevante per le vittime può essere analizzata su tre aspetti specifici: 1. La Protezione, che è stata trattata nel capitolo precedente, 2. La Partecipazione, che sarà trattata nel presente capitolo, e 3. La riparazione o Risarcimento che sarà trattata nel capitolo III. D'altro canto, nonostante il fatto che, in questo secolo, il movimento per i diritti umani abbia significato per molte persone una lotta contro l'impunità, è stato anche espresso in modo contraddittorio, poiché, mentre ha rafforzato la responsabilità penale di coloro che li hanno violati, ha significato anche l'emanazione di molte leggi di amnistia opposte che potrebbero ostacolare tale responsabilità . In relazione alla conclusione del capitolo sui rimedi efficaci, numerose organizzazioni per i diritti umani e autorità giudiziarie sono giunte alla conclusione che gli Stati sono responsabili di indagare, perseguire e punire penalmente le persone che commettono crimini di guerra, crimini contro l'umanità e genocidio, nell'ambito delle molteplici violazioni dei diritti umani che possono verificarsi. Di conseguenza, il fatto che uno Stato venga meno ai propri doveri implica una violazione del diritto internazionale dei Diritti Umani. Inoltre, questo movimento ha portato come conseguenza l'aumento della lotta contro l'impunità, in quanto la responsabilità è considerata una caratteristica importante nella risoluzione dei conflitti ; Cap IV: Questo capitolo svilupperà il diritto internazionalmente riconosciuto al risarcimento e le forme di risarcimento previste dal diritto penale internazionale a favore delle vittime di crimini atroci su base individuale e collettivamente, spiegando a tal fine che per risarcimento si deve intendere la giurisprudenza e i principi elaborati dalla Corte penale internazionale e da altri organismi che hanno affrontato questo concetto. A sua volta si spiegherà il fondo fiduciario a favore delle vittime, modello sussidiario al risarcimento diretto che si decreta contro l'autore di crimini atroci, ma che segna una pietra miliare nel diritto penale internazionale moderno e dimostra con la sua adozione una posizione di Stati di compassione e di solidarietà verso le persone che hanno sofferto sofferenze indicibili. Nel corso di questo capitolo si farà inoltre riferimento alle sentenze della Corte penale internazionale e al modo in cui si sono svolte le varie riparazioni ordinate a favore delle vittime. ; Cap V: Dopo aver spiegato come per il diritto internazionale, le vittime possono contare su diritti unici e obblighi a carico degli Stati e dei Tribunali Internacionali dei Deritti Umani e Penali Internacionali, Carte Fondamentali delle Vittime; che esistono principi che guidano i procedimenti nel diritto penale internazionale e che, in particolare ce ne sono di fondamentali per le vittime, le persone indagate e / o accusate e in generale per garantire un processo giusto ed equo; Che il diritto internazionale moderno, attraverso la Corte Penale Internazionale, riflette nelle sue procedure i diritti delle vittime di partecipare al processo e di ricevere un'adeguata riparazione individuale e collettiva, questo è il consolidamento della giurisprudenza delle corti internazionali per i diritti umani a favore delle vittime. A sua volta è spiegato come questa riparazione è stabilita e come le vittime possono accedere al ripristino o alla riparazione dei loro diritti direttamente o attraverso un fondo fiduciario proprio della Corte Penale Internazionale. Il presente capitolo ha lo scopo di riaffermare gli interessi e gli obiettivi comuni dell'Umanità di giustizia contro i perpetratori di crimini atroci, cioè perseguire, giudicare e condannare i responsabili. Vale a dire riaffermare il valore della non impunità di fronte a crimini gravi. Secondo il fatto che amnistie e indulti, perdoni amnesici, etc. possono essere riproposti nel mondo nel quadro della giustizia di transizione non autentica o difettosa. Che cercheranno di sottrarre la persona responsabile dalle conseguenze criminali stabilite a livello internazionale. Ecco perché è stato discusso nel capitolo II di questa tesi, oltre all'importanza del concetto della Quarta Istanza a favore delle vittime e della cosa giudicata fraudolenta per l'attivazione della giurisdizione della Corte penale internazionale. In questo capitolo si cercherà di trattare l'impegno del l'intera comunità internazionale per la repressione penale dei crimini più gravi di rilevanza internazionale, la messa al bando dell'impunità nel diritto penale internazionale, l'esigenza di una pena privativa della libertà per crimini atroci per il diritto penale internazionale, il principio del diritto alla giustizia per il diritto penale internazionale, i parametri per l'imposizione di pene detentive per il diritto penale internazionale, il divieto di amnistia o indulto per crimini atroci e la giurisprudenza internazionale dei tribunali per i diritti dell'uomo che sancisce la pena detentiva per crimini atroci. ; Cap VI: Nell'accordo concluso tra lo Stato della Colombia e il gruppo delle Farc, è stata istituita una giustizia transizionale, che in ogni caso sostituisce la giurisdizione penale della Colombia, le pene previste e le rispettive procedure, denominata "Giurisdizione per la pace e/o Sistema Integrale di Verità, Giustizia, Riparazione e Non Ripetizione, di seguito il SIVJRNR. La presente analisi comparativa sarà effettuata esclusivamente tra le norme internazionali del diritto penale internazionale e del diritto internazionale dei diritti dell'uomo e la giurisprudenza dei loro tribunali trattati nei capitoli precedenti, rispetto all'accordo concluso tra le parti, lo Stato della Colombia e il gruppo delle Farc, denominato: accordo 5, sulle Vittime del Conflitto: "Sistema Integrale di Verità, Giustizia, Riparazione e Non Ripetizione". Questo perché tale accordo avrà un impatto diretto sulla legislazione nazionale della Colombia per la sua attuazione. Tuttavia, non mi soffermerò sul modo in cui è stato attuato a livello interno. Tale accordo tra il gruppo insurrezionale e lo Stato annunciava che il risarcimento delle vittime è al centro dell'Accordo tra il Governo Nazionale e le FARC-EP. In tal senso, in seno al Tavolo delle Trattative dell'Avana, si è discusso e raggiunto un accordo sul punto 5 dell'Agenda "Vittime" che comprende i seguenti punti: 1. Diritti umani delle vittime e 2. Verità, cercando di dare contenuti che soddisfino le rivendicazioni di coloro che sono stati colpiti dal lungo confronto sulla cui soluzione politica oggi, mediante questi nuovi consensi e importanti misure e accordi di disarmo, si è compiuto un passo fondamentale verso la costruzione di una pace stabile e duratura e la fine di una guerra di più di mezzo secolo che ha dissanguato il paese" Con il presente capitolo e sulla base dei precedenti si intende dimostrare che l'accordo concluso tra le parti non è conforme a quanto stabilito a livello di diritto penale internazionale e di diritto internazionale dei diritti umani.

ABSTRACT - Background: Immigrants' lives are shaped by the Social Determinants of Health (SDOH) along with the migratory phases. The SDOH are the social, economic and environmental conditions in which people are born, grow, live, work and age that influence the health of individuals and populations. Immigrants are more vulnerable to social exclusion (SE) as they suffer from certain types of discrimination, higher levels of unemployment, precarious jobs, deepening levels of poverty, differential access to housing, and limited political and social participation; being all of these factors SDOH themselves. Even though migration is an emerging and increasing social, political and public health issue, very few studies applied the lens of SDOH to understand immigrants' experiences in Europe. Also, the empirical evidence on social exclusion is still scarce. Aim: To examine the association between independent and overall dimensions of social exclusion and poor self-rated health (PSRH) and self-reported depressive symptoms (SRDS) in the immigrant population in Europe. Also, to analyze inequalities in SRDS between natives and immigrant groups according to their length of residence in Europe, and to test the mediating role of SE in explaining these differences. Objectives: The thesis comprises four studies. In Study I (Chapter 3), the objective was to summarize existing literature on the relationship between SE and health outcomes in the immigrant population in Europe. In Study II (Chapter 5), the objective was to analyze inequalities in SRDS between natives and immigrant groups according to their length of residence in Europe and to test the mediating role of SE in explaining these differences. In Study III (Chapter 6), the objective was to examine the association between independent and overall dimensions of SE and SRDS in the immigrant population in Europe; stratifying the analysis by sex. Finally, in Study IV (Chapter 7), the objective was to analyze the association between multidimensional SE and PSRH in the immigrant population in Europe. Methods: In Study I, a scoping review was conducted and quantitative articles that analyzed SE as a multidimensional concept but also in each of its dimensions, were included. Study II was based on cross-sectional data from the 7th round of the European Social Survey 2014 (sample of 1792 Immigrants and 22557 native-born Europeans). The dependent variable was SRDS. Independent variables were: immigrant background and social exclusion factors that were classified into four groups (economic, social, cultural and political factors). Socially excluded individuals were those less advantaged in each factor. All analyses were stratified by the length of residence. The independent and overall associations between SE and health outcomes were examined using Robust Poisson regression models (PR; OR; IC 95%). Study III was based on cross-sectional, including 1816 economically active immigrants (European Social Survey, 2014). The dependent variable was SRDS. The independent variables were economic, social, cultural, and political SE factors. The association between SE factors and SRDS were tested by robust Poisson regression models (PR; OR; IC 95%). Study IV used cross-sectional data, including 1268 economically active immigrants (European Quality of Life Survey 2016). The dependent variable was PSRH . The independent variables were economic, social, cultural, and political SE factors. The association between SE factors and PSRH were tested by robust Poisson regression models (PR; OR; IC 95%). Results: In Study I, a total of nine studies, analyzed the multidimensionality SE and its association with health outcomes among the immigrant population in Europe. Besides, 26 studies analyzed factors related to the social, economic and cultural dimensions of SE and their associations with immigrants' health. Interactions were found between the economic, cultural and social factors in their associations with poor mental health and mental health. Other studies, analyzed structural indicators of SE based on country level integration policies. This review also found that SE factors such as material deprivation, precarious working conditions, discrimination, and low social support were associated with immigrants' poor mental and self-rated health. In Study II, immigrants had a higher prevalence of SRDS than natives; those residing in Europe for 1-10 years and ≥20 years had the highest prevalence. In the mediation regression analysis, immigrants residing in Europe for 1-10 years and ≥20 years were eligible for mediation because of their significant associations (PR:1.36; 95%CI: 1,20-1,53 for 1-10 years and PR: 1,44; 95%CI: 1,30-1,60 for >20 years). Multidimensional SE factors analyzed together completely explained these differences for immigrants residing in Europe for 1-10 years (PR: 1,09; CI: 0,96-1,23) and partially for immigrants residing for ≥20 years (PR: 1,23; CI: 1,11-1,36). In Study III, women had higher prevalences of SRDS than men (38.8% vs 26.4%). In women, those who found it difficult to live with household income (PR: 1.08; CI:1.01-1.13), who faced housing problems (PR: 1.09; CI:1.01-1.17), were unemployed (PR:1.20; CI:1.08-1.34), had low institutional trust (PR: 1.09; CI:1.02-1.17), who did not have citizenship (PR: 1.12; CI: 1.04-1.20), and with ≥20 years of residence (PR: 1.12; CI:1.02-1.26) were more likely to report SRDS. In men, those who found it difficult to live with household income (PR: 1.21; CI: 1.12-1.30), faced housing problems (PR: 1.08; CI: 1.02-1.17), and were economically inactive ( PR: 1.21; CI: 1.10-1.32) were more likely to report SRDS. In Study IV, about 22% of the immigrant population reported poor SRH. Immigrants facing housing problems (PR: 1.46; CI95%:1.20-1.78), those unemployed (PR:1.48; CI95%1.32-1.95) and economically inactive (PR:1.98; CI95%: 1.56-2.51), with poor formal social contacts (PR:1.70; CI95%:1.16-2.52), who did not politically participate (PR:1.78; CI95%: 1.25-2.59), and those who did not felt a connection with society (PR: 1.40; CI95%: 1.13-1.73) had a higher probability of reporting PSRH. Conclusions: Policies should offer migrants the possibility to settle in good social and economic condition, promote efforts to eliminate social exclusion and prevent the associated health inequalities. Thus, immigrants might be able to achieve their development potential and contribute to the social and economic development of their countries of origin and destination. This is especially important in the context of the economic crisis in Europe, and its impact on health might be the cause for the loss of the healthy immigrant effect especially in countries that have been particularly affected by this crisis. Besides, the results in this thesis reflect the need for gender-oriented social and integration policies. Immigrant women and men are particularly exposed to economic exclusion (insufficient income, unemployment). This integration and immigration policies should challenge the dominant perception of 'unskilled' migrants, seek to improve skills recognition, improve working conditions and help in regulating the informal economy of both the feminized low paid domestic care work and the informal work among men. ; RESUMO - Antecedentes: A vida dos imigrantes é moldada pelos Determinantes Sociais da Saúde (DSS), juntamente com as fases migratórias. Os DSS são as condições sociais, econômicas e ambientais em que as pessoas nascem, crescem, vivem, trabalham e envelhecem e influenciam a saúde de indivíduos e populações. Os imigrantes são mais vulneráveis à exclusão social (ES), pois sofrem com certos tipos de discriminação, níveis mais altos de desemprego, empregos precários, níveis mais altos de pobreza, acesso diferenciado à moradia e participação política e social limitada; sendo todos esses DSS eles mesmos. Embora a migração seja uma questão social, política e de saúde pública emergente e crescente, poucos estudos aplicaram a abordagem do DSS para entender as experiências dos imigrantes na Europa. Além disso, as evidências empíricas sobre exclusão social ainda são escassas. Objetivo geral: Examinar a associação entre as dimensões independentes e globais da exclusão social e a pobre autoavaliação da saúde (PAS) e os sintomas depressivos autorreferidos (SDA) na população imigrante na Europa. Além disso, analisar as desigualdades no SDA entre grupos de nativos e imigrantes de acordo com o tempo de residência na Europa e testar o papel mediador do ES na explicação dessas diferenças. Objetivos específicos: A tese compreende quatro estudos. No Estudo I (Capítulo 3), o objetivo era resumir a literatura existente sobre a relação entre SE e resultados de saúde na população imigrante na Europa. No Estudo II (Capítulo 5), o objetivo era analisar as desigualdades no SDA entre grupos de nativos e imigrantes de acordo com o tempo de residência na Europa e testar o papel mediador do SE na explicação dessas diferenças. No Estudo III (Capítulo 6), o objetivo era examinar a associação entre as dimensões independentes e globais de ES e SDA na população imigrante na Europa; estratificando a análise por sexo. Finalmente, no Estudo IV (Capítulo 7), o objetivo foi analisar a associação entre ES multidimensional e PAS na população imigrante na Europa. Métodos: No Estudo I, foi realizada uma revisão exploratória e artigos quantitativos que analisaram a ES como um conceito multidimensional, mas também em cada uma de suas dimensões foram incluídos. O Estudo II foi baseado em dados transversais da 7ª rodada da Pesquisa Social Europeia de 2014 (amostra de 1792 imigrantes e 22557 europeus nativos). A variável dependente foi SDA. As variáveis independentes foram: origem imigrante e fatores de exclusão social que foram classificados em quatro grupos (fatores econômicos, sociais, culturais e políticos). Indivíduos socialmente excluídos foram os menos favorecidos em cada fator. Todas as análises foram estratificadas pelo tempo de residência. As associações independentes e gerais entre ES e resultados de saúde foram examinadas usando modelos de regressão de Robust Poisson (PR; OR; IC 95%). O estudo III foi baseado em dados transversais, incluindo 1816 imigrantes economicamente ativos (European Social Survey, 2014). A variável dependente foi SDA. As variáveis independentes foram fatores econômicos, sociais, culturais e políticos de ES. A associação entre fatores de ES e SDA foi testada por modelos robustos de regressão de Poisson (PR; OR; IC 95%). O estudo IV utilizou dados transversais, incluindo 1268 imigrantes economicamente ativos (European Quality of Life Survey 2016). A variável dependente foi PAS. As variáveis independentes foram fatores econômicos, sociais, culturais e políticos de ES. A associação entre fatores de ES e PAS foi testada por modelos robustos de regressão de Poisson (PR; OR; IC 95%). Resultados: No Estudo I, um total de nove estudos analisou a multidimensionalidade SE e sua associação com os resultados de saúde entre a população imigrante na Europa. Além disso, 26 estudos analisaram fatores relacionados às dimensões sociais, econômicas e culturais da SE e suas associações com a saúde dos imigrantes. Foram encontradas interações entre os fatores econômicos, culturais e sociais em suas associações com problemas de saúde mental e saúde mental. Outros estudos analisaram indicadores estruturais da SE baseados em políticas de integração em nível de país. Esta revisão também constatou que fatores de SE, como privação material, condições precárias de trabalho, discriminação e baixo apoio social, estavam associados a problemas de saúde mental e autoavaliação dos imigrantes. No Estudo II, os imigrantes apresentaram maior prevalência de SDA do que os nativos; aqueles que residem na Europa entre 1 e 10 anos e ≥ 20 anos tiveram a maior prevalência. . Na análise de regressão da mediação, os imigrantes residentes na Europa por 1 a 10 anos e ≥ 20 anos foram elegíveis para mediação por causa de suas associações significativas (RP: 1,36; IC 95%: 1,20-1,53 por 1 a 10 anos e RP: 1,44; IC95%: 1,30-1,60 por> 20 anos). Os fatores multidimensionais de ES analisados em conjunto explicaram completamente essas diferenças para imigrantes residentes na Europa por 1 a 10 anos (PR: 1,09; IC: 0,96-1,23) e parcialmente para imigrantes residentes por ≥ 20 anos (PR: 1, 23; IC: 1,11-1,36). No Estudo III, as mulheres apresentaram maiores prevalências de SDA do que os homens (38,8% vs 26,4%). Nas mulheres, aqueles que acharam difícil viver com renda familiar (RP: 1,08; IC: 1,01-1,13), que enfrentavam problemas de moradia (RP: 1,09; IC: 1,01-1,17), estavam desempregados (RP: 1,20; IC: 1,08-1,34), possuían baixa confiança institucional (RP: 1,09; IC: 1,02-1,17), que não possuían cidadania (RP: 1,12; IC: 1,04-1,20) e com ≥20 anos de residência (RP: 1,12; CI: 1,02-1,26) apresentaram maior probabilidade de SDA. Nos homens, aqueles que acharam difícil viver com renda familiar (RP: 1,21; IC: 1,12-1,30), enfrentaram problemas de moradia (RP: 1,08; IC: 1,02-1,17) e eram economicamente inativos (RP: 1,21; IC : 1.10-1.32) eram mais propensos a relatar SDA. No Estudo IV, cerca de 22% da população imigrante relataram uma PAS. Imigrantes que enfrentam problemas habitacionais (RP: 1,46; IC95%: 1,20-1,78), desempregados (RP: 1,48; IC95% 1,32-1,95) e economicamente inativos (RP: 1,98; IC95%: 1,56-2,51), com problemas sociais formais contatos (RP: 1,70; IC95%: 1,16-2,52), que não participaram politicamente (RP: 1,78; IC95%: 1,25-2,59) e aqueles que não sentiram conexão com a sociedade (RP: 1,40; IC95%: 1,13-1,73) apresentaram maior probabilidade de relatar PAS. Conclusões: As políticas devem oferecer aos migrantes a possibilidade de se estabelecerem em boas condições sociais e econômicas, promover esforços para eliminar a exclusão social e impedir as desigualdades de saúde associadas. Assim, os imigrantes podem ser capazes de atingir seu potencial de desenvolvimento e contribuir para o desenvolvimento social e econômico de seus países de origem e destino. Isso é especialmente importante no contexto da crise econômica na Europa, e seu impacto na saúde pode ser a causa da perda do efeito saudável dos imigrantes, especialmente nos países que foram particularmente afetados por essa crise. Além disso, os resultados desta tese refletem a necessidade de políticas sociais e de integração orientadas para o gênero. Mulheres e homens imigrantes estão particularmente expostos à exclusão econômica (renda insuficiente, desemprego). Essas políticas de integração e imigração devem desafiar a percepção dominante de migrantes 'não qualificados', buscar melhorar o reconhecimento de habilidades, melhorar as condições de trabalho e ajudar a regular a economia informal do trabalho doméstico de baixa remuneração entre mulheres e o trabalho informal entre homens.

Purpose Religion has always been an important part of human civilization and has largely determined its paths. When speaking of tourism, religion has been one of the oldest motives for traveling. That kind of traveling found its place in the complex mechanism of touristic migrations as a selective tourism type called religious or faith tourism. Although Croatia as a country full of historical and art valuables has great potential for further religious tourism development, there is a lack of scientific and objective analysis of this specific area. Like any other form of selective tourist offer, it is also required to manage religious tourism in order to ensure efficient and sustainable economic development. Therefore, it is necessary to explore the religious tourism destinations, to look at the parameters that influence the effective synergy of the religious tourism destination factors, and to consider the needs of guests - religious tourists, in order to ensure positive economic effects with sustainable development in the destinations. Accordingly, the focus of the planned research is to find an optimal model for strategic management of religious tourism destinations. Methodology Various different methods of scientific research and suitable combinations thereof are employed when conducting scientific research, formulating and presenting results relevant for the defence of a doctoral thesis. For the empirical part of the research, a scientific model for the development of religious tourism was formulated and tested. Scientific research, formulation and presentation of research results in this doctoral dissertation has been accomplished by application of general methodological principles, commonly used in economic research. Acquired data has been analysed using methods of descriptive and inferential statistics. For the purpose of examining the sample of respondents that participated in conducted surveys, distributions according to gender, age groups, marital status, household income, employment status and degree of education have been determined. Distribution according to place of residence has also been determined for respondents who have gone on a religious journey at least once and responded to the survey. Distribution of respondents according to aforementioned characteristics is presented by simple bar charts. In addition to their application in describing the sample, descriptive statistical methods have been used to provide insight into research variables. For this purpose, three measures of central tendency (arithmetic mean, median and mode), as well as two measures of dispersion (standard deviation and interquartile range) have been calculated. Distribution of responses has also been presented by way of multiple bars. Considering that the responses were measured by ordinal scale, differences in evaluations and attitudes among individual groups have been analysed by means of nonparametric statistical tests. The Mann–Whitney test was used to test the significance of difference between two groups. The Kruskal–Wallis test was used to analyse differences between three or more groups. In cases where latter determined that there were at least two analysed groups with a significant difference, the Dunnin test was used for the purpose of their identification. It should be noted that empirical significance levels adjusted by Bonferroni correction are given alongside all Dunnin test results. Differences confirmed at a significance level below 5% were considered statistically significant for the purpose of this research. Statistical analysis of data was performed using statistical packages SPSS and Statistica, while graphical representations were generated using Microsoft Excel. Findings Two questionnaire surveys have been conducted for research purposes. A survey of attitudes of people who have gone on at least one religious journey or pilgrimage was conducted on a sample of 502 respondents, and a survey of attitudes and the level of involvement of local population in the management and application of sustainable tourism criteria in religious tourism destinations, as well as their level of satisfaction with the quality of living in the same observed religious destinations, was conducted by means of an online questionnaire, created using Google Forms, on a sample of 315 respondents. The survey was conducted in eleven selected religious destinations in the Republic of Croatia, namely: Ilača, Aljmaš, Slavonski Brod, Pleternica, Voćin, Ludbreg, Marija Bistrica, Krašić, Trsat, Sinj and Blato on the island of Korčula. The survey focused on the local population of a religious destination and on pilgrims, religious travellers and visitors of Croatian sanctuaries, keeping in mind the creation of a representative sample within the statistical dataset. The survey was conducted using a structured questionnaire in Croatian language. Statistical data analysis has been performed on questionnaires collected from pilgrims and religious travellers in religious tourism destinations and the results are presented in this paper. The results of conducted analyses of collected questionnaires show that the majority of residents of religious destinations have indicated a presence of unplanned tourism development within their destination and they predominantly agree with the assertion that unplanned tourism development has a negative impact on balanced economic and sustainable social development, which may lead to significant negative economic and social trends within their destination. It has been determined that local residents of religious destinations mostly agree that a synergetic effect of a religious destination's strategic management with the local community and higher-ranked church officials has an impact on the efficiency of strategic management, whereas pilgrims and religious travellers somewhat agree with this statement. The majority of residents who live in religious tourism destinations, including those involved in the hospitality and tourism industries, believe that religious tourism generates positive effects on their communality and agree that religious tourism benefits the development of their community in different ways. Almost 90% of respondents agree that tourism creates new job opportunities for the local population and contributes to youth employment, while over 90% of respondents agree that tourism has a significant impact on the town's aesthetics. Almost 88% of respondents agree that tourism increases sales of local products, thereby improving the quality of life of local residents through the development of events and infrastructure, while more than three quarters of respondents agree that tourism raises the level of environmental awareness and fosters conservation and renovation of cultural and sacral heritage. While local residents somewhat agreed with most assertions concerning the negative effects of tourism, such as that tourism effects an increase in the price of goods and services, causes an increase in number of seasonal workers, reduction in the number of permanently employed persons and precipitates an abundant production of waste, the majority of residents disagreed with the assertion that tourism development bears a negative impact on the development of other economic sectors. Survey respondents agreed with most of the statements evaluating the importance of factors which impact the defining of a tourism product of a religious tourism destination, such as statements concerning the spiritual significance of a religious destination (67%), the spiritual need of an individual worshipper (77%), and religious destination safety (64%), while only one factor was deemed irrelevant for the definition of a religious tourism destination's tourism product by the majority of respondents (63%), namely the importance of the opportunity of travelling with pets. Pilgrims and religious travellers somewhat agreed with most of the claims regarding the impact of the parish community on the volume of tourists at a religious tourism destination, whereas they mostly agreed with the assertion that the proactivity of the parish priest and his ability to motivate parishioners significantly affects the number of pilgrimages and the number of pilgrims. Residents of a religious destination have indicated a lack of synergy among religious tourism stakeholders in the process of making decisions on the development of religious tourism and for the most part agree (84%) that successful tourism management of their destination requires strategic planning with the broader local community and involvement of all religious tourism stakeholders in tourism development decision-making, which is functionally tied to success in properly drawing up and implementing a sustainable strategic plan of development of the destination. In-depth interviews have also been conducted for the purpose of the doctoral dissertation. The interviews were formulated as semi-structured and were conducted with priests who manage church shrines at six religious destinations, namely: Aljmaš, Ilača, Voćin, Ludbreg, Marija Bistrica and Trsat. The second part of the research also involved in-depth interviews, but with directors of the tourist associations of the city of Rijeka, Vukovar-Srijem County, Marija Bistrica, Ludbreg, Osijek-Baranja County, and Sinj. In-depth interview contributors were selected for being the most competent representatives of their institutions, able to provide answers to questions posed within the scope of the subject being analysed, and for having the most practical experience in dealing with the aforementioned issues, thus they were the most relevant persons to provide answers. Upon analysing the responses obtained through in-depth interviews conducted with priests, church sanctuary managers and tourist association directors, one can conclude that all research questions have been answered, stating that religious tourism in Croatian destinations is not sufficiently valued, that insufficient attention is paid to ensure sustainable development of religious tourism in religious destinations and noting a lack of mutual cooperation between tourist associations and managers of sanctuaries, who are the key stakeholders of religious tourism in religious destinations. A proposal of a model for strategic management of a religious tourism destination is presented at the end of the paper. A vital part of the model involves the establishment of a strategic management structure for a religious destination which should certainly be unbiased and have executive power. Strategic management structure for a religious destination established in this manner should certainly be local enough to involve all key religious tourism stakeholders, such as representatives of local government, the church institution, the private sector, the local population, associations, pilgrims, religious travellers and tourists as key stakeholders of sustainable tourism development, encouraging them to cooperate in matters of sustainable tourist development of a religious destination. Such a structure should be strong enough and large enough so that its successfully established communication and coordination can determine a common development strategy and other instruments of religious tourist destination management which are founded on balanced principles of sustainable tourism development. Originality The scientific contribution of the doctoral dissertation is polysemantic. It can be viewed in the determination of certain economic rules, but also in the theoretical and applicative sense, which is evident in the presented results and conclusions of conducted research on selected religious destinations in the Republic of Croatia. In the theoretical sense, the contribution to the economic science is evident in the comprehensive and detailed overview of extensive, primarily foreign, scientific literature based on which key concepts pertaining to the topic of this paper have been systematized and defined. The analysis of reviewed scientific literature enabled the interpretation of important economic patterns, which emphasises the theoretical contribution of this paper. Unfortunately, domestic authors do not pursue the observed subject matter to a sufficient degree, and thus domestic literature dealing with the subject matter of this doctoral dissertation ‒ religious tourism ‒ is lacking, so this doctoral dissertation has at least partly filled the existing void in domestic scientific and technical literature. The paper's scientific contribution in the theoretical sense can be expressed through better understanding of the role and importance of sacral heritage and religious events on the successfulness of a religious tourism destination, as well as through cognitive facts resulting from research which can serve as a basis for defining models for religious tourism events founded on sacral heritage that can significantly impact the improvement of level of satisfaction of pilgrims, religious travellers, tourists and the local population with the ultimate goal of improvement of the economic impact on the religious destination, but also the economy as a whole. The theoretical impact is emphasised through the use of a valid and reliable measurement instrument (survey questionnaire and in-depth interview) used in the collection of primary data, so the scientific contribution is also emphasised through the applicability of statistical methods in the analysis of research data. Based on analyses of conducted research, by implementing the research results in its development strategies, planning and establishment of a religious and tourism events offering focusing on religion, culture, tradition and sacral heritage while ensuring sustainability, the management of a tourist destination can devise and implement models of religious and tourism events in accordance with the requirements of pilgrims, religious travellers, tourists and the religious destination itself. In the applicative sense of the scientific contribution, research results can aid the management and all stakeholders in religious destinations, serving as guidelines for strategic management, planning and implementation of tourism events based on religion, culture, tradition and sacral heritage, which will have a significant impact on the preservation of originality of culture, tradition and sacral heritage and its promotion on the tourism market, thus creating a unique religious tourism product and ensuring the recognisability of a religious destination. So with the approach of strategic management of a religious tourism destination, development of religious tourism going forward must be founded on criteria of sustainable development, i.e. on development of religious tourism which caters to the needs of attending pilgrims, religious travellers, tourists and the domestic population, satisfying economic, social, environmental and aesthetic requirements of the society, at the same time preserving religious and cultural identity and environmental processes, as well as resources of future development. Significant economic and non-economic effects will be achieved through sustainable development of the religious tourism offering and strategic management of a tourism destination.

Democracy has established itself as an ideal, but not perfect model for the functioning of contemporary political organizations, since through it, equity, social justice and individual and / or collective liberties are guaranteed, although the functioning of this model lives on a crisis due to the loss of credibility in traditional political establishments. Faced with this situation, there are certain phenomena that require attention, among them, populism. From a more political perspective rather than legal, populism allows that, through 'very skillful and questionable strategies', people with a demagogue discourse and a rhetorical repertoire ascend to power, with the only goal to have an impact on own particular logics of democracy, especially in the limits of power and the forms of control exercised over it. This phenomenon creates some fear on issues such as the protection of rights, which is why the purpose of this article is to locate populism historically and understand its implication through a doctrinal analysis that allows understanding the important role of democracy and its values for society, the same ones that ensure an adequate institutional framework for the region. References Abellan, J. (1991). Historia de la teoria politica. Madrid: Alianza S.A. Aguila, R. (1998a). Virtud y excelencia civicas- el inicio de la tradicion republicana. Madrid: Alianza S.A. _____. (1998b). La democracia en sus textos. Madrid: Alianza. Ahumada, M. (2005). La Jurisdiccion Constitucional Europea. Madrid: S.L Civitas Ediciones. Andújar, A. (2003). Democracia y pobreza (memorias sobre el pauperismo). Madrid: Trotta. Arenas, N. (2006). El proyecto chavista entre el viejo y el nuevo populismo. Cuestiones Políticas, (22), 36. Barros, S. (2006). Inclusion radical y conflicto en la constitución del pueblo populista. Quito: Confines. British Broadcasting Corporation BBC. (2016). 8 razones por las que gano el brexit en el referendo sobre la permanencia del Reino Unido en la Union Europea. BBC Mundo. Recuperado dehttp://www.bbc.com/mundo/noticias-internacional-36619175. Bobbio, N. (1984). El futuro de la democracia. Turin: Giulio Einaudi. _____. (1985). Estado Gobierno y Sociedad. Mexico: Turin. _____. (2005). Diccionario de política. Buenos Aires: Siglo XXI. Constitución Política de Colombia de 1991. (2012). Bogotá: Editorial Momo. Corte Constitucional. (2010). Control de constitucionalidad de ley que convoca a referendo. Sentencia C-141. _____. (2016). Proyecto de ley estatutaria que regula el plebiscito para la refrendación del acuerdo final para la terminación del conflicto y la construcción de una paz estable y duradera. Sentencia C-379. DiTella, T. (1965). Populismo y refroma en America Latina. Desarrollo económico. Buenos Aires: Trota. Duzán, M. (2017). Lo que se nos viene. Revista Semana. (1810), 33. Ferrajoli, L. (2008). Democracia y garantismo. Madrid: Trota. Forero, A. (2015). ¿Populismo en Colombia? El Espectador, 1. Galvan, D. (2007). Reconfiguring Institutions Across Time and Space. Syncretic Responses to Challenges of Political and Economic Transformation. New york: Palgrave Macmillan. Haberle, P. (2003). El estado constitucional. México: Instituto de Investigaciones Jurídicas. Hernández, M. (2013). Democracia segun Simón Bolívar. Valores, democracia y derechos. 2. Laclau, E. (2005). La razón populista. Fondo de Cultura Económica. México: FCE. El clarin mundo. (2017). Marine Le Pen arrancó su campaña con Donald Trump y el Brexit como modelo. Recuperado dehttps://www.clarin.com/mundo/marine-pen-arranco-campana-trump-brexit-modelo_0_BJaTkxUOx.html. Medina, C. (2010). Populismo y Neopulismo. Elementos para una caracterización de diferencias. Bogotá: Universidad Nacional: Inedito. Ministerio de Educación Nacional. (2017). Participacion Ciudadana. Bogotá, Colombia. Recuperado dehttp://www.mineducacion.gov.co/1759/w3-propertyvalue-55296.html. Mires, F. (2007). Estado y política. La lucha por la democracia en America Latina. Revista Nueva Sociedad. 210. Paredes, D. (2015). La Crítica de Nietzsche a la Democracia. Universidad del Rosario. Recuperado dehttp://www.csprp.univ-paris-diderot.fr/IMG/pdf/diego__data_linea_3_teoria_politica_mesa_5_teoria_politica_03_paredes_diego_linea_3_mesa_5-1.pdf. Posada, E. (2016). Bienvenidos al populismo. El tiempo. Recuperado dehttp://www.eltiempo.com/opinion/columnistas/eduardo-posada-carbo/bienvenidos-al-populismo-eduardo-posada-carbo-columna-el-tiempo-54404. Reid, M. (2017). ¿Amenazada la democracia liberal? Semana, (1808-1809), 24-25. Rodríguez, C. (2017a). ¿Quién es populista? El Espectador. Recuperado dehttp://www.elespectador.com/opinion/quien-es-populista-columna-685978. Rodríguez, J. (2017b). La democracia pierde el año. Revista Semana. Edición 1810, 41. Santamaria, O. (2002). Neopopulismo o Neoliberalismo. Bogotá: Fondo de Publicaciones Universidad distrital Francisco Jose de Caldas. Universidad de los Andes. (2017). Observatorio de la democracia. Observatorio de la democracia. Recuperado dehttp://obsdemocracia.org/prensa/38--la-democracia-pierde-el-ano Villafuerte, L. (2011). México: del autoritarismo a la democracia defectuosa. Revista UIS Humanidades. 19 y 20. Werner, J. (2017). El peligro del populismo empieza cuando se afirma "yo y solo yo represento al pueblo", El español. Recuperado dehttp://www.elespanol.com/mundo/europa/20170107/184231870_0.html. ; La democracia se ha consolidado como un modelo idóneo, mas no perfecto, para el funcionamiento de las organizaciones políticas contemporáneas, pues a través de ella se garantiza equidad, justicia social y libertades individuales y/o colectivas, sin embargo, el funcionamiento de este modelo vive en una crisis debido a la pérdida de credibilidad en los establecimientos políticos tradicionales. Ante esta situación se presentan ciertos fenómenos, que requieren de atención, entre ellos, el populismo. Desde una perspectiva más política que jurídica, el populismo permite que, a través de estrategias "hábiles muy cuestionables", asciendan al poder personas con un discurso demagogo y un repertorio retorico. La meta de estas personas, a su vez, es repercutir en las lógicas propias de la democracia, especialmente en los límites del poder y las formas de control ejercidos sobre el mismo. Este fenómeno, por otra parte, crea cierto temor en varios temas, entre ellos, la protección de derechos. Por ello, el objeto de este artículo, es ubicar históricamente el populismo y entender su implicación a través de un análisis doctrinal, que permita entender el importante papel de la democracia y sus valores para la sociedad, mismos que aseguran una institucionalidad adecuada para la región. Referencias Abellan, J. (1991). Historia de la teoria politica. Madrid: Alianza S.A. Aguila, R. (1998a). Virtud y excelencia civicas- el inicio de la tradicion republicana. Madrid: Alianza S.A. _____. (1998b). La democracia en sus textos. Madrid: Alianza. Ahumada, M. (2005). La Jurisdiccion Constitucional Europea. Madrid: S.L Civitas Ediciones. Andújar, A. (2003). Democracia y pobreza (memorias sobre el pauperismo). Madrid: Trotta. Arenas, N. (2006). El proyecto chavista entre el viejo y el nuevo populismo. Cuestiones Políticas, (22), 36. Barros, S. (2006). Inclusion radical y conflicto en la constitución del pueblo populista. Quito: Confines. British Broadcasting Corporation BBC. (2016). 8 razones por las que gano el brexit en el referendo sobre la permanencia del Reino Unido en la Union Europea. BBC Mundo. Recuperado dehttp://www.bbc.com/mundo/noticias-internacional-36619175. Bobbio, N. (1984). El futuro de la democracia. Turin: Giulio Einaudi. _____. (1985). Estado Gobierno y Sociedad. Mexico: Turin. _____. (2005). Diccionario de política. Buenos Aires: Siglo XXI. Constitución Política de Colombia de 1991. (2012). Bogotá: Editorial Momo. Corte Constitucional. (2010). Control de constitucionalidad de ley que convoca a referendo. Sentencia C-141. _____. (2016). Proyecto de ley estatutaria que regula el plebiscito para la refrendación del acuerdo final para la terminación del conflicto y la construcción de una paz estable y duradera. Sentencia C-379. DiTella, T. (1965). Populismo y refroma en America Latina. Desarrollo económico. Buenos Aires: Trota. Duzán, M. (2017). Lo que se nos viene. Revista Semana. (1810), 33. Ferrajoli, L. (2008). Democracia y garantismo. Madrid: Trota. Forero, A. (2015). ¿Populismo en Colombia? El Espectador, 1. Galvan, D. (2007). Reconfiguring Institutions Across Time and Space. Syncretic Responses to Challenges of Political and Economic Transformation. New york: Palgrave Macmillan. Haberle, P. (2003). El estado constitucional. México: Instituto de Investigaciones Jurídicas. Hernández, M. (2013). Democracia segun Simón Bolívar. Valores, democracia y derechos. 2. Laclau, E. (2005). La razón populista. Fondo de Cultura Económica. México: FCE. El clarin mundo. (2017). Marine Le Pen arrancó su campaña con Donald Trump y el Brexit como modelo. Recuperado dehttps://www.clarin.com/mundo/marine-pen-arranco-campana-trump-brexit-modelo_0_BJaTkxUOx.html. Medina, C. (2010). Populismo y Neopulismo. Elementos para una caracterización de diferencias. Bogotá: Universidad Nacional: Inedito. Ministerio de Educación Nacional. (2017). Participacion Ciudadana. Bogotá, Colombia. Recuperado dehttp://www.mineducacion.gov.co/1759/w3-propertyvalue-55296.html. Mires, F. (2007). Estado y política. La lucha por la democracia en America Latina. Revista Nueva Sociedad. 210. Paredes, D. (2015). La Crítica de Nietzsche a la Democracia. Universidad del Rosario. Recuperado dehttp://www.csprp.univ-paris-diderot.fr/IMG/pdf/diego__data_linea_3_teoria_politica_mesa_5_teoria_politica_03_paredes_diego_linea_3_mesa_5-1.pdf. Posada, E. (2016). Bienvenidos al populismo. El tiempo. Recuperado dehttp://www.eltiempo.com/opinion/columnistas/eduardo-posada-carbo/bienvenidos-al-populismo-eduardo-posada-carbo-columna-el-tiempo-54404. Reid, M. (2017). ¿Amenazada la democracia liberal? Semana, (1808-1809), 24-25. Rodríguez, C. (2017a). ¿Quién es populista? El Espectador. Recuperado dehttp://www.elespectador.com/opinion/quien-es-populista-columna-685978. Rodríguez, J. (2017b). La democracia pierde el año. Revista Semana. Edición 1810, 41. Santamaria, O. (2002). Neopopulismo o Neoliberalismo. Bogotá: Fondo de Publicaciones Universidad distrital Francisco Jose de Caldas. Universidad de los Andes. (2017). Observatorio de la democracia. Observatorio de la democracia. Recuperado dehttp://obsdemocracia.org/prensa/38--la-democracia-pierde-el-ano Villafuerte, L. (2011). México: del autoritarismo a la democracia defectuosa. Revista UIS Humanidades. 19 y 20. Werner, J. (2017). El peligro del populismo empieza cuando se afirma "yo y solo yo represento al pueblo", El español. Recuperado dehttp://www.elespanol.com/mundo/europa/20170107/184231870_0.html. ; A democracia estabeleceu-se como um modelo ideal, mas não perfeito, para o funcionamento das organizações políticas contemporâneas, uma vez que através da equidade, a justiça social e as liberdades individuais e / ou coletivas são garantidas; no entanto, o funcionamento deste modelo vive em uma crise devido à perda de credibilidade nos estabelecimentos políticos tradicionais. Diante desta situação, existem certos fenômenos que exigem atenção, entre eles, o populismo. A partir de uma perspectiva mais política do que legal, o populismo permite que, através de 'estratégias muito habilidosas e questionáveis', as pessoas com um discurso demagogo e um repertório retórico ascenderem ao poder, com o único objetivo de ter um impacto nas próprias lógicas particulares da democracia, especialmente nos limites do poder e nas formas de controle exercidas sobre ele. Este fenômeno cria algum medo em questões como a proteção dos direitos, razão pela qual o objetivo deste artigo é localizar o populismo historicamente e entender sua implicação através de uma análise doutrinária que permita compreender o importante papel da democracia e seus valores para a sociedade, os mesmos que garantem um quadro institucional adequado para a região. Referencias Abellan, J. (1991). Historia de la teoria politica. Madrid: Alianza S.A. Aguila, R. (1998a). Virtud y excelencia civicas- el inicio de la tradicion republicana. Madrid: Alianza S.A. _____. (1998b). La democracia en sus textos. Madrid: Alianza. Ahumada, M. (2005). La Jurisdiccion Constitucional Europea. Madrid: S.L Civitas Ediciones. Andújar, A. (2003). Democracia y pobreza (memorias sobre el pauperismo). Madrid: Trotta. Arenas, N. (2006). El proyecto chavista entre el viejo y el nuevo populismo. Cuestiones Políticas, (22), 36. Barros, S. (2006). Inclusion radical y conflicto en la constitución del pueblo populista. Quito: Confines. British Broadcasting Corporation BBC. (2016). 8 razones por las que gano el brexit en el referendo sobre la permanencia del Reino Unido en la Union Europea. BBC Mundo. Recuperado dehttp://www.bbc.com/mundo/noticias-internacional-36619175. Bobbio, N. (1984). El futuro de la democracia. Turin: Giulio Einaudi. _____. (1985). Estado Gobierno y Sociedad. Mexico: Turin. _____. (2005). Diccionario de política. Buenos Aires: Siglo XXI. Constitución Política de Colombia de 1991. (2012). Bogotá: Editorial Momo. Corte Constitucional. (2010). Control de constitucionalidad de ley que convoca a referendo. Sentencia C-141. _____. (2016). Proyecto de ley estatutaria que regula el plebiscito para la refrendación del acuerdo final para la terminación del conflicto y la construcción de una paz estable y duradera. Sentencia C-379. DiTella, T. (1965). Populismo y refroma en America Latina. Desarrollo económico. Buenos Aires: Trota. Duzán, M. (2017). Lo que se nos viene. Revista Semana. (1810), 33. Ferrajoli, L. (2008). Democracia y garantismo. Madrid: Trota. Forero, A. (2015). ¿Populismo en Colombia? El Espectador, 1. Galvan, D. (2007). Reconfiguring Institutions Across Time and Space. Syncretic Responses to Challenges of Political and Economic Transformation. New york: Palgrave Macmillan. Haberle, P. (2003). El estado constitucional. México: Instituto de Investigaciones Jurídicas. Hernández, M. (2013). Democracia segun Simón Bolívar. Valores, democracia y derechos. 2. Laclau, E. (2005). La razón populista. Fondo de Cultura Económica. México: FCE. El clarin mundo. (2017). Marine Le Pen arrancó su campaña con Donald Trump y el Brexit como modelo. Recuperado dehttps://www.clarin.com/mundo/marine-pen-arranco-campana-trump-brexit-modelo_0_BJaTkxUOx.html. Medina, C. (2010). Populismo y Neopulismo. Elementos para una caracterización de diferencias. Bogotá: Universidad Nacional: Inedito. Ministerio de Educación Nacional. (2017). Participacion Ciudadana. Bogotá, Colombia. Recuperado dehttp://www.mineducacion.gov.co/1759/w3-propertyvalue-55296.html. Mires, F. (2007). Estado y política. La lucha por la democracia en America Latina. Revista Nueva Sociedad. 210. Paredes, D. (2015). La Crítica de Nietzsche a la Democracia. Universidad del Rosario. Recuperado dehttp://www.csprp.univ-paris-diderot.fr/IMG/pdf/diego__data_linea_3_teoria_politica_mesa_5_teoria_politica_03_paredes_diego_linea_3_mesa_5-1.pdf. Posada, E. (2016). Bienvenidos al populismo. El tiempo. Recuperado dehttp://www.eltiempo.com/opinion/columnistas/eduardo-posada-carbo/bienvenidos-al-populismo-eduardo-posada-carbo-columna-el-tiempo-54404. Reid, M. (2017). ¿Amenazada la democracia liberal? Semana, (1808-1809), 24-25. Rodríguez, C. (2017a). ¿Quién es populista? El Espectador. Recuperado dehttp://www.elespectador.com/opinion/quien-es-populista-columna-685978. Rodríguez, J. (2017b). La democracia pierde el año. Revista Semana. Edición 1810, 41. Santamaria, O. (2002). Neopopulismo o Neoliberalismo. Bogotá: Fondo de Publicaciones Universidad distrital Francisco Jose de Caldas. Universidad de los Andes. (2017). Observatorio de la democracia. Observatorio de la democracia. Recuperado dehttp://obsdemocracia.org/prensa/38--la-democracia-pierde-el-ano Villafuerte, L. (2011). México: del autoritarismo a la democracia defectuosa. Revista UIS Humanidades. 19 y 20. Werner, J. (2017). El peligro del populismo empieza cuando se afirma "yo y solo yo represento al pueblo", El español. Recuperado dehttp://www.elespanol.com/mundo/europa/20170107/184231870_0.html.

El libro que presentamos tiene esa virtud principal, la de dar a conocer al lector interesado los trabajos y aportes que los investigadores que trabajan en las entidades federativas han hecho al estudio de la cultura política a nivel subnacional, además de sintetizar de forma clara y precisa los principales aportes internacionales y nacionales sobre este tópico. Al respecto, en el capítulo primero, que firman Ma. Aidé Her- nández y Fabiola Coutiño, se revisan las propuestas teóricas y empíricas —tanto las realizadas en México como las hechas por autores preminentes de otras nacionalidades—, que han abordado este tema, reflexionando sobre los retos que presenta en la actualidad su estudio. De esta forma, desarrollan su capítulo en torno a las perspectivas teóricas de autores clásicos que lo han abordado, de una u otra forma, y las críticas que han recibido. Cabe destacar su extensa reseña de las aportaciones de Gabriel Almond y Sydney Verba y las de Ronald Inglehart, a nivel internacional, y las de Durand Ponte y Tejera, a nivel nacional. Aunque, claro está, la reseña de autores y sus obras principales, en torno a la cultura política, es más extensa que la que aquí señalamos. El aporte fundamental de este capítulo es que introduce de forma pormenorizada el estado del arte de la cultura política tanto a nivel internacional como para el caso de México, concluyendo que: "… el debate ahora es, cuáles elementos de esta cultura [política] son más importantes o fundamentales para fortalecer la democracia". El capítulo segundo, de Ana Claudia Coutigno, describe el estado del arte de la cultura política en el estado de Baja California. Para ello, la autora divide su documento en cuatro apartados: contexto y elecciones, los estudios sobre cultura política en Baja California, reflexiones sobre la cultura política democrática, y propuestas de dimensiones para el estudio de la cultura política. Cabe destacar lo que Coutigno manifiesta, citando a Negrete (2002), "sobre el reto que representa el estudio de la cultura política en Baja California, desde el metodológico hasta los instrumentos de recolección". Concluye su texto con una serie de recomendaciones pertinentes para la mejora de las investigaciones que tienen como objeto la cultura política. De las mismas destacamos las siguientes: utilización de una metodología mixta, necesidad de utilizar estudios longitudinales tipo panel, añadir la variable migración y tener en cuenta la socialización política. El tercer capítulo tiene tres autores: Jesús Alberto Rodríguez, Sergio Pacheco y Cecilia Sarabia. El mismo "tiene como propósito explo- rar diversas producciones académicas en torno a la cultura política en el estado de Chihuahua". Inicia presentando el contexto del estado para posteriormente hacer una reseña de las aportaciones realizadas por diversos autores a nivel nacional y de Chihuahua; sigue con una descripción del modelo clásico de Almond y Verba, y los nuevos aportes en este tópico, concluyendo con una serie de reflexiones acerca de la necesidad de revisar los referentes teóricos respecto a la cultura política y de que aparezcan los resultados de los estudios que sobre la misma se lleven a cabo en México de forma periódica. En el capítulo cuarto, escrito por Octaviano Moya, se realiza una aproximación al estado del arte de la cultura política en Sinaloa. Inicia este capítulo describiendo el modelo clásico de cultura política, el de Almond y Verba, para continuar con la reseña de los estudios empíricos realizados por las instituciones sinaloenses, incluida la Universidad Autónoma de Sinaloa, que constituye la parte central de su aportación. Especialmente interesante resulta la parte que dedica a describir los estudios recientes de cultura política referentes a los grupos sociales de pequeño tamaño, los cuales han sido poco estudiados, como es el caso de los indígenas yoreme-mayos que habitan en el norte de Sinaloa. Concluye este autor que en Sinaloa se han dado dos fases en las investigaciones sobre cultura política. En la primera, destaca el interés institucional por avanzar en su comprensión. En la segunda, la actual, el interés de los investigadores se ha trasladado hacia los nuevos fenómenos políticos relacionados con ella. El capítulo quinto, de Sarah Patricia Cerna y Juan Mario Solís, referencia los estudios de cultura política de San Luis Potosí. Inician con una descripción de la historia política de la entidad y del sistema político potosino. Destacan los autores que no existen estudios que se hayan dado a la tarea de estudiar la cultura política de dicho estado con base en el modelo de Almond y Verba, tampoco en el que utiliza Inglehart en la Encuesta Mundial de Valores, lo cual no quiere decir que no existan investigaciones menos ambiciosas, como las que estudian los hábitos y prácticas políticas de los potosinos, las cuales referencian ampliamente. Subrayan la aportación de Mateos (2017), que examina valores, actitudes y creencia hacia la política, tomando especial interés en estudiar la socialización política de los ciudadanos de esta entidad federativa a través de un amplio análisis estadístico descriptivo de variables. En el capítulo sexto, escrito por Ma. Aidé Hernández, Guillermo Rafael Gómez y Gerardo González, se da cuenta de los estudios de cultura política en Guanajuato. Inician los autores destacando que existen pocos estudios sobre cultura política en esta entidad, y que muchos de los que pretenden abordarla lo que en realidad hacen es estudiar el comportamiento electoral. Por si lo anterior no fuera suficiente, señalan que los estudios que finalmente sí abordan la cultura política en Guanajuato no explicitan su propuesta y tienen deficiencias teórico- conceptuales y metodológicas. Terminan proponiendo "los elementos que pueden ser considerados en el estudio de una cultura política democrática", para lo cual realizan una revisión pormenorizada de las teorías de la democracia que les permiten encontrar las variables, existentes en bases de datos nacionales, que la objetivan. El capítulo séptimo aborda la cultura política en Jalisco. En él Ruth Elizabeth Prado y Jorge Enrique Rocha destacan la relación entre la política y la cultura política. De esta forma, subrayan que "la escena política ha impregnado los valores y creencias, y ha transformado la percepción subjetiva a partir de acontecimientos y contextos específicos". El capítulo se desarrolla en dos grandes apartados. En el primero se muestra el estado del arte de la cultura política en Jalisco, identificando los trabajos principales que abordan la misma; en el segundo se examina. En el capítulo octavo, Héctor Gutiérrez reseña la cultura política de Querétaro, destacando la existencia de pocas investigaciones que la tengan como objeto de estudio, lo cual atribuye al tamaño de dicho estado y a la centralización de la comunidad científica mexicana, que mayoritariamente trabaja en la Ciudad de México. Pese a lo anterior, el autor hace un repaso exhaustivo de los estudios más importantes que sobre la cultura política se han realizado en Querétaro, sigue con una revisión de las particularidades sociodemográficas de la entidad y termina con algunas reflexiones sobre qué características del estado pueden permitir un estudio más exhaustivo de la cultura política de Querétaro. El capítulo noveno hace un repaso pormenorizado de los trabajos académicos que tienen como objeto la cultura política del estado de Hidalgo. En este texto, Juan Antonio Taguenca y Ma. del Rocío Vega dividen tales trabajos en distintas categorías que se relacionaron con aquélla: ámbito territorial, comportamiento político electoral, jóvenes, estudiantes y universitarios. Concluyen que "se encuentra la falta de un trabajo conceptual, teórico y empírico más exhaustivo y sistemático que dé cuenta de la cultura política de la entidad, así como de diversas subculturas", lo que les permite recomendar la necesidad de investigaciones más amplias y teórica y metodológicamente mejor fundamentadas. Al respecto, rea- lizan una propuesta teórico-metodológica para llevar a cabo una gran investigación sobre la cultura política de los hidalguenses. En el décimo capítulo, escrito por Aldo Muñoz y Alejandra Vizcarra, se revisa el estado del arte del estudio de la cultura política en el Estado de México. Los autores señalan que el contexto electoral de democratización política y electoral que se ha dado en la entidad y en la mayor parte de los municipios ha favorecido el interés académico por el estudio de la cultura política. El texto analiza 32 trabajos publicados y después de hacer un análisis exhaustivo de su contenido, establece que la mayoría tiene un carácter regional o municipal y que fueron elaborados con base en esfuerzos individuales en espacios académicos; es decir, que no existe un esfuerzo institucional permanente para que se le dé seguimiento al estado de la cultura política a lo largo de la entidad. El capítulo décimo primero reseña el estado del arte de los estudios que tienen como objeto la cultura política de la Ciudad de México. Al respecto, Alberto Espejel y Mariela Díaz realizan un examen histórico de su constitución y desarrollo político, destacando que en este contexto la cultura política de sus habitantes se ha caracterizado por su diversidad de valores y creencias con respecto a la política, que además han cambiado con el tiempo. Los autores desarrollan diversos apartados que se encuentran vinculados con el tópico que describen. De esta forma, nos hablan de los procesos electorales y los partidos políticos, la esfera institucional, de la propia cultura política más allá del ámbito electoral y vista a partir de distintos sectores de la sociedad. Concluyen que la cultura política de la Ciudad de México ha sido examinada desde diferentes aristas, siendo variados los abordajes teóricos, pero predominando los que siguen la teoría de Almond y Verba. Desde el punto de vista metodológico han predominado los estudios cuantitativos, aunque "existen otros acercamientos que desde la etnografía o el método cualitativo dan cuenta de aspectos relevantes de la cultura política en la Ciudad de México". Por último, recomiendan un abordaje teórico institucionalista, específicamente el denominado institucionalismo discursivo, en el que "la cultura puede ser entendida como un conjunto de ideas, creencias y valores sobre cómo los actores, individuales y colectivos, conciben cómo debe ser la vida en sociedad". El capítulo décimo segundo reseña el estado del arte de los estudios de cultura política en Puebla. En el mismo, Fabiola Coutiño y Alicia Hernández remarcan la importancia del contexto y los factores que la determinan, así como los agentes socializadores que juegan un papel importante en su conformación. En cuanto al estado del arte de la cultura política en dicho estado destacan que los estudios realizados son de tres tipos: "ensayos, estudios cuantitativos e investigaciones mixtas". Remarcan, asimismo, los obstáculos que enfrenta la construcción de una cultura política democrática, concluyendo que son importantes para lograr los procesos de socialización política y el "compromiso y colaboración de todas las instituciones públicas y privadas". El décimo tercer capítulo refiere la cultura política en Oaxaca, un estado con una gran cantidad de municipios regidos por Sistemas Normativos Indígenas. En este capítulo, escrito por Gustavo Meixueiro, Arón Baca y Lucía Alejandra Sánchez-Nuevo, se destaca que los estudios de cultura política en esta entidad se enfocaron en el análisis de "la diversidad social, política y cultural de la entidad" y que la metodología usada en ellos ha sido mayoritariamente de estudios de caso, siendo menor el uso de las técnicas de investigación social cuantitativas. Subrayan también la importancia de los Sistemas Normativos In- dígenas para el estudio de la cultura política en Oaxaca. Finalmente, muestran y analizan los resultados de una encuesta realizada en 2016 que lleva por título Democracia y Cultura Política en Oaxaca. Aldo Muñoz Armenta escribe el último capítulo, décimo cuarto de este libro, dejando ver la falta de trabajos de cultura política a nivel subnacional. Aunado a lo anterior, apunta que sólo en cuatro en- tidades: Baja California, Sinaloa, Guanajuato y Oaxaca, se elaboraron encuestas de cultura política, lo cual deja ver el poco interés de las academias de ciencia política, de las universidades y de las instituciones electorales por conocer y profundizar en el estudio de la cultura política y su importancia para la vida democrática. Finalmente, en este capítulo se menciona la relevancia de la elaboración de estudios a nivel subnacional de la cultura política, cuyo déficit muestra la necesidad de discutir a fondo un modelo de cultura política que dé cuenta de nuestra realidad mexicana y sus particularidades, tema que se trabajará en un siguiente libro. Hasta aquí la breve reseña de lo que se puede encontrar en esta obra, que, desde luego, contiene mucho más de lo que en esta introducción ha sido posible desarrollar. Sin embargo, lo dicho hasta aquí tiene la virtud de introducir e inducir al lector a la revisión de un texto imprescindible para comprender cómo se ha trabajado y qué avances se han tenido en los estudios de cultura política en México a nivel subnacional. ; Universidad de Guanajuato, Sociedad Mexicana de Estudios Electorales, Instituto Electoral y de Participación Ciudadana de Oaxaca.

[EN] The center of the Milky Way is the only galactic nucleus and the most extreme astrophysical environment that we can examine on scales of milli- parsecs. It contains the nearest example of a nuclear star cluster (NSC). NSCs have been found at the photometric and dynamical centers of the majority of galaxies in the local Universe. With e↵ective radii of a few parsecs and masses ranging between a few times 106–108 M!, they are among the densest known stellar structures. NSCs possess complex stellar populations and show clear signs of recurrent star formation, with the most recent event having occurred less than 100Myr ago in many of them. Moreover, NSCs can coexist with massive black holes (MBHs) at their centers. The Milky Way's nuclear star cluster (MWNSC) is located at a mere 8 kpc from Earth. While we can only study the integrated light in extragalactic NSCs, we can in the case of the Galactic center (GC) resolve physical scales on the order of a few milliparsecs (mpc) and thus study the properties, kinematics and even dynamics of individual stars. We possess unambiguous evidence for the existence of a 4 ⇥ 106 M! central black hole at the center of the MWNSC, thus making it an ideal target to study the interaction between a dense stellar cluster and a massive black hole. Due to the unique observational challenges – extreme crowding and extinction – the study of the NSC at the GC is confronted with unique difficulties. ; The high extinction limits imaging studies of the stars to the near-infrared (NIR). While this allows us, on the one hand, to use techniques like adaptive optics (AO) to obtain high angular resolution images from the ground, it poses, on the other hand, serious problems for stellar classification because the intrinsic colours of stars are small in the NIR. Because of the observational difficulties, our knowledge about the NSC still contains significant gaps, despite of several decades of observations. Existing work is a↵ected by either one or both of the following problems: (a) Low angular resolution, thus limiting it to the study of the brightest stars that represent less than one percent of the total population of the NSC; (b) limited spectral coverage, thus limiting their use for distinguishing between di↵erent types of stars. Spectroscopic studies with high angular resolution are necessarily limited to small numbers of stars or very small fields. They are therefore mostly limited to the central parsec. This thesis aims at providing answers to unresolved questions in our understanding of the GC, as well as provide new constraints on the structure of the MWNSC by using high resolution images and by improving the analysis. I examine images in a broad span of distances from the center of the Galaxy: from very large distances (⇠ 860 pc x 280 pc) to the innermost arcseconds where the supermassive black hole inhabits. Firstly, I aim to study the size and spatial structure of the MWNSC. I use data and methods that address potential shortcomings in previous work on the topic. I use 0.200 angular resolution Ks data to create a stellar density map in the central 86.4pc x 21 pc at the GC. I include data from selected AO assisted images obtained for the inner parsecs. In addition, I use IRAC/Spitzer MIR images. I model the Galactic bulge and the nuclear stellar disk in order to subtract them from the MWNSC. Finally, I fit a S´ersic model to the MWNSC and investigate its symmetry. I find that the MWNSC is flattened with an axis ratio of q = 0.71 ± 0.06, an e↵ective radius of Re = (5.1 ± 0.6) pc, and a S´ersic index of n = 2.2 ± 0.4. Its major axis may be tilted out of the Galactic plane by up to −10 degree. The distribution of the giants brighter than the Red Clump (RC) is found to be significantly flatter than the distribution of the faint stars. The MWNSC shares its main properties with other extragalactic NSCs found in spiral galaxies. The di↵erences in the structure between bright giants and RC stars might be related to the existence of not completely mixed populations of di↵erent ages. This may hint at recent growth of the MWNSC through star formation or cluster accretion. ; I also revisit the problem of inferring the innermost structure of the MWNSC, to clarify whether it displays a core or a cusp around the central black hole. The existence of dynamically relaxed stellar density cusp in dense clusters around massive black holes is a long-standing prediction of stellar dynamics, but it has so far escaped unambiguous observational confirmation. In order to study the distribution of stars around Sgr A*, I use data obtained with the NACO instrument at the ESO/Very Large Telescope (VLT) and I focus on two di↵erent methods to analyze three di↵erent stellar brightness ranges. I find that a Nuker law provides an adequate description of the nuclear cluster's intrinsic shape (assuming spherical symmetry). I find that the stellar density decreases with a 3D power-law index inside the range ! = 1.1 − 1.4 for distances smaller than the influence radius of Sgr A* (⇠ 3 pc). We can rule out a flat core with high confidence. The cusp is shallower than the predicted one by theory, but it can be explained if the star formation history of the NSC is taken into acount (Baumgardt et al., 2018). Finally, I peek at the very center of the Galaxy by improving the reduction and analysis of existing data. I use holographic technique and bootstrapping analysis. This has led to the detection of NIR emission of Sgr A* in epochs prior to 2003, when the first measurements were taken due to the development of AO. That allows Chen et al. (in preparation) to study the long-term NIR activity and explore the accretion flow onto the black hole in epochs where it had not been detected so far. ; [ES]El centro de la V´ıa L´actea es el ´unico n´ucleo gal´actico y el entorno astrof´ısico m´as extremo que podemos examinar en escalas de milli-parsecs. Contiene el ejemplo m´as cercano de un c´umulo estelar nuclear (o NSC, del ingl´es nuclear star cluster). Los NSCs han sido encontrados en los centros fotom´etricos y din´amicos de la mayor´ıa de las galaxias en el Universo local. Con radios efectivos de unos pocos parsecs y masas que van entre unas pocas veces 106–108 M!, se encuentran entre las estructuras estelares m´as densas conocidas. Adem´as, los NSCs pueden coexistir con agujeros negros masivos (o MBHs, del ingl´es massive black holes) en sus centros. El c´umulo estelar nuclear de la V´ıa L´actea (o MWNSC, del ingl´es Milky Way's NSC) est´a situado a tan s´olo 8 kpc de la Tierra. Mientras que podemos estudiar ´unicamente la luz integrada en NSCs extragal´acticos, en el caso del centro gal´actico (o GC, del ingl´es Galactic center) podemos resolver escalas f´ısicas del orden de unos pocos milli-parsecs (mpc) y, por lo tanto, estudiar las propiedades, cinem´atica, e incluso la din´amica de estrellas individuales. Contamos con evidencia inequ´ıvoca de la existencia de un agujero negro de masa 4⇥106 M! en el centro del MWNSC, convirti´endolo as´ı en un objetivo ideal donde estudiar la interacci´on entre un c´umulo estelar nuclear y un agujero negro masivo. Debido a sus desaf´ıos observacionales ´unicos - extremo hacinamiento y extinci´on - el estudio del NSC en el GC se enfrenta a dificultades ´unicas. La alta extinci´on limita los estudios de im´agenes de las estrellas al infrarrojo (o NIR, del ingl´es near-infrared). Mientras que esto nos permite el uso de t´ecnicas como la ´optica adaptativa (o AO, del ingl´es adaptive optics) para obtener im´agenes con alta resoluci´on angular desde la tierra por un lado, por otro lado tenemos serios problemas para la clasificaci ´on estelar debido a que el color intr´ınseco de las estrellas son peque˜nos en el NIR. A causa de las dificultades observacionales, nuestro conocimiento del NSC contiene todav´ıa brechas significativas, a pesar de varias d´ecadas de observaciones. El trabajo existente est´a afectado por uno o ambos de los siguientes problemas: (a) Baja resoluci´on angular, limit´andolo as´ı al estudio de las estrellas m´as brillantes, que representan menos que el uno por ciento de la poblaci´on total del NSC; (b) cobertura espectral limitada, lo que limita su uso para distinguir entre diferentes tipos de estrellas. Los estudios espectrosc´opicos con alta resoluci´on angular est´an necesariamente restringidos a peque˜nos n´umeros de estrellas o campos muy peque˜nos. Por lo tanto, est´an en su mayor´ıa limitados al parsec central. Esta tesis tiene como objetivo proporcionar respuestas a preguntas sin resolver en nuestra comprensi´on del GC, as´ı como proporcionar nuevas restricciones en la estructura del MWNSC mediante el uso de im´agenes de alta resoluci´on y la mejora del an´alisis. Examino las im´agenes en un amplio rango de distancias desde el centro de la Galaxia: desde distancias muy grandes (⇠ 860 pc x 280 pc) hasta los arco-segundos m´as profundos donde habita el agujero negro supermasivo. ; En primer lugar, mi objetivo es estudiar el tama˜no y la estructura espacial del MWNSC. Utilizo datos y m´etodos que abordan posibles deficiencias en trabajos anteriores sobre el tema. Utilizo 0.200 resoluci´on angular Ks datos para crear un mapa de densidad estelar en el GC en los 86.4 pc x 21 pc centrales. Incluyo datos de im´agenes asistidas por AO obtenidas para los parsecs internos. Adem´as, utilizo im´agenes del medio infrarrojo de IRAC/Spitzer. Modelo el bulbo gal´actico y el disco estelar nuclear para subtraerlos del MWNSC. Finalmente, ajusto un modelo S´ersic a el MWNSC e investigo su simetr´ıa. Encuentro que el MWNSC est´a aplanado con una relaci´on de eje de q = 0.71 ± 0.06, un radio efectivo de Re = (5.1 ± 0.6) pc, y un ´ındice S´ersic de n = 2.2 ± 0.4. Su eje mayor se puede inclinar desde el plano gal´actico hasta −10 grados. La distribuci´on de las estrellas gigantes m´as brillantes que el grupo rojo (o RC, del ingl´es red clump) es significativamente m´as plano que la distribuci ´on de las estrellas d´ebiles. El MWNSC comparte sus principales propiedades con otros NSCs extragal´acticos encontrados en galaxias espirales. Las diferencias en la estructura entre gigantes brillantes y las estrellas RC podr´ıan estar relacionadas con la existencia de poblaciones de diferentes edades no completamente mezcladas. Esto puede indicar un crecimiento reciente del MWNSC a trav´es de la formaci´on de estrellas o la acreci´on de c´umulos. Tambi´en reviso el problema de inferir la estructura m´as interna del MWNSC, para aclarar si muestra un coraz´on o una c´uspide alrededor del agujero negro central. La existencia de una c´uspide de densidad estelar din´amicamente relajada en grupos densos alrededor de agujeros negros masivos es una antigua predicci´on de la din´amica estelar, pero hasta ahora ha escapado de la confirmaci´on observacional sin ambig¨uedades. Para estudiar la distribuci´on de estrellas alrededor de Sgr A*, uso los datos obtenidos con el instrumento NACO en el telescopio ESO/Very Large Telescope (VLT) y me centro en dos m´etodos diferentes para analizar tres rangos de brillo estelar diferentes. Encuentro que una ley de Nuker proporciona una descripci´on adecuada de la forma intr´ınseca del c´umulo nuclear (asumiendo simetr´ıa esf´erica). Encuentro que la densidad estelar disminuye con un ´ındice 3D de ley de potencia dentro del rango ! = 1.1−1.4 para distancias m´as peque˜nas que el radio de influencia de Sgr A* (⇠ 3 pc). Podemos descartar un coraz´on plano con alta confianza. La c´uspide es menos profunda que la pronosticada por la teor´ıa, pero puede explicarse si se tiene en cuenta la historia de formaci´on estelar del NSC (Baumgardt et al., 2018). Finalmente, me asomo al mismo centro de la Galaxia mejorando la reducci´on y al an´alisis de los datos existentes. Gracias a la t´ecnica hologr´afica y el an´alisis bootstrapping, detectamos la emisi´on de NIR de Sgr A* en ´epocas anteriores a 2003, cuando se tomaron las primeras mediciones debido al desarrollo de AO. Esto permite a Chen et al. (in preparation) estudiar la actividad en el NIR a largo plazo y explorar el flujo de acreci´on en el agujero negro en ´epocas donde no se hab´ıa detectado hasta el momento. ; The research leading to these results has received funding from the European Research Council under the European Union's Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007-2013) / ERC grant agreement nº [614922]. ; Peer reviewed

El libro que presentamos tiene esa virtud principal, la de dar a conocer al lector interesado los trabajos y aportes que los investigadores que trabajan en las entidades federativas han hecho al estudio de la cultura política a nivel subnacional, además de sintetizar de forma clara y precisa los principales aportes internacionales y nacionales sobre este tópico. Al respecto, en el capítulo primero, que firman Ma. Aidé Her- nández y Fabiola Coutiño, se revisan las propuestas teóricas y empíricas —tanto las realizadas en México como las hechas por autores preminentes de otras nacionalidades—, que han abordado este tema, reflexionando sobre los retos que presenta en la actualidad su estudio. De esta forma, desarrollan su capítulo en torno a las perspectivas teóricas de autores clásicos que lo han abordado, de una u otra forma, y las críticas que han recibido. Cabe destacar su extensa reseña de las aportaciones de Gabriel Almond y Sydney Verba y las de Ronald Inglehart, a nivel internacional, y las de Durand Ponte y Tejera, a nivel nacional. Aunque, claro está, la reseña de autores y sus obras principales, en torno a la cultura política, es más extensa que la que aquí señalamos. El aporte fundamental de este capítulo es que introduce de forma pormenorizada el estado del arte de la cultura política tanto a nivel internacional como para el caso de México, concluyendo que: "… el debate ahora es, cuáles elementos de esta cultura [política] son más importantes o fundamentales para fortalecer la democracia". El capítulo segundo, de Ana Claudia Coutigno, describe el estado del arte de la cultura política en el estado de Baja California. Para ello, la autora divide su documento en cuatro apartados: contexto y elecciones, los estudios sobre cultura política en Baja California, reflexiones sobre la cultura política democrática, y propuestas de dimensiones para el estudio de la cultura política. Cabe destacar lo que Coutigno manifiesta, citando a Negrete (2002), "sobre el reto que representa el estudio de la cultura política en Baja California, desde el metodológico hasta los instrumentos de recolección". Concluye su texto con una serie de recomendaciones pertinentes para la mejora de las investigaciones que tienen como objeto la cultura política. De las mismas destacamos las siguientes: utilización de una metodología mixta, necesidad de utilizar estudios longitudinales tipo panel, añadir la variable migración y tener en cuenta la socialización política. El tercer capítulo tiene tres autores: Jesús Alberto Rodríguez, Sergio Pacheco y Cecilia Sarabia. El mismo "tiene como propósito explo- rar diversas producciones académicas en torno a la cultura política en el estado de Chihuahua". Inicia presentando el contexto del estado para posteriormente hacer una reseña de las aportaciones realizadas por diversos autores a nivel nacional y de Chihuahua; sigue con una descripción del modelo clásico de Almond y Verba, y los nuevos aportes en este tópico, concluyendo con una serie de reflexiones acerca de la necesidad de revisar los referentes teóricos respecto a la cultura política y de que aparezcan los resultados de los estudios que sobre la misma se lleven a cabo en México de forma periódica. En el capítulo cuarto, escrito por Octaviano Moya, se realiza una aproximación al estado del arte de la cultura política en Sinaloa. Inicia este capítulo describiendo el modelo clásico de cultura política, el de Almond y Verba, para continuar con la reseña de los estudios empíricos realizados por las instituciones sinaloenses, incluida la Universidad Autónoma de Sinaloa, que constituye la parte central de su aportación. Especialmente interesante resulta la parte que dedica a describir los estudios recientes de cultura política referentes a los grupos sociales de pequeño tamaño, los cuales han sido poco estudiados, como es el caso de los indígenas yoreme-mayos que habitan en el norte de Sinaloa. Concluye este autor que en Sinaloa se han dado dos fases en las investigaciones sobre cultura política. En la primera, destaca el interés institucional por avanzar en su comprensión. En la segunda, la actual, el interés de los investigadores se ha trasladado hacia los nuevos fenómenos políticos relacionados con ella. El capítulo quinto, de Sarah Patricia Cerna y Juan Mario Solís, referencia los estudios de cultura política de San Luis Potosí. Inician con una descripción de la historia política de la entidad y del sistema político potosino. Destacan los autores que no existen estudios que se hayan dado a la tarea de estudiar la cultura política de dicho estado con base en el modelo de Almond y Verba, tampoco en el que utiliza Inglehart en la Encuesta Mundial de Valores, lo cual no quiere decir que no existan investigaciones menos ambiciosas, como las que estudian los hábitos y prácticas políticas de los potosinos, las cuales referencian ampliamente. Subrayan la aportación de Mateos (2017), que examina valores, actitudes y creencia hacia la política, tomando especial interés en estudiar la socialización política de los ciudadanos de esta entidad federativa a través de un amplio análisis estadístico descriptivo de variables. En el capítulo sexto, escrito por Ma. Aidé Hernández, Guillermo Rafael Gómez y Gerardo González, se da cuenta de los estudios de cultura política en Guanajuato. Inician los autores destacando que existen pocos estudios sobre cultura política en esta entidad, y que muchos de los que pretenden abordarla lo que en realidad hacen es estudiar el comportamiento electoral. Por si lo anterior no fuera suficiente, señalan que los estudios que finalmente sí abordan la cultura política en Guanajuato no explicitan su propuesta y tienen deficiencias teórico- conceptuales y metodológicas. Terminan proponiendo "los elementos que pueden ser considerados en el estudio de una cultura política democrática", para lo cual realizan una revisión pormenorizada de las teorías de la democracia que les permiten encontrar las variables, existentes en bases de datos nacionales, que la objetivan. El capítulo séptimo aborda la cultura política en Jalisco. En él Ruth Elizabeth Prado y Jorge Enrique Rocha destacan la relación entre la política y la cultura política. De esta forma, subrayan que "la escena política ha impregnado los valores y creencias, y ha transformado la percepción subjetiva a partir de acontecimientos y contextos específicos". El capítulo se desarrolla en dos grandes apartados. En el primero se muestra el estado del arte de la cultura política en Jalisco, identificando los trabajos principales que abordan la misma; en el segundo se examina. En el capítulo octavo, Héctor Gutiérrez reseña la cultura política de Querétaro, destacando la existencia de pocas investigaciones que la tengan como objeto de estudio, lo cual atribuye al tamaño de dicho estado y a la centralización de la comunidad científica mexicana, que mayoritariamente trabaja en la Ciudad de México. Pese a lo anterior, el autor hace un repaso exhaustivo de los estudios más importantes que sobre la cultura política se han realizado en Querétaro, sigue con una revisión de las particularidades sociodemográficas de la entidad y termina con algunas reflexiones sobre qué características del estado pueden permitir un estudio más exhaustivo de la cultura política de Querétaro. El capítulo noveno hace un repaso pormenorizado de los trabajos académicos que tienen como objeto la cultura política del estado de Hidalgo. En este texto, Juan Antonio Taguenca y Ma. del Rocío Vega dividen tales trabajos en distintas categorías que se relacionaron con aquélla: ámbito territorial, comportamiento político electoral, jóvenes, estudiantes y universitarios. Concluyen que "se encuentra la falta de un trabajo conceptual, teórico y empírico más exhaustivo y sistemático que dé cuenta de la cultura política de la entidad, así como de diversas subculturas", lo que les permite recomendar la necesidad de investigaciones más amplias y teórica y metodológicamente mejor fundamentadas. Al respecto, rea- lizan una propuesta teórico-metodológica para llevar a cabo una gran investigación sobre la cultura política de los hidalguenses. En el décimo capítulo, escrito por Aldo Muñoz y Alejandra Vizcarra, se revisa el estado del arte del estudio de la cultura política en el Estado de México. Los autores señalan que el contexto electoral de democratización política y electoral que se ha dado en la entidad y en la mayor parte de los municipios ha favorecido el interés académico por el estudio de la cultura política. El texto analiza 32 trabajos publicados y después de hacer un análisis exhaustivo de su contenido, establece que la mayoría tiene un carácter regional o municipal y que fueron elaborados con base en esfuerzos individuales en espacios académicos; es decir, que no existe un esfuerzo institucional permanente para que se le dé seguimiento al estado de la cultura política a lo largo de la entidad. El capítulo décimo primero reseña el estado del arte de los estudios que tienen como objeto la cultura política de la Ciudad de México. Al respecto, Alberto Espejel y Mariela Díaz realizan un examen histórico de su constitución y desarrollo político, destacando que en este contexto la cultura política de sus habitantes se ha caracterizado por su diversidad de valores y creencias con respecto a la política, que además han cambiado con el tiempo. Los autores desarrollan diversos apartados que se encuentran vinculados con el tópico que describen. De esta forma, nos hablan de los procesos electorales y los partidos políticos, la esfera institucional, de la propia cultura política más allá del ámbito electoral y vista a partir de distintos sectores de la sociedad. Concluyen que la cultura política de la Ciudad de México ha sido examinada desde diferentes aristas, siendo variados los abordajes teóricos, pero predominando los que siguen la teoría de Almond y Verba. Desde el punto de vista metodológico han predominado los estudios cuantitativos, aunque "existen otros acercamientos que desde la etnografía o el método cualitativo dan cuenta de aspectos relevantes de la cultura política en la Ciudad de México". Por último, recomiendan un abordaje teórico institucionalista, específicamente el denominado institucionalismo discursivo, en el que "la cultura puede ser entendida como un conjunto de ideas, creencias y valores sobre cómo los actores, individuales y colectivos, conciben cómo debe ser la vida en sociedad". El capítulo décimo segundo reseña el estado del arte de los estudios de cultura política en Puebla. En el mismo, Fabiola Coutiño y Alicia Hernández remarcan la importancia del contexto y los factores que la determinan, así como los agentes socializadores que juegan un papel importante en su conformación. En cuanto al estado del arte de la cultura política en dicho estado destacan que los estudios realizados son de tres tipos: "ensayos, estudios cuantitativos e investigaciones mixtas". Remarcan, asimismo, los obstáculos que enfrenta la construcción de una cultura política democrática, concluyendo que son importantes para lograr los procesos de socialización política y el "compromiso y colaboración de todas las instituciones públicas y privadas". El décimo tercer capítulo refiere la cultura política en Oaxaca, un estado con una gran cantidad de municipios regidos por Sistemas Normativos Indígenas. En este capítulo, escrito por Gustavo Meixueiro, Arón Baca y Lucía Alejandra Sánchez-Nuevo, se destaca que los estudios de cultura política en esta entidad se enfocaron en el análisis de "la diversidad social, política y cultural de la entidad" y que la metodología usada en ellos ha sido mayoritariamente de estudios de caso, siendo menor el uso de las técnicas de investigación social cuantitativas. Subrayan también la importancia de los Sistemas Normativos In- dígenas para el estudio de la cultura política en Oaxaca. Finalmente, muestran y analizan los resultados de una encuesta realizada en 2016 que lleva por título Democracia y Cultura Política en Oaxaca. Aldo Muñoz Armenta escribe el último capítulo, décimo cuarto de este libro, dejando ver la falta de trabajos de cultura política a nivel subnacional. Aunado a lo anterior, apunta que sólo en cuatro en- tidades: Baja California, Sinaloa, Guanajuato y Oaxaca, se elaboraron encuestas de cultura política, lo cual deja ver el poco interés de las academias de ciencia política, de las universidades y de las instituciones electorales por conocer y profundizar en el estudio de la cultura política y su importancia para la vida democrática. Finalmente, en este capítulo se menciona la relevancia de la elaboración de estudios a nivel subnacional de la cultura política, cuyo déficit muestra la necesidad de discutir a fondo un modelo de cultura política que dé cuenta de nuestra realidad mexicana y sus particularidades, tema que se trabajará en un siguiente libro. Hasta aquí la breve reseña de lo que se puede encontrar en esta obra, que, desde luego, contiene mucho más de lo que en esta introducción ha sido posible desarrollar. Sin embargo, lo dicho hasta aquí tiene la virtud de introducir e inducir al lector a la revisión de un texto imprescindible para comprender cómo se ha trabajado y qué avances se han tenido en los estudios de cultura política en México a nivel subnacional. ; Universidad de Guanajuato, Sociedad Mexicana de Estudios Electorales, Instituto Electoral y de Participación Ciudadana de Oaxaca.

[EN] The traditional financial theory proposes that the main objective of a company should be to maximize the wealth of its shareholders, which, in practice, means maximizing the market price of the securities they hold. This objective has generated an abundant literature and a wide controversy about the effects of financial decisions on the value of companies. In this sense, far from the situation of perfect markets analysed by Merton Miller and Franco Modigliani in their seminal works of 1958 and 1961, research in recent decades has shown the relevance of frictions in capital markets such as transaction costs, agency costs, bankruptcy costs or the taxes on the value of firms. In this context, there are many studies that have shown the tax consequences of the company's financial policies. From this perspective, the static trade-off theory establishes that the value of a company will reach its peak when the opposing effects of two forces are balanced: the tax deductibility of interest payments and the increase in bankruptcy costs associated with an increase of the level of debt. Likewise, dividends are also affected by the tax laws of the countries, given the different tax treatment of the distribution of cash compared to its retention. Within the imperfections of the financial markets, deserves special mention the agency theory approach, according to which dividends and debt can be effective instruments to reduce conflicts between the different stakeholders of the company. More specifically, the distribution of dividends or the increase of firm debt are believed to mitigate the possibility of opportunistic behaviour into the firms as dividends and debt reduce the resources under managers' control and are susceptible to be used in search of their interests and not to maximize the wealth of the investors. Precisely, the agency approach allows to incorporate informational asymmetries between insiders and outsiders, which endows the decisions of dividends and capital structure of a new function. Thus, these financial policies become signals that convey reliable information about the profitable investment opportunities available to the company. A feature of recent research in business finance and corporate governance is the international dimension that these studies have taken, addressing various institutional and legal environments. In this sense, the Law & Finance approach proposed by La Porta et al. (1999, 1997, 1998, 2000), according to which, two types of legal systems can be distinguished: countries whose legal systems come from the Anglo-Saxon or common law tradition tend to offer more adequate protection to investors than countries whose laws they are born in the context of civil or continental law. Taking this approach to the field of dividend policy, there are two hypotheses that explain the relationship between the legal structure of countries and the distribution of profits of companies. The first states that a legal system that offers adequate protection to investors boosts the distribution of dividends as a form of compensation for those shareholders (the outcome hypothesis). The alternative explanation raises that poor legal protection leads companies to distribute higher dividend ratios as a way to make up for the shortcomings of the environment (the substitute hypothesis). Both hypotheses have received considerable empirical support in different places and times. Combining the different theoretical approaches outlined above, it is worth asking whether the incidence of taxes on financial decisions can be modelled by the level of protection enjoyed by shareholders. In other words, the question arises about the relationships between the information transmitted by financial decisions in situations of low legal protection and the effect of taxes on such decisions. All this highlights the convenience of jointly analysing the mechanisms of corporate governance and taxes when investigating financial policies. In parallel with these investigations, there is another line of research that has studied the interaction between the institutional environment and the financial structure of the company, showing how the quality of corporate governance practices influences the relationship between taxes and indebtedness decisions. According to this view, the possible transfers of resources between shareholders and creditors are translated into variations in the flows subject to tax. And, given that the institutional environment modifies the possibility of such transfers, a concatenation is established between the three elements (taxes, legal environment and financial policy) that advise their joint study. Starting from the theoretical foundations previously outlined, this doctoral thesis seeks to perform an analysis of the dividend policy and the capital structure of Brazilian companies. Somehow, paradoxical as it may seem, a doctoral thesis is the result of the doctoral student's individual work and the imprint that his directors, professors and colleagues leave on the Doctorate Program. Therefore, it is not surprising that this doctoral thesis is inscribed in a field of corporate finance broken by professors of the Interuniversity Doctorate Program in Research in Business Economics. When writing these pages, it is inevitable to evoke previous doctoral theses such as that of professors Valentín Azofra Palenzuela on the explanatory factors of the capital structure of Spanish companies, Alberto de Miguel Hidalgo on the interrelation of investment decisions, financing and dividends, Juan Antonio Rodríguez Sanz on the ownership structure or Chabela de la Torre and Ignacio Requejo on the influence of the ownership structure on the company's financial strategy. This means the choice of research topic, with which I have tried to benefit from the knowledge of those who preceded me and, at the same time, take a step forward in the path of knowledge. The choice of Brazil is not capricious but this country is a unique case for the joint study of the tax and institutional effects on corporate decisions since, despite offering relatively little legal protection to minority shareholders and suffering from certain shortcomings in terms of corporate governance, in recent years it has made a considerable effort to improve the quality of its institutional environment while at the same time implementing significant changes in its fiscal order. Both actions have mutual implications and constitute a unique opportunity to advance our knowledge on the subject. Thus, in order to compensate for the deficient protection of minority shareholders the Stock Exchange of the State of Sao Paulo (B3), which is the official Stock Exchange of Brazil, created in 2000 the so-called Novo Mercado (NM). Companies voluntarily joining it are obliged to adopt corporate governance practices that are stricter than those required by national legislation. This process is based on the idea of "functional convergence" proposed by Coffee (1999), according to which, in countries with institutional deficiencies, due to the difficulties of reforming national legislation, it must be the capital markets that take the initiative in adopting government improvement measures. Aiming at granting companies a certain margin of time to gradually improve their operation until they were able to meet the requirements of the NM, the B3 launched the Level 1 and Level 2, which are intermediary categories with stricter requirements of corporate governance than those required by Brazilian legislation and, at the same time, less demanding than those of the NM. In this way, the Brazilian setting constitutes a unique environment for studying the effects of corporate governance on the financial decisions of companies by bringing together companies that, despite being subject to the same institutional framework, are exposed to different requirements of corporate governance. Therefore, the present doctoral thesis prevents the results and conclusions from being biased by institutional and cultural differences between countries. Likewise, the Brazilian case allows us to assess the extent to which a market-level reform that did not have the support of national legislative changes, can replace or amend the institutional deficiencies of the country as a whole. Another institutional aspect in which we deepen in this doctoral thesis is related to the influence of the Brazilian tax legislation in the financial decisions of companies. Specifically, Brazil is the only emerging country that has implemented a system of Allowance for Corporate Equity (ACE), called "interest on equity (IOE)", whose purpose is to allow companies to deduct a notional interest rate for the use of own resources and not only for the use of the debt. A peculiar feature of the IOE is that companies can only enjoy tax deductions by its use when they distribute part of their equity to shareholders. Thus, the IOE is a clear alternative to payout and, in spite of presenting features and functions quite similar to dividends, such as its usefulness to reduce agency conflicts, to signal investment opportunities, to attract shareholders who value the feeling of security, and to provide shareholders liquidity, its tax treatment presents great differences, since, when considered a financial expense, it can be deducted in the balance of the company before the calculation of taxes, thus generating a tax deduction. On the other hand, in the case of dividends, the tax base is determined by the adjusted net profit, without the company being able to obtain tax deductions for the distribution of dividends. The tax treatment of personal income is also different for dividends and for IOE. While shareholders are tax exempt when they receive dividends, they taxed on incomes from IOE and this tax varies according to the type of beneficiary shareholder. Therefore, the tax advantages derived from the use of IOE depend not only on the capital structure of the company but also on its ownership structure. This feature opens the door to consider whether the importance of fiscal considerations in the payout policy may be conditioned by the identity of the company's shareholders. In the same way, the existence of the IOE allows companies to have an alternative non-debt tax shield, with lower bankruptcy costs and that also retains the non-fiscal characteristics of the debt, such as, its signalling effect or its capacity to mitigate agency conflicts. Based on the framework described above, the main objective of this doctoral thesis is to analyse, using the idiosyncrasies of the Brazilian institutional framework, the influence of corporate governance, taxes and the ownership structure on dividends and capital structure decisions of companies. This general objective is specified in two more specific objectives: 1- To analyze if and how the adoption of the NM affects the dividend policy and the capital structure of Brazilian companies. 2- Based on the relevance of taxes in payout decisions and the capital structure of companies, to analyze the moderating role of the ownership structure in said relationship. This sequence of objectives structures this doctoral thesis. Thus, after this introduction, in Chapter 2 we consider the effect of the incorporation into the NM on financing and dividend decisions. This chapter describes the characteristics of the Brazilian institutional environment and the reform undertaken by B3 to improve the protection of investors through the creation of different market levels. Then, we verify if and how the incorporation to the NM and the intermediate levels affects the decisions of dividends and corporate financing, both as mechanisms used by companies to mitigate their agency conflicts. Next, we incorporate the differences in taxation between dividends and IOE to verify the moderating effect of firms' ownership structure. This analysis is carried out in Chapter 3, in which we detail the tax consequences of the use of dividends and IOE for companies and shareholders and, subsequently, we verify whether and how the identity of the dominant shareholders affects the relationship between taxes and payout decisions. A similar study is undertaken in Chapter 4, in which the effect of the IOE on the capital structure is extended. In this chapter, we expose the similarities between leverage and the IOE and also the differences in their tax treatment, which depend on the ownership structure of firms. Subsequently, in this chapter we analyze the effect of taxes on financing decisions, incorporating the moderating role of the identity of the shareholders in this relationship. This doctoral thesis is closed with a chapter that contains the main conclusions, the results are discussed from a critical perspective and future lines of research are suggested. To facilitate the overview of our research, in Figure 1 we propose a simplified scheme. By way of advancement of our results, we find that Brazilian companies voluntarily incorporated into the NM distribute less dividends and are less leveraged than their counterparts operating in the other segments of B3. This suggests that the NM plays an important role and can be an element that replaces other mechanisms aimed at improving trust between companies and shareholders, namely, dividends and debt. The results also indicate that the incidence of taxes on payout and capital structure decisions depends on the ownership structure of the companies. We have detected that in companies with a predominant presence of individual (or family) shareholders or with pyramidal structures in their chain of owners, taxes seem to be a determining factor in financing or payout decisions. Contrariwise, in companies owned by institutional shareholders, fiscal considerations appear to be irrelevant in the formulation of financial policy. Given the above, this doctoral thesis posits that reforms undertaken in the capital markets stand as an alternative mechanism to overcome the legal deficiencies that prevent countries from improving the quality of the corporate governance. We also conclude that the importance of taxes in corporate decisions is affected by the ownership structure. This indicates that the effectiveness of the efforts undertaken to reduce the debt tax bias is conditioned by the corporate shareholding structure.