The M. H. Ross Papers contain information pertaining to labor, politics, social issues of the twentieth century, coal mining and its resulting lifestyle, as well as photographs and audio materials. The collection is made up of five different accessions; L2001-05, which is contained in boxes one through 104, L2002-09 in boxes 106 through 120, L2006-16 in boxes 105 and 120, L2001-01 in boxes 120-121, and L2012-20 in boxes 122-125. The campaign materials consist of items from the 1940 and 1948 political campaigns in which Ross participated. These items include campaign cards, posters, speech transcripts, news clippings, rally materials, letters to voters, and fliers. Organizing and arbitration materials covers labor organizing events from "Operation Dixie" in Georgia, the furniture workers in North Carolina, and the Mine-Mill workers in the Western United States. Organizing materials include fliers, correspondence, news articles, radio transcripts, and some related photos. Arbitration files consist of agreements, decisions, and agreement booklets. The social and political research files cover a wide time period (1930's to the late 1970's/early 1980's). The topics include mainly the Ku Klux Klan, racism, Communism, Red Scare, red baiting, United States history, and literature. These files consist mostly of news and journal articles. Ross interacted with coal miners while doing work for the United Mine Workers Association (UMWA) and while working at the Fairmont Clinic in West Virginia. Included in these related files are books, news articles, journals, UMWA reports, and coal miner oral histories conducted by Ross. Tying in to all of the activities Ross participated in during his life were his research and manuscript files. He wrote numerous newspaper and journal articles on history and labor. Later, as he worked for the UMWA and at the Fairmont Clinic, he wrote more in-depth articles about coal miners, their lifestyle, and medical problems they faced (while the Southern Labor Archives has many of Ross's coal mining and lifestyle articles, it does not have any of his medical articles). Along with these articles are the research files Ross collected to write them, which consist of notes, books, and newspaper and journal articles. In additional to his professional career, Ross was adamant about documenting his and his wife's family history in the oral history format. Of particular interest are the recordings of his interviews with his wife's family - they were workers, musicians, and singers of labor and folk songs. Finally, in this collection are a number of photographs and slides, which include images of organizing, coal mining (from the late 19th through 20th centuries), and Appalachia. Of note is a small photo album from the 1930s which contains images from the Summer School for Workers, and more labor organizing. A few audio items are available as well, such as Ross political speeches and an oral history in which Ross was interviewed by his daughter, Jane Ross Davis in 1986. All photographic and audio-visual materials are at the end of their respective series. ; Myron Howard "Mike" Ross was born November 9, 1919 in New York City. He dropped out of school when he was seventeen and moved to Texas, where he worked on a farm. From 1936 until 1939, Ross worked in a bakery in North Carolina. In the summer of 1938, he attended the Southern School for Workers in Asheville, North Carolina. During the fall of 1938, Ross would attend the first Southern Conference on Human Welfare in Birmingham, Alabama. He would attend this conference again in 1940 in Chattanooga, Tennessee. From 1939 to 1940, Ross worked for the United Mine Workers Non-Partisan League in North Carolina, working under John L. Lewis. He was hired as a union organizer by the United Mine Workers of America, and sent to Saltville, Virginia and Rockwood, Tennessee. In 1940, Ross ran for a seat on city council on the People's Platform in Charlotte, North Carolina. During this time, he also married Anne "Buddie" West of Kennesaw, Georgia. From 1941 until 1945, Ross served as an infantryman for the United States Army. He sustained injuries near the Battle of the Bulge in the winter of 1944. From 1945 until 1949, Ross worked for the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers, then part of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), as a union organizer. He was sent to Macon, Georgia, Savannah, Georgia and to Winston-Salem, North Carolina, where he worked with the United Furniture Workers Union. He began handling arbitration for the unions. In 1948, Ross ran for United States Congress on the Progressive Party ticket in North Carolina. He also served as the secretary for the North Carolina Progressive Party. Ross attended the University of North Carolina law school from 1949 to 1952. He graduated with honors but was denied the bar on the grounds of "character." From 1952 until 1955, he worked for the Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers as a union organizer, first in New Mexico (potash mines) and then in Arizona (copper mines). From 1955 to 1957, Ross attended the Columbia University School of Public Health. He worked for the United Mine Workers of America Welfare and Retirement Fund from 1957 to 1958, where he represented the union in expenditure of health care for mining workers. By 1958, Ross began plans for what would become the Fairmont Clinic, a prepaid group practice in Fairmont, West Virginia, which had the mission of providing high quality medical care for miners and their families. From 1958 until 1978, Ross served as administrator of the Fairmont Clinic. As a result of this work, Ross began researching coal mining, especially coal mining lifestyle, heritage and history of coal mining and disasters. He would interview over one hundred miners (coal miners). Eventually, Ross began writing a manuscript about the history of coal mining. Working for the Rural Practice Program of the University of North Carolina from 1980 until 1987, Ross taught in the medical school. M. H. Ross died on January 31, 1987 in Chapel Hill, North Carolina. ; This folder contains material from the James Perrin Quarles Jr. Memorial Collection, Southern Historical Collection, Louis Round Wilson Special Collections Library, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. ; Digitization of the M. H. Ross Papers was funded by the National Historical Publications and Records Commission.
The M. H. Ross Papers contain information pertaining to labor, politics, social issues of the twentieth century, coal mining and its resulting lifestyle, as well as photographs and audio materials. The collection is made up of five different accessions; L2001-05, which is contained in boxes one through 104, L2002-09 in boxes 106 through 120, L2006-16 in boxes 105 and 120, L2001-01 in boxes 120-121, and L2012-20 in boxes 122-125. The campaign materials consist of items from the 1940 and 1948 political campaigns in which Ross participated. These items include campaign cards, posters, speech transcripts, news clippings, rally materials, letters to voters, and fliers. Organizing and arbitration materials covers labor organizing events from "Operation Dixie" in Georgia, the furniture workers in North Carolina, and the Mine-Mill workers in the Western United States. Organizing materials include fliers, correspondence, news articles, radio transcripts, and some related photos. Arbitration files consist of agreements, decisions, and agreement booklets. The social and political research files cover a wide time period (1930's to the late 1970's/early 1980's). The topics include mainly the Ku Klux Klan, racism, Communism, Red Scare, red baiting, United States history, and literature. These files consist mostly of news and journal articles. Ross interacted with coal miners while doing work for the United Mine Workers Association (UMWA) and while working at the Fairmont Clinic in West Virginia. Included in these related files are books, news articles, journals, UMWA reports, and coal miner oral histories conducted by Ross. Tying in to all of the activities Ross participated in during his life were his research and manuscript files. He wrote numerous newspaper and journal articles on history and labor. Later, as he worked for the UMWA and at the Fairmont Clinic, he wrote more in-depth articles about coal miners, their lifestyle, and medical problems they faced (while the Southern Labor Archives has many of Ross's coal mining and lifestyle articles, it does not have any of his medical articles). Along with these articles are the research files Ross collected to write them, which consist of notes, books, and newspaper and journal articles. In additional to his professional career, Ross was adamant about documenting his and his wife's family history in the oral history format. Of particular interest are the recordings of his interviews with his wife's family - they were workers, musicians, and singers of labor and folk songs. Finally, in this collection are a number of photographs and slides, which include images of organizing, coal mining (from the late 19th through 20th centuries), and Appalachia. Of note is a small photo album from the 1930s which contains images from the Summer School for Workers, and more labor organizing. A few audio items are available as well, such as Ross political speeches and an oral history in which Ross was interviewed by his daughter, Jane Ross Davis in 1986. All photographic and audio-visual materials are at the end of their respective series. ; Myron Howard "Mike" Ross was born November 9, 1919 in New York City. He dropped out of school when he was seventeen and moved to Texas, where he worked on a farm. From 1936 until 1939, Ross worked in a bakery in North Carolina. In the summer of 1938, he attended the Southern School for Workers in Asheville, North Carolina. During the fall of 1938, Ross would attend the first Southern Conference on Human Welfare in Birmingham, Alabama. He would attend this conference again in 1940 in Chattanooga, Tennessee. From 1939 to 1940, Ross worked for the United Mine Workers Non-Partisan League in North Carolina, working under John L. Lewis. He was hired as a union organizer by the United Mine Workers of America, and sent to Saltville, Virginia and Rockwood, Tennessee. In 1940, Ross ran for a seat on city council on the People's Platform in Charlotte, North Carolina. During this time, he also married Anne "Buddie" West of Kennesaw, Georgia. From 1941 until 1945, Ross served as an infantryman for the United States Army. He sustained injuries near the Battle of the Bulge in the winter of 1944. From 1945 until 1949, Ross worked for the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers, then part of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), as a union organizer. He was sent to Macon, Georgia, Savannah, Georgia and to Winston-Salem, North Carolina, where he worked with the United Furniture Workers Union. He began handling arbitration for the unions. In 1948, Ross ran for United States Congress on the Progressive Party ticket in North Carolina. He also served as the secretary for the North Carolina Progressive Party. Ross attended the University of North Carolina law school from 1949 to 1952. He graduated with honors but was denied the bar on the grounds of "character." From 1952 until 1955, he worked for the Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers as a union organizer, first in New Mexico (potash mines) and then in Arizona (copper mines). From 1955 to 1957, Ross attended the Columbia University School of Public Health. He worked for the United Mine Workers of America Welfare and Retirement Fund from 1957 to 1958, where he represented the union in expenditure of health care for mining workers. By 1958, Ross began plans for what would become the Fairmont Clinic, a prepaid group practice in Fairmont, West Virginia, which had the mission of providing high quality medical care for miners and their families. From 1958 until 1978, Ross served as administrator of the Fairmont Clinic. As a result of this work, Ross began researching coal mining, especially coal mining lifestyle, heritage and history of coal mining and disasters. He would interview over one hundred miners (coal miners). Eventually, Ross began writing a manuscript about the history of coal mining. Working for the Rural Practice Program of the University of North Carolina from 1980 until 1987, Ross taught in the medical school. M. H. Ross died on January 31, 1987 in Chapel Hill, North Carolina. ; This folder contains material from the William Nelson Page Papers, Southern Historical Collection, Louis Round Wilson Special Collections Library, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. ; Digitization of the M. H. Ross Papers was funded by the National Historical Publications and Records Commission.
The M. H. Ross Papers contain information pertaining to labor, politics, social issues of the twentieth century, coal mining and its resulting lifestyle, as well as photographs and audio materials. The collection is made up of five different accessions; L2001-05, which is contained in boxes one through 104, L2002-09 in boxes 106 through 120, L2006-16 in boxes 105 and 120, L2001-01 in boxes 120-121, and L2012-20 in boxes 122-125. The campaign materials consist of items from the 1940 and 1948 political campaigns in which Ross participated. These items include campaign cards, posters, speech transcripts, news clippings, rally materials, letters to voters, and fliers. Organizing and arbitration materials covers labor organizing events from "Operation Dixie" in Georgia, the furniture workers in North Carolina, and the Mine-Mill workers in the Western United States. Organizing materials include fliers, correspondence, news articles, radio transcripts, and some related photos. Arbitration files consist of agreements, decisions, and agreement booklets. The social and political research files cover a wide time period (1930's to the late 1970's/early 1980's). The topics include mainly the Ku Klux Klan, racism, Communism, Red Scare, red baiting, United States history, and literature. These files consist mostly of news and journal articles. Ross interacted with coal miners while doing work for the United Mine Workers Association (UMWA) and while working at the Fairmont Clinic in West Virginia. Included in these related files are books, news articles, journals, UMWA reports, and coal miner oral histories conducted by Ross. Tying in to all of the activities Ross participated in during his life were his research and manuscript files. He wrote numerous newspaper and journal articles on history and labor. Later, as he worked for the UMWA and at the Fairmont Clinic, he wrote more in-depth articles about coal miners, their lifestyle, and medical problems they faced (while the Southern Labor Archives has many of Ross's coal mining and lifestyle articles, it does not have any of his medical articles). Along with these articles are the research files Ross collected to write them, which consist of notes, books, and newspaper and journal articles. In additional to his professional career, Ross was adamant about documenting his and his wife's family history in the oral history format. Of particular interest are the recordings of his interviews with his wife's family - they were workers, musicians, and singers of labor and folk songs. Finally, in this collection are a number of photographs and slides, which include images of organizing, coal mining (from the late 19th through 20th centuries), and Appalachia. Of note is a small photo album from the 1930s which contains images from the Summer School for Workers, and more labor organizing. A few audio items are available as well, such as Ross political speeches and an oral history in which Ross was interviewed by his daughter, Jane Ross Davis in 1986. All photographic and audio-visual materials are at the end of their respective series. ; Myron Howard "Mike" Ross was born November 9, 1919 in New York City. He dropped out of school when he was seventeen and moved to Texas, where he worked on a farm. From 1936 until 1939, Ross worked in a bakery in North Carolina. In the summer of 1938, he attended the Southern School for Workers in Asheville, North Carolina. During the fall of 1938, Ross would attend the first Southern Conference on Human Welfare in Birmingham, Alabama. He would attend this conference again in 1940 in Chattanooga, Tennessee. From 1939 to 1940, Ross worked for the United Mine Workers Non-Partisan League in North Carolina, working under John L. Lewis. He was hired as a union organizer by the United Mine Workers of America, and sent to Saltville, Virginia and Rockwood, Tennessee. In 1940, Ross ran for a seat on city council on the People's Platform in Charlotte, North Carolina. During this time, he also married Anne "Buddie" West of Kennesaw, Georgia. From 1941 until 1945, Ross served as an infantryman for the United States Army. He sustained injuries near the Battle of the Bulge in the winter of 1944. From 1945 until 1949, Ross worked for the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers, then part of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), as a union organizer. He was sent to Macon, Georgia, Savannah, Georgia and to Winston-Salem, North Carolina, where he worked with the United Furniture Workers Union. He began handling arbitration for the unions. In 1948, Ross ran for United States Congress on the Progressive Party ticket in North Carolina. He also served as the secretary for the North Carolina Progressive Party. Ross attended the University of North Carolina law school from 1949 to 1952. He graduated with honors but was denied the bar on the grounds of "character." From 1952 until 1955, he worked for the Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers as a union organizer, first in New Mexico (potash mines) and then in Arizona (copper mines). From 1955 to 1957, Ross attended the Columbia University School of Public Health. He worked for the United Mine Workers of America Welfare and Retirement Fund from 1957 to 1958, where he represented the union in expenditure of health care for mining workers. By 1958, Ross began plans for what would become the Fairmont Clinic, a prepaid group practice in Fairmont, West Virginia, which had the mission of providing high quality medical care for miners and their families. From 1958 until 1978, Ross served as administrator of the Fairmont Clinic. As a result of this work, Ross began researching coal mining, especially coal mining lifestyle, heritage and history of coal mining and disasters. He would interview over one hundred miners (coal miners). Eventually, Ross began writing a manuscript about the history of coal mining. Working for the Rural Practice Program of the University of North Carolina from 1980 until 1987, Ross taught in the medical school. M. H. Ross died on January 31, 1987 in Chapel Hill, North Carolina. ; This folder contains material from the C. B. Mallett Papers, Southern Historical Collection, Louis Round Wilson Special Collections Library, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. ; Digitization of the M. H. Ross Papers was funded by the National Historical Publications and Records Commission.
The M. H. Ross Papers contain information pertaining to labor, politics, social issues of the twentieth century, coal mining and its resulting lifestyle, as well as photographs and audio materials. The collection is made up of five different accessions; L2001-05, which is contained in boxes one through 104, L2002-09 in boxes 106 through 120, L2006-16 in boxes 105 and 120, L2001-01 in boxes 120-121, and L2012-20 in boxes 122-125. The campaign materials consist of items from the 1940 and 1948 political campaigns in which Ross participated. These items include campaign cards, posters, speech transcripts, news clippings, rally materials, letters to voters, and fliers. Organizing and arbitration materials covers labor organizing events from "Operation Dixie" in Georgia, the furniture workers in North Carolina, and the Mine-Mill workers in the Western United States. Organizing materials include fliers, correspondence, news articles, radio transcripts, and some related photos. Arbitration files consist of agreements, decisions, and agreement booklets. The social and political research files cover a wide time period (1930's to the late 1970's/early 1980's). The topics include mainly the Ku Klux Klan, racism, Communism, Red Scare, red baiting, United States history, and literature. These files consist mostly of news and journal articles. Ross interacted with coal miners while doing work for the United Mine Workers Association (UMWA) and while working at the Fairmont Clinic in West Virginia. Included in these related files are books, news articles, journals, UMWA reports, and coal miner oral histories conducted by Ross. Tying in to all of the activities Ross participated in during his life were his research and manuscript files. He wrote numerous newspaper and journal articles on history and labor. Later, as he worked for the UMWA and at the Fairmont Clinic, he wrote more in-depth articles about coal miners, their lifestyle, and medical problems they faced (while the Southern Labor Archives has many of Ross's coal mining and lifestyle articles, it does not have any of his medical articles). Along with these articles are the research files Ross collected to write them, which consist of notes, books, and newspaper and journal articles. In additional to his professional career, Ross was adamant about documenting his and his wife's family history in the oral history format. Of particular interest are the recordings of his interviews with his wife's family - they were workers, musicians, and singers of labor and folk songs. Finally, in this collection are a number of photographs and slides, which include images of organizing, coal mining (from the late 19th through 20th centuries), and Appalachia. Of note is a small photo album from the 1930s which contains images from the Summer School for Workers, and more labor organizing. A few audio items are available as well, such as Ross political speeches and an oral history in which Ross was interviewed by his daughter, Jane Ross Davis in 1986. All photographic and audio-visual materials are at the end of their respective series. ; Myron Howard "Mike" Ross was born November 9, 1919 in New York City. He dropped out of school when he was seventeen and moved to Texas, where he worked on a farm. From 1936 until 1939, Ross worked in a bakery in North Carolina. In the summer of 1938, he attended the Southern School for Workers in Asheville, North Carolina. During the fall of 1938, Ross would attend the first Southern Conference on Human Welfare in Birmingham, Alabama. He would attend this conference again in 1940 in Chattanooga, Tennessee. From 1939 to 1940, Ross worked for the United Mine Workers Non-Partisan League in North Carolina, working under John L. Lewis. He was hired as a union organizer by the United Mine Workers of America, and sent to Saltville, Virginia and Rockwood, Tennessee. In 1940, Ross ran for a seat on city council on the People's Platform in Charlotte, North Carolina. During this time, he also married Anne "Buddie" West of Kennesaw, Georgia. From 1941 until 1945, Ross served as an infantryman for the United States Army. He sustained injuries near the Battle of the Bulge in the winter of 1944. From 1945 until 1949, Ross worked for the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers, then part of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), as a union organizer. He was sent to Macon, Georgia, Savannah, Georgia and to Winston-Salem, North Carolina, where he worked with the United Furniture Workers Union. He began handling arbitration for the unions. In 1948, Ross ran for United States Congress on the Progressive Party ticket in North Carolina. He also served as the secretary for the North Carolina Progressive Party. Ross attended the University of North Carolina law school from 1949 to 1952. He graduated with honors but was denied the bar on the grounds of "character." From 1952 until 1955, he worked for the Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers as a union organizer, first in New Mexico (potash mines) and then in Arizona (copper mines). From 1955 to 1957, Ross attended the Columbia University School of Public Health. He worked for the United Mine Workers of America Welfare and Retirement Fund from 1957 to 1958, where he represented the union in expenditure of health care for mining workers. By 1958, Ross began plans for what would become the Fairmont Clinic, a prepaid group practice in Fairmont, West Virginia, which had the mission of providing high quality medical care for miners and their families. From 1958 until 1978, Ross served as administrator of the Fairmont Clinic. As a result of this work, Ross began researching coal mining, especially coal mining lifestyle, heritage and history of coal mining and disasters. He would interview over one hundred miners (coal miners). Eventually, Ross began writing a manuscript about the history of coal mining. Working for the Rural Practice Program of the University of North Carolina from 1980 until 1987, Ross taught in the medical school. M. H. Ross died on January 31, 1987 in Chapel Hill, North Carolina. ; This folder contains material from the John Gluyas Papers, Southern Historical Collection, Louis Round Wilson Special Collections Library, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. ; Digitization of the M. H. Ross Papers was funded by the National Historical Publications and Records Commission.
Under a Creative Commons license.-- Review.-- et al. ; Targeted therapies and the consequent adoption of >personalized> oncology have achieved notablesuccesses in some cancers; however, significant problems remain with this approach. Many targetedtherapies are highly toxic, costs are extremely high, and most patients experience relapse after a fewdisease-free months. Relapses arise from genetic heterogeneity in tumors, which harbor therapy-resistantimmortalized cells that have adopted alternate and compensatory pathways (i.e., pathways that are notreliant upon the same mechanisms as those which have been targeted). To address these limitations, aninternational task force of 180 scientists was assembled to explore the concept of a low-toxicity >broad-spectrum> therapeutic approach that could simultaneously target many key pathways and mechanisms. Using cancer hallmark phenotypes and the tumor microenvironment to account for the various aspectsof relevant cancer biology, interdisciplinary teams reviewed each hallmark area and nominated a widerange of high-priority targets (74 in total) that could be modified to improve patient outcomes. For thesetargets, corresponding low-toxicity therapeutic approaches were then suggested, many of which werephytochemicals. Proposed actions on each target and all of the approaches were further reviewed forknown effects on other hallmark areas and the tumor microenvironment. Potential contrary or procar-cinogenic effects were found for 3.9% of the relationships between targets and hallmarks, and mixedevidence of complementary and contrary relationships was found for 7.1%. Approximately 67% of therelationships revealed potentially complementary effects, and the remainder had no known relationship. Among the approaches, 1.1% had contrary, 2.8% had mixed and 62.1% had complementary relationships. These results suggest that a broad-spectrum approach should be feasible from a safety standpoint. Thisnovel approach has potential to be relatively inexpensive, it should help us address stages and types ofcancer that lack conventional treatment, and it may reduce relapse risks. A proposed agenda for futureresearch is offered. ; Amr Amin was funded by Terry Fox Foundation Grant # TF-13-20 and UAEU Program for Advanced Research (UPAR) #31S118; Jack Arbiser was funded by NIHAR47901; Alexandra Arreola was funded by NIH NRSA Grant F31CA154080; Alla Arzumanyan was funded by NIH (NIAID) R01: Combination therapies for chronic HBV, liver disease, and cancer (AI076535); Work in the lab of Asfar S. Azmi is supported by NIH R21CA188818 as well as from Sky Foundation Inc. Michigan; Fabian Benencia was supported by NIH Grant R15 CA137499-01; Alan Bilsland was supported by the University of Glasgow, Beatson Oncology Centre Fund, CRUK (www.cancerresearchuk.org) Grant C301/A14762; Amancio Carnero was supported by grants from the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitivity, ISCIII (Fis: PI12/00137, RTICC: RD12/0036/0028) co-funded by FEDER from Regional Development European Funds (European Union), Consejeria de Ciencia e Innovacion (CTS-6844 and CTS-1848) and Consejeria de Salud of the Junta de Andalucia (PI-0135-2010 and PI-0306-2012). His work on this project has also been made possible thanks to the Grant PIE13/0004 co-funded by the ISCIII and FEDER funds; Stephanie C. Casey was supported by NIH Grant F32CA177139; Mrinmay Chakrabarti was supported by the United Soybean Board; Rupesh Chaturvedi was supported by an NIH NCCAM Grant (K01AT007324); Georgia Zhuo Chen was supported by an NIH NCI Grant (R33 CA161873-02); Helen Chen acknowledges financial support from the Michael Cuccione Childhood Cancer Foundation Graduate Studentship; Sophie Chen acknowledges financial support from the Ovarian and Prostate Cancer Research Trust, UK; Yi Charlie Chen acknowledges financial support from the West Virginia Higher Education Policy Commission/Division of Science Research, his research was also supported by NIH grants (P20RR016477 and P20GM103434) from the National Institutes of Health awarded to the West Virginia IDeA Network of Biomedical Research Excellence; Maria Rosa Ciriolo was partially supported by the Italian Association for Cancer Research (AIRC) Grants #IG10636 and #15403; Helen M. Coley acknowledges financial support from the GRACE Charity, UK and the Breast Cancer Campaign, UK; Marisa Connell was supported by a Michael Cuccione Childhood Cancer Foundation Postdoctoral Fellowship; Sarah Crawford was supported by a research grant from Connecticut State University; Charlotta Dabrosin acknowledges financial support from the Swedish Research Council and the Swedish Research Society; Giovanna Damia gratefully acknowledges the generous contributions of The Italian Association for Cancer Research (IG14536 to G.D.); ; Santanu Dasgupta gratefully acknowledges the support of the University of Texas Health Science Centre at Tyler, Elsa U. Pardee Foundation; William K. Decker was supported in part by CPRIT, the Cancer Prevention and Research Institute of Texas; Anna Mae E. Diehl was supported by NIH National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Diseases (NIDDK), the NIH National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism (NIAAA), Gilead and Shire Pharmaceuticals; Q. Ping Dou was partially supported by NIH/NCI (1R01CA20009, 5R01CA127258-05 and R21CA184788), and NIH P30 CA22453 (to Karmanos Cancer Institute); Janice E. Drew was supported by the Scottish Government's Rural and Environment Science and Analytical Services Division; Eyad Elkord thanks the National Research Foundation, United Arab Emirates University and the Terry Fox Foundation for supporting research projects in his lab; Bassel El-Rayes was supported by Novartis Pharmaceutical, Aveo Pharmaceutical, Roche, Bristol Myers Squibb, Bayer Pharmaceutical, Pfizer, and Kyowa Kirin; Mark A. Feitelson was supported by NIH/NIAID Grant AI076535; ; Dean W. Felsher was supported by NIH grants (R01CA170378, U54CA149145, and U54CA143907); Lynnette R Ferguson was financially supported by the Auckland Cancer Society and the Cancer Society of New Zealand; Gary L. Firestone was supported by NIH Public Service Grant CA164095 awarded from the National Cancer Institute; Christian Frezza "would like to acknowledge funding from a Medical Research Council CCU-Program Grant on cancer metabolism, and a unique applicant AICR project grant"; Mark M. Fuster was supported by NIH Grant R01-HL107652; Alexandros G. Georgakilas was supported by an EU Marie Curie Reintegration Grant MC-CIG-303514, Greek National funds through the Operational Program 'Educational and Lifelong Learning of the National Strategic Reference Framework (NSRF)-Research Funding Program THALES (Grant number MIS 379346) and COST Action CM1201 'Biomimetic Radical Chemistry'; Michelle F. Green was supported by a Duke University Molecular Cancer Biology T32 Training Grant; Brendan Grue was supported by a National Sciences Engineering and Research Council Undergraduate Student Research Award in Canada; Dorota Halicka was supported by by NIH NCI grant NCI RO1 28704; Petr Heneberg was supported by the Charles University in Prague projects UNCE 204015 and PRVOUK P31/2012, by the Czech Science Foundation projects 15-03834Y and P301/12/1686, by the Czech Health Research Council AZV project 15-32432A, and by the Internal Grant Agency of the Ministry of Health of the Czech Republic project NT13663-3/2012; Matthew D. Hirschey wishes to acknowledge Duke University Institutional Support, the Duke Pepper Older Americans Independence Center (OAIC) Program in Aging Research supported by the National Institute of Aging (P30AG028716-01) and NIH/NCI training grants to Duke University (T32-CA059365-19 and 5T32-CA059365); ; Lorne J. Hofseth was supported by NIH grants (1R01CA151304, 1R03CA1711326, and 1P01AT003961); Kanya Honoki was supported in part by the grant from the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, Japan (No. 24590493); Hsue-Yin Hsu was supported in part by grants from the Ministry of Health and Welfare (CCMP101-RD-031 and CCMP102-RD-112) and Tzu-Chi University (61040055-10) of Taiwan; Lasse D. Jensen was supported by Svenska Sallskapet for Medicinsk Forskning, Gosta Fraenkels Stiftelse, Ak.e Wibergs Stiftelse, Ollie och Elof Ericssons Stiftelse, Linkopings Universitet and the Karolinska Institute, Sweden; Wen G. Jiang wishes to acknowledge the support by Cancer Research Wales, the Albert Hung Foundation, the Fong Family Foundation, and Welsh Government A4B scheme; Lee W. Jones was supported in part by grants from the NIH NCI; W Nicol Keith was supported by the University of Glasgow, Beatson Oncology Centre Fund, CRUK (www.cancerresearchuk.org) Grant C301/A14762; Sid P. Kerkar was supported by the NIH Intramural Research Program; Rob J. Kulathinal was supported by the National Science Foundation, and the American Cancer Society; Byoung S. Kwon was supported in part by National Cancer Center (NCC-1310430-2) and National Research Foundation (NRF-2005-0093837); Anne Le was supported by Sol Goldman Pancreatic Cancer Research Fund Grant 80028595, a Lustgarten Fund Grant 90049125 and Grant NIHR21CA169757 (to Anne Le); Michael A. Lea was funded by the The Alma Toorock Memorial for Cancer Research; Ho-Young Lee. ; This work was supported by grants from the National Research Foundation of Korea (NRF), the Ministry of Science, ICT & Future Planning (MSIP), Republic of Korea (Nos. 2011-0017639 and 2011-0030001) and by a NIH Grant R01 CA100816; Liang-Tzung Lin was supported in part by a grant from the Ministry of Education of Taiwan (TMUTOP103005-4); Jason W. Locasale acknowledges support from NIH awards (CA168997 and AI110613) and the International Life Sciences Institute; Bal L. Lokeshwar was supported in part by United States' Public Health Services Grants: NIH R01CA156776 and VA-BLR&D Merit Review Grant No. 5I01-BX001517-02; Valter D. Longo acknowledges support from NIH awards (P01AG034906 and R01AG020642) and from the V Foundation; Costas A. Lyssiotis was funded in part by the Pancreatic Cancer Action Network as a Pathway to Leadership Fellow and through a Dale F. Frey Breakthrough award from the Damon Runyon Cancer Research Foundation; Karen L. MacKenzie wishes to acknowledge the support from the Children's Cancer Institute Australia (affiliated with the University of New South Wales, Australia and the Sydney Children's Hospital Network); Maria Marino was supported by grant from University Roma Tre to M.M. (CLA 2013) and by the Italian Association for Cancer Research (AIRC-Grant #IG15221); ; Ander Matheu is funded by Carlos III Health Institute (AM: CP10/00539), Basque Foundation for Science (IKERBASQUE) and Marie Curie CIG Grant (AM: 2012/712404); Christopher Maxwell was supported by funding from the Canadian Institutes of Health Research, in partnership with the Avon Foundation for Women (OBC-134038) and the Canadian Institutes of Health Research New Investigator Salary Award (MSH-136647); Eoin McDonnell received Duke University Institutional Support; Kapil Mehta was supported by Bayer Healthcare System G4T (Grants4Targets); Gregory A. Michelotti received support from NIH NIDDK, NIH NIAAA, and Shire Pharmaceuticals; Vinayak Muralidhar was supported by the Harvard-MIT Health Sciences and Technology Research Assistantship Award; Elena Niccolai was supported by the Italian Ministry of University and the University of Italy; Virginia R. Parslow gratefully acknowledges the financial support of the Auckland Cancer Society Research Centre (ACSRC); Graham Pawelec was supported by the German Federal Ministry of Education and Research (Bundesministerium für Bildung und Forschung, BMBF) Grant number 16SV5536K, and by the European Commission (FP7 259679 "IDEAL"); Peter L. Pedersen was supported by NIH Grant CA-10951; Brad Poore was supported by Sol Goldman Pancreatic Cancer Research Fund Grant 80028595, the Lustgarten Fund Grant 90049125, and Grant NIHR21CA169757 (to Anne Le); Satya Prakash was supported by a Canadian Institutes of Health Research Grant (MOP 64308); Lizzia Raffaghello was supported by an NIH Grant (P01AG034906-01A1) and Cinque per Mille dell'IRPEF–Finanziamento della Ricerca Sanitaria; Jeffrey C. Rathmell was supported by an NIH Grant (R01HL108006); Swapan K. Ray was supported by the United Soybean Board; Domenico Ribatti received funding from the European Union Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007–2013) under Grant agreement n°278570; Luigi Ricciardiello was supported by the AIRC Investigator Grants 10216 and 13837, and the European Community's Seventh Framework Program FP7/2007–2013 under Grant agreement 311876; Francis Rodier acknowledges the support of the Canadian Institute for Health Research (FR: MOP114962, MOP125857), Fonds de Recherche Québec Santé (FR: 22624), and the Terry Fox Research Institute (FR: 1030); ; Gian Luigi Russo contributed to this effort while participating in the Fulbright Research Scholar Program 2013–14; Isidro Sanchez-Garcia is partially supported by FEDER and by MICINN (SAF2012-32810), by NIH Grant (R01 CA109335-04A1), by Junta de Castilla y León (BIO/SA06/13) and by the ARIMMORA project (FP7-ENV-2011, European Union Seventh Framework Program). Isidro Sanchez-Garcia's lab is also a member of the EuroSyStem and the DECIDE Network funded by the European Union under the FP7 program; Andrew J. Sanders wishes to acknowledge the support by Cancer Research Wales, the Albert Hung Foundation, the Fong Family Foundation, and Welsh Government A4B scheme; Neeraj K. Saxena was supported by grant funding from NIH NIDDK (K01DK077137, R03DK089130); Dipali Sharma was partially funded by NIH NCI grants (R01CA131294, R21 CA155686), the Avon Foundation and a Breast Cancer Research Foundation Grant (90047965); Markus David Siegelin received funding from National Institute of Health, NINDS Grant K08NS083732, and the 2013 AACR-National Brain Tumor Society Career Development Award for Translational Brain Tumor Research, Grant Number 13-20-23-SIEG; Neetu Singh was supported by funds from the Department of Science and Technology (SR/FT/LS-063/2008), New Delhi, India; Carl Smythe was supported by Yorkshire Cancer Research and The Wellcome Trust, UK; Carmela Spagnuolo was supported by funding from Project C.I.S.I.A., act n. 191/2009 from the Italian Ministry of Economy and Finance Project CAMPUS-QUARC, within program FESR Campania Region 2007/2013, objectives 2.1, 2.2; Diana M. Stafforini was supported by grants from the National Cancer Institute (5P01CA073992), IDEA Award W81XWH-12-1-0515 from the Department of Defense, and by the Huntsman Cancer Foundation; John Stagg was supported by the Canadian Institutes of Health Research; Pochi R. Subbarayan was supported by the University of Miami Clinical and Translational Science Institute (CTSI) Pilot Research Grant (CTSI-2013-P03) and SEEDS You Choose Awards; Phuoc T. Tran was funded by the DoD (W81XWH-11-1-0272 and W81XWH-13-1-0182), a Kimmel Translational Science Award (SKF-13-021), an ACS Scholar award (122688-RSG-12-196-01-TBG) and the NIH (R01CA166348); Kathryn E. Wellen receives funding from the National Cancer Institute, Pancreatic Cancer Action Network, Pew Charitable Trusts, American Diabetes Association, and Elsa U. Pardee Foundation; Huanjie Yang was partially supported by the Scientific Research Foundation for the Returned Oversea Scholars, State Education Ministry and Scientific and Technological Innovation Project, Harbin (2012RFLXS011); ; Paul Yaswen was supported by funding from the United States National Institutes of Health (ES019458) and the California Breast Cancer Research Program (17UB-8708); Clement Yedjou was supported by a grant from the National Institutes of Health (Grant # G1200MD007581), through the RCMI-Center for Environmental Health; Xin Yin was supported by NIH/National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute Training Grant T32HL098062.; Jiyue Zhu was supported by NIH Grant R01GM071725; Massimo Zollo was supported by the European FP7-TuMIC HEALTH-F2-2008-201662, the Italian Association for Cancer research (AIRC) Grant IG # 11963 and the Regione Campania L.R:N.5, the European National Funds PON01-02388/1 2007-2013. ; Peer Reviewed
Correspondence between Melchor Ortega and Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles who is living in exile in San Diego, CA. He tells about the political events occurred in Guanajuato and Michoacán. He tells him about the "super-provecho" law, the electoral campaign of Almazán and that he had to express his support to him because the members of the Reformist Party of Guanajuato had done so. He also tells about the reaction of the Mexican president to the brochure published by Mr. Richberg about the oil expropriation. Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles replies informing that he is sending his point of view regarding the situation in Mexico and that he respects his decision to support Almazán. Melchor Ortega writes to Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles informing of the situation of the oil industry. He states it is risky to make an agreement with the Sinclair group since it only represents a part of the industry. He says he accompanied Almazán to Guanajuato and was impressed to see the amount of people that support him. He asks the General to ask Mr. Castellanos about politics in the U.S. and the possibilities of Roosevelt to be reelected. He informs the General that Juan Platt will visit him. Reply from the Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles stating that the situation of the railroads and oil industry represents two significant problems in Mexico that must be solved by the government. The General states that the US government has changed its positions regarding the "New Deal" and that the success of the electoral campaign of Almazán is due to the failure of the government. Melchor Ortega sends to Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles an analysis of the fourteen claims by the oil workers to the president. He mentions the note sent from the United States to Mexico asking to submit the oil matter to an arbitration tribunal. He writes about Roosevelt and the birth of his son. Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles writes to Melchor Ortega expressing he has learned about the European conflict through the newspapers and radio. He writes about the war in Europe, the note from the US to Mexico and the electoral campaign of Roosevelt. Letter from Melchor Ortega to General Plutarco Elías Calles writing about the war in Europe, the public opinion in Mexico regarding the involvement of the U.S., and politics in Mexico. He tells he attended the reception for Almazán in Monterrey, he talked to Plutarco Elías Calles Jr. and that he is concerned about General Tapia's health. Reply from Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles. He says General Tapia had a surgery and is getting better. He writes about the war in Europe and analyzes the attitude of the Latin American countries and the United States. Last page of a letter signed by Melchor Ortega in which he writes about Almazán. Note dated on November 13, 1940 in which they write about measures to take in Mexico and that are urgent. Encoded letter dated on November 14, 1940 in San Antonio Texas in which the author expresses he is disappointed because of an unsuccessful business. The author informs that "Güero" Ortiz called him from Torreon and offered to accompany him during his trip. Letter from Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles in which he writes about a matter and recommends solving it in Mexico. It is likely that he refers to the election of Almazán and his decision to accept loss even when everyone thought he had won. Letter from Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles expressing he is glad to be back home and says he does not know the date for his return to Mexico. Letter from Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles to Melchor Ortega expressing his sympathy for the death of Ortega's father-in-law and writing about the political situation in Mexico. He informs he has not any trip planned to Havana and that he already decided to go back to Mexico. / Correspondencia entre Melchor Ortega y el general PEC, que se encuentra en el exilio en San Diego, Cal. Melchor Ortega escribe al general PEC comentando los últimos acontecimientos políticos, sobre todo en los estados de Guanajuato y Michoacán, adonde ha estado de visita. Le informa del revuelo que ha causado la ley del súper-provecho; de la arrolladora fuerza que ha adquirido la candidatura de Almazán en los estados de Guanajuato y Morelia, que incluso ya él tuvo que pronunciarse a favor de este candidato porque así se han declarado los miembros del Partido Renovador Guanajuatense. Lamenta haber tenido que dar este paso aisladamente. Por último le comenta de la reacción violenta del Presidente de la República contra el folleto que sobre la cuestión petrolera publicó Mr. Richberg. Respuesta del general PEC indicando que con un amigo común le envía sus puntos de vista sobre la situación del país. Le dice que respeta su decisión de unirse al grupo independiente guanajuatense que apoya a Almazán, lamenta que los partidos independientes no se hayan podido poner de acuerdo para lanzar un candidato que se oponga al actual régimen, cuyas líneas de conducta parece que quieren sepultar la revolución, han destruido la economía y los valores morales de nuestro pueblo. Melchor Ortega escribe al general PEC comentando que ya cambió impresiones con el amigo común que lo visitó y con Fernando Torreblanca, quien también acaba de regresar de San Diego. Le informa de la difícil situación de la industria petrolera que obligó al presidente a pactar con el sindicato, ya que se gasta más que los rendimientos en sueldos y prestaciones, por lo que el erario tiene que prestarle a la empresa. En lo que se refiere al arreglo con la Sinclair piensa que puede ser peligroso porque sólo representa a un grupo de compañías. Le comenta que acompañó a Almazán en una gira por Guanajuato y que está impresionado de la cantidad de personas que lo apoyan. Por conducto del general PEC pide a Castellanos que le informe del desarrollo de la política norteamericana y de las posibilidades de que se reelija Roosevelt. Le informa que lo visitará Juan Platt. Respuesta del general PEC en la que se refiere al asunto de los Ferrocarriles y del petróleo como dos serios problemas del país que deben quedar resueltos por el actual gobierno. Respecto a la situación política en Estados Unidos, después de siete años de política del "New Deal" comenta que dicha administración ha suavizado su postura y su radicalismo y se ocupa preferentemente de los problemas que puedan surgir con la actual guerra. Le informa que la prensa norteamericana confirma sus noticias sobre la gira de Almazán por Guanajuato y su éxito, que se debe a la demagogia, desenfreno, falta de garantías y desorden del actual régimen. Melchor Ortega escribe al general PEC analizando los catorce puntos petitorios que hizo el presidente a los trabajadores petroleros, cuya repuesta fue una negativa en todo lo que se refería a prestaciones. Le habla de la nota que el gobierno de Estados Unidos envió a México pidiendo se someta la cuestión del petróleo a un Tribunal de Arbitraje, a lo que ya anteriormente el presidente se había negado. Respecto a la cuestión electoral en Estados Unidos parece que Roosevelt no podrá reelegirse por tercera vez, lo que es probable que dé oportunidad a un republicano de llegar a la presidencia. Le comunica el nacimiento de un varoncito y que tanto el bebé como su señora se encuentran bien. Respuesta del general PEC comentando que ha estado pendiente, a través de la prensa y la radio, del conflicto europeo y que la guerra se ha desencadenado a raíz de la invasión alemana a Dinamarca y Noruega; también comenta que cada país y medio de información da una versión distinta de los hechos. Su opinión es que Alemania ha extendido sus dominios a los países nórdicos y ha creado el frente de guerra que deseaban Inglaterra y Francia, como válvula de escape de las energías contenidas. El general PEC se lamenta de la nota que el Departamento de Estado envió a la cancillería en relación con el asunto del petróleo. Respecto a la política norteamericana hay indicios de que los partidarios de Roosevelt tienen esperanzas de que los acontecimientos mundiales exijan su permanencia en el poder. Los republicanos y algunos líderes demócratas opinan lo contrario. Carta de Melchor Ortega al general PEC disculpándose por no haber escrito antes, pues estuvo fuera de la ciudad, y comentando la guerra en Europa, donde las tropas alemanas han asolado con su técnica, rapidez y audacia. Habla de la opinión generalizada de que Estados Unidos va a entrar seguramente, y de que es posible que arrastre a México, lo que sería un desastre sin importar si el resultado es el triunfo o una derrota. Con respecto a la política nacional le informa que hizo unas declaraciones a la prensa contestando ataques que constantemente se hacen a los callistas. También comenta que tomó parte en la organización de la recepción que se hizo a Almazán en Monterrey. Le comenta que a pesar de que el gobierno sostiene que respetaría el voto, en todas las capas sociales hay la certidumbre de que no será así. Le informa que en Monterrey saludó a Aco (Plutarco Elías Calles Chacón) y se muestra inquieto por la salud del general Tapia. Respuesta del general PEC informando que el general Tapia fue operado pero ya se encuentra bien; respecto a la guerra en Europa le comenta que el mundo está asombrado y considera que la apreciación de Melchor Ortega en sentido moral es justa al condenar la agresión a Holanda, Bélgica y Luxemburgo, países que habían observado neutralidad. Analiza la actitud de los países hispanoamericanos, que hasta el momento es ecuánime, lo que no sucede con Estados Unidos, donde flota una pasión partidista y una histeria de guerra. Respecto a los ataques que han sufrido los pocos amigos que le quedan piensa que es lógico suponer que las declaraciones de Melchor Ortega deben haber causado estupor. En cuanto al resultado de las elecciones está de acuerdo en que es muy difícil que se respete la decisión del pueblo. Última página de una carta firmada por Melchor Ortega en la que habla de Almazán, de su campaña, que se ha enfriado mucho, de su falta de definición en asuntos prioritarios; así como de la inexperiencia y poco tino de la dirección política. Comenta que hay la idea de que traicionará la esperanza de quienes lo apoyan y aceptará la imposición. Nota fechada 13 de noviembre de 1940, sin destinatario ni firma, en la que se habla de una "acción que debe llevarse a cabo en el país y que se ha aplazado para completar los arreglos necesarios que le den eficacia. Le urgen al destinatario que accione dentro del país en las próximas horas. Le asegura al final que todos están dispuestos a acompañarlo. Carta en clave firmada por M. sin especificar el nombre del destinatario fechada en San Antonio, Texas, el 14 de noviembre de 1940, en la que el autor se manifiesta muy desilusionado en el negocio, que tiende a liquidarse, que la responsabilidad es de quien quiso concentrarla, que es seguro no se firmarán contratos de trabajo. Le informa que el Güero Ortiz le llamó desde Torreón y le ofreció acompañarlo en su viaje de regreso, le aseguró que las cosas cambiarían y que todo sería diferente. Respuesta sin especificar remitente ni destinatario, pero con las características de papel, máquina, etc., del general PEC en la que manifiesta que sus dudas respecto al éxito de la empresa eran válidas, que temía algo desagradable le hubiera pasado, porque su situación era comprometida y que para que un "negocio de esa naturaleza" tenga éxito es necesario un guía de firme voluntad, lo que no ocurrió en este caso. Le recomienda que este asunto se resuelva en el país, sin comprometer la soberanía nacional. Es posible que se trate de la elección de Almazán y de su decisión de aceptar su derrota en las urnas cuando todos estaban convencidos de que ganó. Carta del general PEC a Melchor Ortega congratulándose de haber regresado con bien a su hogar y de haber logrado garantías para sus amigos y correligionarios. Respecto a la actitud de Juan Rajas (Juan Andrew Almazán) es estéril hacer algún comentario, la opinión pública lo juzgó. Respecto a su regreso al país no ha definido fecha, ya que tiene que arreglar asuntos de familia y personales. Carta del general PEC a Melchor Ortega lamentando la muerte de su suegro y comentando la situación del país, la política del nuevo gobierno y su opinión de que es necesario extirpar el quiste cardenista para que México progrese. Le participa que no ha pensado hacer ningún viaje a La Habana y que tiene decidido regresar al país.
Frontmatter -- CONTENTS -- THE CONTRIBUTORS -- ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS -- TABLES AND FIGURES -- PREFACE -- 1 INTRODUCTION -- PART 1 ENERGY POLICY DELIVERY IN GENERAL -- 2 SIX MAXIMS FOR INFORMED ENERGY ANALYSIS AND POLICY -- 3 ENDING SUBSIDIES FOR FOSSIL FUEL EXPLORATION IN A WORLD OF UNBURNABLE CARBON -- 4 WERE NORTH SEA OIL AND GAS 'FIELD ALLOWANCES' SUBSIDIES - AND DOES IT MATTER? -- 5 RENEWABLE ENERGY DISPUTES -- 6 USING A LEGACY FRAME TO DELIVER ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT POLICIES -- 7 THE EMERGENCE OF EU ENERGY LAW -- 8 HOW TO IMPROVE REGULATION -- 9 DELIVERING ENERGY NETWORKS SECURITY: ECONOMICS, REGULATION AND POLICY -- 10 THE ROLE OF MARKETING IN DELIVERING ENERGY LAW AND POLICY -- PART 2 ENERGY POLICY DELIVERY IN THE UNITED STATES -- 11 A BRIEF HISTORY OF US ENERGY POLICY -- 12 APPLYING INNOVATION POLICY TO THE US ENERGY/CLIMATE CHALLENGE -- 13 NATIONAL SCIENTIFIC LABORATORIES AS AN ENERGY POLICY VEHICLE: THE UNITED STATES' EXPERIENCE -- 14 DELIVERING ENERGY POLICY IN THE US: THE ROLE OF TAXES -- 15 DELIVERING THE WIND: DECONSTRUCTING RENEWABLE ENERGY SUCCESS IN TEXAS -- 16 SOLAR RIGHTS IN THE UNITED STATES -- 17 THE US-CHINA CLIMATE AGREEMENT: A NEW DIRECTION -- 18 GOING GREEN: THE UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE AND ENERGY SECURITY -- 19 US CONJUNCTIVE WATER MANAGEMENT AND SUSTAINABLE ENERGY DEVELOPMENT -- PART 3 ENERGY POLICY DELIVERY IN THE EUROPEAN UNION -- 20 DELIVERING NEW POLITY: PAVING THE WAY FOR THE EUROPEAN ENERGY UNION -- 21 ANTITRUST ENFORCEMENT IN THE EU ENERGY SECTOR -- 22 DELIVERING ENERGY POLICY IN THE EU: SOME THOUGHTS ON THE ROLE OF CONSUMERS -- 23 THE GROWING IMPACT OF FREE MOVEMENT PROVISIONS IN THE EU ENERGY MARKET -- 24 ENERGY, EXTERNALITIES AND THE NEED TO REVISIT DEUTSCHE BAHN: A PROPOSAL TO REVERSE THE EUROPEAN STANCE ON EU STATE AID LAW AND INTERNATIONAL AVIATION -- 25 RES: TOWARDS A NEW EUROPEAN POLICY -- 26 ENERGIEWENDE IN GERMANY: THE DAWN OF A NEW ENERGY ERA -- 27 WHAT IS A SUSTAINABLE POLICY? A CASE FOR THE ENERGIEWENDE -- 28 THE FINNISH ENERGY POLICY: FULFILLING THE EU ENERGY AND CLIMATE TARGETS WITH NUCLEAR AND RENEWABLES -- 29 THE EU-RUSSIA RELATIONSHIP AND THE EU ENERGY UNION: FROM DEPENDENCE AND VULNERABILITY TOWARDS COMPETITION AND A FREE FLOW -- PART 4 ELECTRICITY POLICY DELIVERY -- 30 THE ROLE OF UNCERTAINTY IN ENERGY INVESTMENTS AND REGULATION -- 31 ENERGY SECURITY IN AN UNPREDICTABLE WORLD: MAKING THE CASE AGAINST STATE AID LIMITATIONS IN ELECTRICITY GENERATION -- 32 DELIVERING A LOW-CARBON ELECTRICITY SYSTEM IN A LIBERALISED MARKET -- 33 A PROPOSAL FOR REFORMING AN ELECTRICITY MARKET FOR A LOW-CARBON ECONOMY -- 34 THE ROLE OF THE DEMAND SIDE IN ELECTRICITY -- 35 REPLACING FOSSIL FUEL GENERATION WITH RENEWABLE ELECTRICITY: IS MARKET INTEGRATION OR MARKET CIRCUMVENTION THE WAY FORWARD? -- 36 SUSCEPTIBILITY OF ELECTRICITY GENERATION TO CLIMATE VARIABILITY AND CHANGE IN EUROPE: A REVIEW OF LITERATURE -- 37 THE EXTERNAL DIMENSION OF CROSSBORDER ELECTRICITY TRANSMISSION PLANNING IN THE EU -- 38 INTEGRATING VEHICLES AND THE ELECTRICITY GRID TO STORE AND USE RENEWABLE ENERGY -- 39 A STITCH IN TIME: COULD IRELAND'S FORTHCOMING WHITE PAPER BREATHE NEW LIFE INTO ITS BRAVE BUT FALTERING RENEWABLE ELECTRICITY POLICY? -- 40 RECENT DEVELOPMENTS IN THE HUNGARIAN ELECTRICITY REGULATORY FRAMEWORK -- PART 5 NUCLEAR ENERGY -- 41 DELIVERING THE REVIVAL OF NUCLEAR POWER -- 42 ENERGY POLICY: THE ROLE OF NUCLEAR POWER -- 43 FINANCING NEW NUCLEAR POWER STATIONS -- 44 UK NUCLEAR NEW-BUILD PLANS IN THE LIGHT OF INTERNATIONAL EXPERIENCE -- 45 DELIVERING UK NUCLEAR POWER IN THE CONTEXT OF EUROPEAN ENERGY POLICY: THE CHALLENGES AHEAD -- 46 NUCLEAR LIABILITY: CURRENT ISSUES AND WORK IN PROGRESS FOR THE FUTURE -- 47 THE PRESENT STATUS OF NUCLEAR THIRD-PARTY LIABILITY AND NUCLEAR INSURANCE -- 48 SMALL MODULAR REACTORS: THE FUTURE OR THE SWANSONG OF THE NUCLEAR INDUSTRY? -- PART 6 RENEWABLE ENERGY -- 49 COHERENT PROMOTION OF RENEWABLES UNDER A CARBON EMISSIONS CAP -- 50 RENEWABLE ENERGY POLICIES CHANGE CARBON EMISSIONS EVEN UNDER EMISSIONS TRADING -- 51 THE RENEWABLE TRAJECTORY: AVOIDING THE TEMPTATION OF CHEAP OIL -- 52 IMPACT OF RENEWABLE PORTFOLIO STANDARDS ON IN-STATE RENEWABLE DEPLOYMENT IN THE US -- 53 RENEWABLE SUPPORT POLICIES IN EUROPE: EVALUATION OF THE PUSH-PULL FRAMEWORK FOR WIND AND PV IN THE EU -- 54 A VIEW FROM THE GLOBAL WIND INDUSTRY -- 55 THE NEW CONCEPT OF COMPETITIVE BIDDING ON PHOTOVOLTAIC IN THE GERMAN RENEWABLE ENERGY ACT 2014 -- 56 LEGAL CERTAINTY FOR GREEN ENERGY PROJECTS: SURE, BUT AT WHAT PRICE? -- 57 THE FUTURE OF HYDROELECTRIC POWER IN THE UNITED STATES: THINKING SMALL -- 58 HYDROPOWER: FROM PAST TO FUTURE UNCERTAINTIES -- 59 RENEWABLE ENERGY PRODUCTION IN MARINE AREAS AND COASTAL ZONE: THE NORWEGIAN MODEL -- 60 THE GEOPOLITICS OF CLEAN ENERGY: RE-ENGAGING WITH RUSSIA THROUGH RENEWABLE ENERGY COOPERATION -- PART 7 FOSSIL FUELS -- 61 TALKING ABOUT SHALE IN ANY LANGUAGE -- 62 THE SHALE REVOLUTION, FRACKING AND REGULATORY ACTIVITY IN THE US: A POLICY DIVIDED -- 63 FRACTURED SYSTEMS: A MULTIPLE POLICY PROPOSAL FOR PROMOTING SAFE SHALE GAS DELIVERY IN THE UNITED STATES -- 64 PREPARING PENNSYLVANIA FOR A POST-SHALE FUTURE -- 65 THE DECLINE OF COAL AND THE ECONOMIC TOLL ON THE APPALACHIAN REGION -- 66 THE EU NETWORK CODES AND PROSPECTS OF CROSS-BORDER NATURAL GAS PIPELINE PROJECTS -- 67 BUILDING THE ENERGY UNION: THE PROBLEM OF CROSS-BORDER GAS PIPELINE INTERCONNECTIONS IN BALTIC, CENTRAL AND SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE -- 68 EMINENT DOMAIN AUTHORITY FOR UPSTREAM GAS INFRASTRUCTURE: AN ALTERNATIVE APPROACH -- 69 PETROLEUM LICENSING ON THE UKCS FIFTY YEARS ON: PROBLEMS, SOLUTIONS AND MORE PROBLEMS? -- 70 GREENLAND OFFSHORE PETROLEUM REGULATION TOWARDS 'THE BLUE ARCTIC' -- PART 8 ENERGY JUSTICE -- 71 ENERGY JUSTICE: THE YIN AND YANG APPROACH -- 72 SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT AND ENERGY JUSTICE: TWO AGENDAS COMBINED -- 73 ASSESSING THE JUSTICE IMPLICATIONS OF ENERGY INFRASTRUCTURAL DEVELOPMENT IN THE ARCTIC -- PART 9 ENERGY POVERTY AND HEALTH -- 74 ENERGY POVERTY AND AFFORDABLE SUSTAINABLE ENERGY TECHNOLOGIES (ASETS) -- 75 CHALLENGING ENERGY POVERTY POLICIES: INSIGHTS FROM SOUTH-EASTERN EUROPE -- 76 POLICY CHANGES FOR FUTUREPROOFING HOUSING STOCK -- 77 CHALLENGES FOR HEALTH SERVICES IN IDENTIFYING WHICH GROUPS ARE MOST VULNERABLE TO HEALTH IMPACTS OF COLD HOMES -- 78 ENERGY, LIFE, METABOLISM AND THE FOOD CHAIN -- PART 10 ENERGY EFFICIENCY AND DEMAND -- 79 ENERGY EFFICIENCY AND ENERGY DEMAND -- 80 ENERGY DEMAND REDUCTION POLICY -- 81 DEMAND RESPONSE IN WHOLESALE MARKETS -- 82 PERCEIVED EFFECTIVENESS OF DIFFERENT METHODS OF DELIVERING INFORMATION ON ENERGY EFFICIENCY -- 83 DEVELOPING BEHAVIOURAL INTERVENTIONS: THREE LESSONS LEARNED FOR DELIVERING ENERGY POLICY -- 84 POLICY MIXES IN STIMULATING ENERGY TRANSITIONS: THE CASE OF UK ENERGY EFFICIENCY POLICY -- 85 THE JOURNEY OF SMART METERING IN GREAT BRITAIN: A REVISIT -- 86 RETHINKING HOUSEHOLD ENERGY CONSUMPTION STRATEGIES: THE IMPORTANCE OF DEMAND AND EXPECTATIONS -- 87 FINANCIAL INCENTIVES FOR ENERGYEFFICIENT APPLIANCES -- PART 11 ENERGY SECURITY -- 88 ENERGY SECURITY AND ENERGY POLICY INCOHERENCE -- 89 DESIGNING INTERNATIONAL TRADE IN ENERGY GOVERNANCE FOR EU ENERGY SECURITY -- 90 NATO AND EUROPEAN ENERGY SECURITY -- 91 GENEALOGY OF THE CURRENT GAS SECURITY SITUATION IN THE EU-UKRAINE-RUSSIA ENERGY TRIANGLE AND THE ROLE OF INTERNATIONAL LAW -- PART 12 COUNTRY-SPECIFIC AND INTERNATIONAL ENERGY POLICY DELIVERY -- 92 GERMAN ENERGY LAW -- 93 DELIVERING ENERGY LAW AND POLICY IN MALTA -- 94 DELIVERING ENERGY EFFICIENCY POLICIES IN ROMANIA -- 95 ENERGY LAW IN THE CZECH REPUBLIC: 'UNBUNDLING' ČEZ -- 96 DELIVERING ENERGY POLICY REFORM IN UKRAINE: LEGAL ISSUES IN THE LIGHT OF EUROPEAN INTEGRATION -- 97 A SYSTEMIC APPROACH TO RENEWABLE ELECTRICITY TECHNOLOGY DEPLOYMENT: THE 'MISSING LINK' IN OPTIMISING POLICY DELIVERY IN THE UK? -- 98 DELIVERING ENERGY POLICY: IS THERE NEED FOR KEY CHANGES IN THE NEXT UK PARLIAMENTARY PERIOD? -- 99 ENERGY AND THE STATE IN THE MIDDLE EAST -- 100 DELIVERING ENERGY POLICY IN ARGENTINA -- 101 THE ARCTIC: SOURCE OF ENERGY? SOURCE OF CONFLICT? SOURCE OF POLICY INNOVATION -- PART 13 CITIES, COMMUNITY ENERGY AND PUBLIC ENGAGEMENT -- 102 DELIVERING ENERGY (OFTEN) REQUIRES PUBLIC
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UPDATE: Claudia Sheinbaum, who hails from the ruling Morena party, won the Mexican presidential election by upwards of 60% according to reports from the Sunday election. She will be Mexico's first female president. It is also the highest vote percentage for a presidential election in the country's democratic history, according to Reuters. Morena also swept the legislative races, capturing more than two-thirds of a super-majority in both houses of Congress. Millions of Mexican voters will head to the polls this Sunday for what is likely to be a historic national election. With over 20,000 congressional and local positions up for grabs, it's the largest election in the country's recent history. The most closely watched race will be for the presidency, as the nation prepares to choose a successor to outgoing populist leader Andrés Manuel López Obrador.Claudia Sheinbaum is the frontrunner — the former mayor of Mexico City, she leads her opposition in the polls by 20%. A member of the ruling leftist Morena party, Sheinbaum is expected to continue many of her predecessor's policies. But as Mexico faces a persistent security crisis, the future hinges on how the next president will distinguish her approach from that of López Obrador. Analysts say that better cooperation with the U.S. will be critical, and that both countries need to refocus on structural reforms, rather than simply increasing militarization. Sheinbaum's win would be historic for Mexico, as it would make her the country's first ever female president. But whether she will be a break from the status quo remains unclear, as López Obrador's party and legacy loom large, says Aileen Teague, a professor at Texas A&M University and non-resident fellow at the Quincy Institute, which publishes Responsible Statecraft. "She's enjoying Morena's popularity and she is reluctant to break from López Obrador's support and his shadow," Teague said.This election ultimately represents a choice between continuity of the current government, or a return to a past government that many Mexicans remember as corrupt and ineffective, says Stephanie Brewer of the Washington Office on Latin America. Sheinbaum's primary opposition is Xóchitil Gálvez, who is representing a coalition of parties that includes the Institutional Revolutionary Party which had ruled for decades before López Obrador and Morena during an era marked by inequality, corruption and violence. It was under these conditions that López Obrador emerged and gained immense popularity, promising to advocate for the working class and promoting social and developmental programs aimed at reducing poverty."What many families tangibly perceive is that to vote for the continuation of Morena is a vote to secure the continuation of these types of programs which they may be directly receiving," Brewer said. Sheinbaum promises to continue López Obrador's policies, including expanding social programs and infrastructure projects and favoring state-owned energy production. She has also stated her support for a package of constitutional reforms López Obrador initiated in February, which analysts criticize for eroding checks and balances. The reforms would further militarize the National Guard, authorizing it to police, and redesign and even eliminate institutions, such as the autonomous Federal Judiciary Council and the National Institute for Transparency, Access to Information, and Protection of Personal Data.But there may be areas where Sheinbaum will differentiate herself from her predecessor, particularly in her approach to cooperation with foreign states.Part of López Obrador's identity as a president was his commitment to focusing on Mexico's domestic issues, Brewer said. "It's almost purposefully showing that he is not at all concerned about deepening cooperation with foreign governments."Sheinbaum has hinted at being more willing to engage on the global stage, as she has emphasized that Mexico should play a more active role in multilateral treaties to address the climate emergency, for example. This openness to cooperation will be an important difference when it comes to Mexico-U.S. relations, particularly in addressing security concerns that affect both countries. Drug cartels have sown deep insecurity in and outside of Mexico — there have been 360,000 homicides and thousands of disappearances since 2006, when former president Felipe Calderon ordered a military crackdown on the cartels. Compounding this crisis, Mexican drug cartels are the primary producers of fentanyl-laced opioids that flood into the U.S. and fuel the majority of deadly opioid overdoses that occur in the U.S. each year.The U.S. and Mexico have agreed to cooperate to address these challenges through bilateral agreements such as the 2008 Mérida Initiative, which has been criticized for its emphasis on militarization and limited success in reducing violence and crime. But relations deteriorated during López Obrador's term. He narrowed channels of cooperation and communication with U.S. officials and law enforcement after a former Mexican defense minister was arrested in Los Angeles in 2020. Tensions grew after Mexican authorities disbanded a DEA-trained anti-narcotics force that had worked with U.S. law enforcement for decades.Though mutual distrust imbues the current relationship, Teague says, that could change if Mexico's next president is more inclined to engage with foreign leaders. "There could be an opportunity for some renewed cooperation in the way that we haven't seen in the last two years," she said. Sheinbaum may do so, as she says her security policy will focus on improving collaboration and information sharing between police and security forces, which includes a more fluid partnership with the U.S. But agreeing to cooperate more closely won't be enough, Brewer says. "If that cooperation isn't directed at the right policies, it's not going to bring advances," she said. A more fruitful relationship will target the structures and systems that facilitate cartel activity and security issues. The crux of the issue, according to Brewer, is the pervasive impunity in Mexico. Cartels thrive by colluding with state officials, while only a fraction of crimes are reported, investigated, and punished."You can't militarily deploy your way out of that problem," Brewer said, and yet this is where resources and investment have been directed, as opposed to reforming the justice system and targeting corruption.It will also be critical for the U.S. to reconsider how it applies pressure to the Mexican government to respond to security threats, as Washington makes specific demands that make it difficult to take a holistic, productive approach to security issues, Brewer adds. The migration crisis serves as an example — Mexico's current policy stems from U.S. pressure to intercept migrants before they reach the border, resulting in measures that restrict migrant movement, such as imposing new visa requirements and increasing detentions and deportations. "Those are all not only harmful to the migrant and asylum seeking population, they're extremely counterproductive," Brewer says, as these policies do nothing to address what drives people to migrate.Beyond reshaping policy objectives, Teague says Washington needs to demonstrate that it is interested in improving bilateral relations with Mexico. "Not just interested in them whenever it's politically useful, or whatever a crisis comes up, but actually interested in establishing productive relations in the longer term," she said.How the bilateral relationship will evolve will be highly dependent on the outcome of not just Mexico's election, but the U.S.'s in November. What's evident is that both nations must embrace a new paradigm for their relationship.
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Barring a legal miracle, Louisiana's congressional elections this fall will occur with only one majority-minority district using the 2022 map.
That's the implication of the Louisiana Western District three-judge panel's decision in Callais v. Landry handed down earlier this week. In a 2-1 decision – with the two Republican former Pres. Donald Trump district judge appointees under the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals doubling up on Democrat former Pres. Bill Clinton-appointed Appellate Judge Carl Stewart – the court ruled the map enacted earlier this year violates the Equal Protection Clause of the Constitution and enjoined its use That map came about only because the 2022 plan was enjoined preliminarily by a Middle District judge with plaintiffs presumed to prevail on the question of declaring that map in violation of the Voting Rights Act.
The panel majority took the offered layup when the Louisiana Legislature in special session produced a map with an M/M district stretching from Shreveport to Baton Rouge and Lafayette, splitting them all and dismembering Alexandria along the way. At five points it hung together by only a single precinct, and at one point it forced another district to be one precinct wide squeezed on the other side by Texas. It was a district not even its legislative progenitors would admit had any actual commonality other than it had to be M/M.
All of this made it easy to declare the entire map unconstitutional, much less that it didn't differ a whole lot from a district also as part of a map declared unconstitutional three decades ago, upon which the majority drew. While race as an overriding factor among several traditional criteria for reapportionment can be valid when a jurisdiction otherwise can't prevent dilution of a definable minority group that votes largely for particular candidates and often against the majority's preference, that minority also must be reasonably compact geographically. The panel majority observed that the dispersed nature of black residents in Louisiana outside of the southeastern portion of the state didn't satisfy this condition, and thus the environment wasn't such that the distribution of the minority outside of that area of the state could be used to permit race to override all other considerations.
In reading Stewart's dissent, one wonders whether he paid attention during the trial. He bought the defense's argument – the state plus intervenors in the Middle District case Robinson v. Landry who tried to leverage their case into this one – that political considerations which can be a legitimate reapportionment criterion, in this instance trying to ensure certain GOP incumbents were protected, were at least as important. This treats as if it didn't exist that the entire reason that politics entered the fray was the exercise came about only because of the imperative to draw a map guided by race, out of the fear the Robinson case would be allowed to enter a remedial phase where the Middle District would impose its own two M/M district map. As the plaintiffs' lead lawyer noted, politics was entirely downstream of race that negates Stewart's musings.
Next week, approximately nine days prior to the time Republican Sec. of State Nancy Landry says the state needs to start preparing for fall elections that necessitates knowing the congressional district boundaries, a status conference occurs that should lead to the remedial phase where a new plan gets drawn. The Legislature will be unable to act before then given its calendar and the panel is unlikely to be prepared to put its own plan in place by May 15. That would lead the state to petition lifting the Robinson injunction to use the 2022 map, whether by the circuit or Supreme Court, for this fall.
That will succeed, for a number of reasons. First, Callais speaks to a constitutional violation rather than the statutory violation alleged in Robinson. Second, Callais was a trial on the merits of the 2024 map, whereas Robinson never had a trial but preliminarily halted use of the 2022 map on the belief a trial would show that map defective; thus, that map remains in play as there is merely suspicion that it broke the law as opposed to a determination that its substitute violated the Constitution. Third, although the intervenor part of the defense filed a desperation heave of an appeal to the Court, it will bat that away because there's nothing new here: the jurisprudence it established in Shaw v. Reno and successor cases, including the Hays v. Louisiana case that looked at the similar district, set clear guardrails that clearly confine this case. The panel's ruling will stand. (The Robinson plaintiffs also have filed to reopen their case, but that also will be too little, too late.)
Further, whatever comes from the remedy phase itself will be challenged that will permit the 2022 map to linger. Highly likely the end product won't differ too much from the 2022 map not only because the plaintiffs have priority being on the winning side in establishing the remedy plan, but also because of the skepticism that the majority showed. While not as egregiously using race, other two M/M options that the Robinson intervenors advanced would run afoul of the compactness standard the majority laid out in Callais – which directly rebukes the standard used in Robinson and begs for the Court eventually to intervene after circuit disposition. Keep in mind that the Robinson proportionality argument – if about a third of the state's population is black, then about a third of its congressional districts must be black – created a standard never affirmed by any other court in a trial.
Scrutiny over that is the course GOP Atty. Gen. Liz Murrill seems determined to follow. Even if miraculously the panel chose a two M/M option, she said she will challenge whatever ruling comes about saying the Court must provide clear standards. Here is where checkmate probably will occur for a two M/M map, because in the operative case that guided the Robinson outcome that led to Callais the Court practically begged for a challenge to the relevant part of the Voting Rights Act on constitutional grounds – which Callais has teed up.
Regardless of whether the Court eventually goes ahead and declares that race cannot be any more preferred than other reapportionment criteria – and from its previous decision-making a majority seems receptive to that – this will take time. The state has to have a map and quickly, and the 2022 single M/M plan jurisprudentially has the fewest warts for this fall, and perhaps even for 2026 depending upon how long the legal machinations to follow drag on. By contrast, the relatively swift movement of Callais that produced a decision before May against the odds means likely five Republican/one Democrat representation of all incumbents this fall.
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Advice to Republican Gov. Jeff Landry and the Louisiana Legislature when it comes to the state's higher education institutions concerning the anti-Semitic Trojan Horse of diversity, equity, and inclusion policy and personnel: don't trust them but make them earn your trust through well-designed legislation.
While DEI could be as innocuous and benign as ensuring laws are followed against well-defined discriminatory practices, in practice in academia it has become an insidious worldview that alleges people not of color who allegedly control government, business, and societal institutions use that power, whether consciously, allegedly to oppress all others through any practice, whether in law, that in terms of outcomes in the distribution of resources, whether tangible or monetary, generally leaves all others with relatively fewer that for redress demands policies to redistribute those resources to those others. Increasingly it has come under scrutiny for its demonizing of whites as oppressors by inclination solely by their racial identification, its efforts to grant preferential treatment to non-whites, and its propagation as foundational in educating across all disciplines starting from the moment a child begins schooling.
Landry and a number of legislators ran against allowing DEI as a worldview to infect educational institutions, and a number of returning legislators had backed, some publicly, a measure last year that would have made higher education institutions report spending on DEI that unfortunately didn't pass. Their concerns are part of a larger trend among the states that have passed legislation to curtail DEI ideology's propagation on campuses in their classrooms and administrations.
That has gotten the attention of state university and colleges. Last spring, I reviewed all of the state's campuses for DEI infrastructure and noted that among senior institutions, with notable exceptions, all had at least one administrator with duties identified with DEI and several had an administrative structure specifically designated for DEI with multiple personnel. Some went further, with individual college employees, whether faculty, having such duties. The one exception was the least diverse set of institutions, historically black universities and colleges.
Louisiana State University had the most extensive apparatus, with dedicated associate deans in colleges to the task. But perhaps no more, reports the pro-DEI leftist media outlet Louisiana Illuminator, which notes that Pres. William Tate IV recently had renamed bureaucracies to remove words associated with diversity, equity, and inclusion, explaining last year that language would be changed but would not interfere with principles and couched in what was "legally defensible." Nor do colleges there appear any more to list associate deans with having related DEI responsibilities, and other DEI-related materials on its website have disappeared.
A similar, perhaps diluted, dynamic is playing out at other University of Louisiana System schools. Looking at the largest, my alma mater the University of New Orleans doesn't even list, with one exception, anything to do with DEI, the exception being an employee award where DEI is a criterion for its awarding. It's harder to scrub its past news feed, however, which at one time trumpets winning a $1.2 million grant to create a "center for equity and diversity" in the hard science of engineering, where you figure critical thinking and mathematics mostly would matter. But almost 18 months later, the website makes no indication that the center exists. At Louisiana Tech University, its college of business has put on five DEI in the Workplace forums although it's not indicated whether there will be one in 2024 as of this writing, but doesn't offer much else other than its Multicultural Affairs office.
It seems the University of Louisiana Lafayette was in the running to compete with LSU as the most DEI-oriented campus in the state, having an Office for Campus Diversity with several employees located in the office of its president that had a plan from 2019-22 to move the campus towards greater facility to DEI that asked, among others thing, to "Review, assess and develop internal policies and procedures throughout the University's operations that support diversity, equity and inclusion" that may have led to a ratings instrument of employees attempting to measure their fidelity to DEI, as well as featured an attempt to construct "Principles of Community." However, activity seems to have dropped off in the past year, its website indicates.
Don't be fooled. By its nature, academia is full of behind-the-scenes jockeying and is well- versed in presenting a public face that resembles one side of Janus. DEI has infiltrated academia extensively, and many in academia, especially at the administrative level, flatter themselves as a kind of resistance to whatever powers-that-be they may imagine to keep on with furtive missions out of public view that validate their worldviews. If they are pulling back because they see Landry and a legislative majority in opposition to their agenda, the pullback is strategic and, in their minds, temporary but doesn't stop attempts to advance the agenda from continuing in the shadows and in less obtrusive ways.
To prevent this subversion, DEI has to be pulled out by its roots in Louisiana. Model legislation in Texas and Florida, among other states, provide the means to best accomplish this. These, among other things, prohibit public universities from creating diversity offices, hiring employees to conduct DEI work, requiring any related DEI training, or asking for diversity statements from students and employees – which can weigh the required confessionals equally with measurements of merit for hiring and retention that half of all institutions nationally already use. Also, legislation should ban public universities from spending state or federal funds for DEI programs and activities that support or engage in political or social activism unless required by an outside accrediting body.
DEI cloaked in instruction is trickier to handle. Even as the assumptions behind DEI are neo-racist wolves posing as anti-racist sheep, students benefit from understanding the flaws behind those which requires exposure to the tenets of DEI even if they comprise a thinly-veiled hate speech. Abuse of students by ascribing to them unsavory characteristics merely because of their race, sex, disability status, or religious background (or lack thereof) doesn't serve a legitimate instructional purpose in and of itself.
Legislation could address this not by banning all discussion of DEI-based worldviews in the classroom, but by mandating that any worldview taught that denigrates groups of people defined by protected classes under civil rights law – such as DEI's arguing that white people by virtue of being genetically white naturally oppress non-whites in allegedly how government, business, and society are structured that only can be overcome through DEI reprogramming – must also be critiqued honestly in the presentation of material, with a statement required in course syllabi informing students of this. More and more robust explicatory material is what sets the stage for sharpening critical thinking ability among students.
As Landry noted in his inaugural speech, genuine learning rather than indoctrination should guide education in Louisiana, and he and legislators should make it a priority to pass legislation guaranteeing this regardless of what words higher education institutions use to clarify or obscure their preferences and agendas.
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Fourteen years flies by, eh? I started blogging after peak blogging declined and while twitter was hip and fun and snarky. Now, twitter is toxic, ok, it's owner is toxic, and blogging is hip again although folks tend to call it Substack. I went from writing about anything sometimes four times a day to now writing far less frequently--sometimes four times a month. I write less partly because I can just refer to an old post rather than rewrite the same thing over and over again. On the occasion of the 14th anniversary, I thought I would write something to keep up my monthly totals and to consider some of the ironies relating to my first post long ago and in a city not so far away (I am convinced that I write less because I am complaining about Quebec and its politics far less).In my first post, I was reacting to two pieces I read and that were getting much play: one by Joseph Nye arguing that political scientists are not policy relevant and one by Francis Fukuyama about the need to get rid of tenure. Let's take those in turn. I argued in the original post that the interest and willingness to engage the policy world varies among scholars, and that there are plenty of folks doing so. Since then, the Bridging the Gap folks have not only produced many cohorts of folks interested in doing so, but this organization is now taking the next step with some others, pondering about the do's and don't's and the ethics of engagement. DoD is populated by a bunch of political scientists these days, while DND (the maple version of DoD) killed their engagement program, the Security and Defence Forum, and then started a new one, Mobilizing Insights for Defence and Security or MINDS, that now funds nine networks on a range of topics. We built the Canadian Defence and Security Network to foster greater engagement among the different parts of Canada's defence and security community, and after four years, I think we have been quite successful.Of course, the question is whether policy-types listen to the academics or are they just checking boxes? Hard to tell ultimately, but I do know that two of Arbour's recommendations came from one academic, and she consulted many during her review. I also know that crises provide opportunities for outsiders to engage, and, yes, the Canadian military has been crisis mode for at least two years. Anecdata is just that, but I have found that folks in government do listen to our BattleRhythm podcast, as I get calls when I say stuff that is out of date. Tenure is also in the news, as GOP-dominated state legislatures are attempting to wipe out tenure in Florida, Texas, North Carolina, and elsewhere. People have always doubted whether the academic freedom that tenure was designed to protect was actually protected and deployed. That is, people wondered whether academics might be trained to be uncontroversial through the probation period which then sticks, that profs do not really need academic freedom because they never really make use of it.Dan Nexon commented on my first post, and it was most prescient:those who say that the "free speech" issue isn't so important anymore only think that because tenure has protected it for so long. Abolish tenure, and things will get ugly very, very quickly.Well, we may have a "natural experiment" where profs in GOP-dominated states will have different pressures/constraints to compare with those elsewhere. Fukuyama was wondering if tenure caused stagnation as it reduced the incentives for profs to produce and to push. He wasn't wondering about the punishment that may visited upon those who dare to dare. Given how partisan, how ideological this current anti-tenure effort is, can we doubt at all that those in tenure-less places will have toe the line for fear of getting fired? Just mentioning racism, which is an important topic in any number of history and social science classes, might be enough to get one fired, not to mention researching those in office right now who are white supremacists. So, yeah, tenure is more relevant than ever, and the concern that it might cause some folks to become deadwood is far offset by the real threat of ideological conformity imposed by the far right that now dominates too many political systems (watch out, Albertan profs, you may be next). Finally, one of the themes of that first post was that I was originally miffed about folks generalizing about profs, but then I realized I am a professional generalizer. I take ideas that I know well and apply them all over the place, to see what is common and what is not so common. The funny thing is that I have recently taken umbrage at generalizations hurled at my kind--that some folks question the integrity of profs because they engage the policy community and even take money from the government, gasp! As a good prof, I should be less concerned about folks thinking critically of my kind and more concerned with them doing the work as they criticize. That is, read our stuff and judge then if we are shills for whoever. I do have 14 years of stuff right here. Of course, some might think that this is a Steve Bannon-esque strategy of flooding the zone with shit. Maybe? There are many things people don't understand about professors, but two of them are:a) we don't pocket grant money--we use it to pay for research assistants (students), travel, access to data, equipment/software, and the like.b) we spend our entire careers being criticized--the most valued publications are those that go through peer review, and peer review is often pretty brutal. So, we tend to develop thick skins, as rejection is inherent in our enterprise, as I keep saying (I am 0 for 2 this spring in sabbatical fellowship applications, waiting to hear about a third). Of course, those are two generalizations that are mostly true but not always. I hate when folks question my integrity, that kind of criticism does rankle. So, my skin is not always as thick as I would like. I am also easy trolled. But that is a topic for another day. Perhaps before the next anniversary.One last thing: even though I have been doing this for fourteen years, I am always a bit surprised that people read my musings here. The typos in many posts should remind folks that this outlet is for the half-baked. The spew is only semi-finished. Which may be for the best as my mistakes and my omissions have led to lots of interesting conversations. Thanks for reading and engaging me. While this thing may have started out as narcissism--my ideas are really important--this blog has really helped me engage my curiosity, learning much stuff along the way.
This research is carried out to analyse the influence of human resource competences, accounting information system application, and information technology usage towards the quality of financial reports with an internal controlling system as a moderate variable. The sample was selected from civil servants (ASN) involved in writing financial reports of regional staff organisation (OPD) of West Kalimantan Province. The hypotheses were tested through Structural Equation Modelling (SEM) which was based on Partial Least Square (PLS), using WarpPLS 6.0. software. Result of the research indicated that human resource competences, accounting information system application, and information technology usage had a significant effect towards the government's financial reports. In addition, an internal controlling system did not moderate human resource competences, accounting information system application, and information technology usage towards the financial reports of West Kalimantan government. Keywords : Quality of financial reports, Human resource competences, Accounting information system application, information technology usage, internal controlling systemDAFTAR PUSTAKAArista, R. 2018. Pengaruh Kompetensi Sumber Daya Manusia, Penerapan Sistem Akuntansi Dengan Sistem Pengendalian Intern Sebagai Variabel Moderasi Terhadap Kualitas Laporan Keuangan Pemerintah Daerah (Studi Pada Organisasi Perangkat Daerah Provinsi Riau). JOM FEB, Volume 1 Edisi 1 (Januari - Juni 2018).Armando, G. 2013. Pengaruh Sistem Pengendalian Intern Dan Pengawasan Keuangan Daerah Terhadap Nilai Informasi Laporan Keuangan Pemerintah. Jurnal akuntansi no.1 vol.1, 2013.Barus, S. 2017. Analisis Pengaruh Kompetensi Sumber Daya Manusia, Penerapan Standar Akuntansi Pemerintahan, Sistem Akuntansi Keuangan Daerah Dan Pemanfaatan Teknologi Informasi Terhadap Kualitas Laporan Keuangan Pemerintah Kota Binjai Dengan Sistem Pengendalian Internal Pemerintah Sebagai Variabel Moderating, Universitas Sumatera Utara. Indonesia.Edlin, D.N. 2018. Pengaruh Kapasitas Sumber Daya Manusia, Pemanfaatan Teknologi Informasi Dan Sistem Pengendalian Intern Pemerintah Terhadap Kualitas Laporan Keuangan Pemerintah Daerah Dengan Komitmen Organisasi Sebagai Variabel Moderating (Studi Empiris Pada Opd Kota Dumai). JOM FEB, Volume 1 Edisi 1 (Januari – Juni 2018).Ghozali, I. 2013. Aplikasi analisis multivariate dengan program SPSS. Semarang: Badan Penerbit Universitas Diponegoro.Hardyansyah. 2016. Pengaruh Kompetensi Sumber Daya Manusia dan Pemanfaatan Teknologi Informasi Terhadap Kualitas Laporan Keuangan Dengan Sistem Pengendalian Intern Sebagai Variabel Moderasi Pada SKPD Kabupaten Polewali Mandar, Jurnal Ilmiyah Akuntansi Peradaban: Vol. I No. 1 Januari 2016.Indriantoro, N., & Supomo, B. 2002. Metodologi Penelitian Bisnis. Cetakan Kedua. BPFE. Yogyakarta.Jefry, R. 2018. Teori Stewardship Dan Good Governance. Jurnal Riset Edisi Xxvi, Unibos Makasar Maret S/D Juni. Vol 4, No. 003 (2018).Kock, Ned. 2015. WarpPLS 5.0 User Manual ScriptWarp System. Laredo, Texas. USA.Nadir, R & Hasyim. 2017. Pengaruh Pemanfaatan Teknologi Informasi, Kompetensi Sumber Daya Manusia, Terhadap Kualitas Laporan Keuangan Pemerintah Daerah Dengan Variabel Intervening Standar Akuntansi Pemerintahan Berbasis Akrual (Studi Empiris Di PEMDA Kabupaten Barru). AKUNTABEL ISSN Online: 2528-1135 Volume 14, No 1 2017. Nurillah, A. 2014. Pengaruh Kompetensi Sumber Daya Manusia, Penerapan Sistem Akuntansi Keuangan Daerah (SKAD), Pemanfaatan Tekonologi Informasi Dan Sistem Pengendalian Intern Terhadap Kualitas Laporan Keuangan Pemerintah.(Studi Empiris Pada SKPD Kota Depok). JurnalAkuntansi dan Bisnis. Vol. 1. No.1. Hal. 2337-3806.Rahman. D. 2015. Pengaruh Pemanfaatan Teknologi Informasi, Penerapan Sistem Akuntansi Keuangan Daerah, Dan Penerapan Standar Akuntansi Pemerintahan Terhadap Kualitas Laporan Keuangan Daerah (Studi Empiris Pada Skpd Provinsi Riau). Jom Fekon Vol. 2 Nomor. 2 Oktober 2015.Ramadhan, 2015. 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D. 2017. Pemanfaatan Sistem Informasi Akuntansi Keuangan Daerah Dan Kapasitas Sumber Daya Manusia Terhadap Kualitas Laporan Keuangan Pemerintah Derah Dengan Sistem Pengendalian Intern Sebagai Variabel Moderating (Studi Pada Skpd Kabupaten Klaten).Sa'adah, K, dkk. 2017. Pengaruh Kompetensi Sumber Daya Manusia Dan Sistem Pengendalian Intern Terhadap Kualitas Informasi Laporan Keuangan Dengan Moderasi Pemanfaatan Teknologi Informasi. P-Issn 2086-3748 Jurnal Ilmu Manajemen Dan Akuntansi Terapan (Jimat) Volume 8 Nomor 2, November 2017.Solimun, Dkk. 2017. Metode Statistika Multivariat Pemodelan Persamaan Struktural (SEM) Pendekatan WarpPLS. Universitas Brawijaya Press. MalangSitumorang, J. 2016. Analisis Faktor-Faktor Yang Mempengaruhi Kemampuan Pengelola Keuangan Skpd Dalam Penyusunan Laporan Keuangan Skpd Sesuai Standar Akuntansi Pemerintahan Dengan Pengawasan Internal Sebagai Variabel Pemoderasi Pada Pemerintah Kabupaten Samosir, Universitas Sumatera Utara. Indonesia.Staubus, G.J. 1999. 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Pengaruh sumberdaya manusia dan pemanfaatan teknologi informasi terhadap keterandalan dan ketepatwaktuan pelaporan keuangan pemerintah daerah dengan variabel intervening pengendalian intern akuntansi (Studi empiris di Pemda Subosukawonosraten Kota Semarang. Simposium Nasional Akuntansi XIII Purwokerto.Wiguna, P.A.H. 2016. Pengaruh Sistem Informasi Akuntansi, Sistem Pengendalian Internal, Komitmen Organisasi Terhadap Kinerja Organisasi Pada Pdam Kabupaten Buleleng Dengan Moderasi Budaya Tri Hita Karana Sebagai Dimensi Budaya Organisasi. e-journal S1 Ak Universitas Pendidikan Ganesha Jurusan Akuntansi Program S1 (Vol: 6 No: 4 Tahun 2016).Wilkinson, J. W. 2000. Accounting Information System Essential Concept and Application 4 Edition, Jhon Willey & Sons Inc. New York – USA. Retrived from https://archive.org/details/accountinginform00wilk_0Yuliza. 2018. 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Background: In the context of the investigation of the quark gluon plasma produced in heavy-ion collisions, hadrons containing heavy (charm or beauty) quarks play a special role for the characterization of the hot and dense medium created in the interaction. The measurement of the production of charm and beauty hadrons in proton– proton collisions, besides providing the necessary reference for the studies in heavy-ion reactions, constitutes an important test of perturbative quantum chromodynamics (pQCD) calculations. Heavy-flavor production in proton–nucleus collisions is sensitive to the various effects related to the presence of nuclei in the colliding system, commonly denoted cold-nuclear-matter effects. Most of these effects are expected to modify open-charm production at low transverse momenta (pT) and, so far, no measurement of D-meson production down to zero transverse momentum was available at mid-rapidity at the energies attained at the CERN Large Hadron Collider (LHC). Purpose: The measurements of the production cross sections of promptly produced charmed mesons in p-Pb collisions at the LHC down to pT = 0 and the comparison to the results from pp interactions are aimed at the assessment of cold-nuclear-matter effects on open-charm production, which is crucial for the interpretation of the results from Pb-Pb collisions. Methods: The prompt charmed mesons D0, D+, D∗+, and Ds+ were measured at mid-rapidity in p-Pb collisions at a center-of-mass energy per nucleon pair √sNN = 5.02 TeV with the ALICE detector at the LHC.D mesons were reconstructed from their decays D0 → K−π+, D+ → K−π+π+, D∗+ → D0π+, Ds+ → φπ+ → K−K+π+, and their charge conjugates, using an analysis method based on the selection of decay topologies displaced from the interaction vertex. In addition, the prompt D0 production cross section was measured in pp collisions at √s = 7 TeV and p-Pb collisions at √sNN = 5.02 TeV down to pT = 0 using an analysis technique that is based on the estimation and subtraction of the combinatorial background, without reconstruction of the D0 decay vertex. Results: The production cross section in pp collisions is described within uncertainties by different implementations of pQCD calculations down to pT = 0. This allowed also a determination of the total cc ̄ production cross section in pp collisions, which is more precise than previous ALICE measurements because it is not affected by uncertainties owing to the extrapolation to pT = 0. The nuclear modification factor RpPb(pT), defined as the ratio of the pT-differential D meson cross section in p-Pb collisions and that in pp collisions scaled by the mass number of the Pb nucleus, was calculated for the four D-meson species and found to be compatible with unity within uncertainties. The results are compared to theoretical calculations that include cold-nuclear-matter effects and to transport model calculations incorporating the interactions of charm quarks with an expanding deconfined medium. Conclusions: These measurements add experimental evidence that the modification of the D-meson transverse momentum distributions observed in Pb–Pb collisions with respect to pp interactions is due to strong final-state effects induced by the interactions of the charm quarks with the hot and dense partonic medium created in ultrarelativistic heavy-ion collisions. The current precision of the measurement does not allow us to draw conclusions on the role of the different cold-nuclear-matter effects and on the possible presence of additional hot-medium effects in p-Pb collisions. However, the analysis technique without decay-vertex reconstruction, applied on future larger data samples, should provide access to the physics-rich range down to pT = 0 ; State Committee of Science, World Federation of Scientists (WFS), and Swiss Fonds Kidagan, Armenia;ConselhoNacionaldeDesenvolvimentoCient ́ıfico e Tecnolo ́gico (CNPq), Financiadora de Estudos e Proje- tos (FINEP), Fundac ̧a ̃o de Amparo a` Pesquisa do Estado de Sa ̃o Paulo (FAPESP), Brazil; Ministry of Science & Technology of China (MSTC), National Natural Science Foundation of China (NSFC) and Ministry of Education of China (MOEC); Ministry of Science, Education and Sports of Croatia and Unity through Knowledge Fund, Croatia; Ministry of Education and Youth of the Czech Republic; Danish Natural Science Research Council, the Carlsberg Foundation and the Danish National Research Foundation; The European Research Council under the European Community's Seventh Framework Programme; Helsinki Institute of Physics and the Academy of Finland; French CNRS-IN2P3, the "Re ́gion Pays de Loire," "Re ́gion Alsace," "Re ́gion Auvergne," and CEA, France; German Bundesministerium fu ̈r Bildung, Wissenschaft, Forschung und Technologie (BMBF) and the Helmholtz Association; General Secretariat for Research and Technology, Ministry of Development, Greece; National Research, Development and Innovation Office (NKFIH), Hun- gary; Council of Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR), New Delhi, India; Department of Atomic Energy and De- partment of Science and Technology of the Government of India; Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare (INFN) and Centro Fermi-Museo Storico della Fisica e Centro Studi e Ricerche "Enrico Fermi," Italy; Japan Society for the Promotion of Sci- ence (JSPS) KAKENHI and MEXT, Japan; National Research Foundation of Korea (NRF); Consejo Nacional de Cienca y Tecnologia (CONACYT), Direccio ́n General de Asuntos del Personal Acade ́mico (DGAPA), Me ́xico; Ame ́rique Latine Formation acade ́mique-European Commission (ALFA-EC) and the EPLANET Program (European Particle Physics Latin American Network); Stichting voor Fundamenteel Onderzoek der Materie (FOM) and the Nederlandse Organisatie voor Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek (NWO), Netherlands; Research Council of Norway (NFR); Pontificia Universidad Cato ́lica d e l P e r u ́ ; N a t i o n a l S c i e n c e C e n t r e , P o l a n d ; M i n i s t r y o f National Education/Institute for Atomic Physics and National Council of Scientific Research in Higher Education (CNCSI- UEFISCDI), Romania; Joint Institute for Nuclear Research, Dubna, Russia, Ministry of Education and Science of Russian Federation, Russian Academy of Sciences, Russian Federal Agency of Atomic Energy, Russian Federal Agency for Science and Innovations and The Russian Foundation for Basic Research; Ministry of Education of Slovakia; Department of Science and Technology, South Africa; Centro de In- vestigaciones Energe ́ticas, Medioambientales y Tecnolo ́gicas (CIEMAT), E-Infrastructure shared between Europe and Latin America (EELA), Ministerio de Econom ́ıa y Competitividad (MINECO) of Spain, Xunta de Galicia (Conseller ́ıa de Ed- ucacio ́ n), Centro de Aplicaciones Tecnolo ́ gicas y Desarrollo Nuclear (CEADEN), Cubaenerg ́ıa, Cuba, and IAEA (Interna- tional Atomic Energy Agency); Swedish Research Council (VR) and Knut & Alice Wallenberg Foundation (KAW); National Science and Technology Development Agency (NS- DTA), Suranaree University of Technology (SUT), and Office of the Higher Education Commission under NRU project of Thailand; Ukraine Ministry of Education and Science; United Kingdom Science and Technology Facilities Council (STFC); The United States Department of Energy, the United States National Science Foundation, the State of Texas, and the State of Ohio.
With headlines dominated by the scares of the Ebola virus and ISIS victories in Iraq, the mid-term elections came and went without much fanfare, until the stunning results were known.Republicans gained control of the Senate by winning at least eight seats (Louisiana will have a runoff in December) and expanded their majority in the House by near-historic levels. They also won governorships in several blue states (Massachusetts, Maryland and Illinois). The magnitude of their sweeping victory surprised many, most interestingly among them, the pollsters themselves. They failed to predict for example, the GOP victory in the Maryland race for governor, as well as the narrow re-election of Democrat Mark Warner in Virginia, who was projected to win by a 9.7 point-margin, but narrowly missed a recount against former Virginia Republican Party Chairman Ed Gillespie.Two circumstances may explain the huge margin of Democratic losses: turnout was low, as is usually the case in mid-term elections, and the GOP ran its campaigns on one issue only: the low approval of the President's performance, nationally at 40% but as low as 15% in some red states. There was also a quite substantive amount of open seats as several senior Senators retired.Democratic candidates based their campaigns on local issues, trying to distance themselves as much as possible from Obama, the extreme case being Senate candidate Alison Lundergan Grimes, running against Mitch McConnell in Kentucky, who refused to answer when asked by a reporter if she had voted for Obama in the presidential election. It is not unusual however, for the White House party to lose mid-term legislative elections especially in the sixth year of a president with low approval rates, and under a political map that favored the GOP due to the latest round of gerrymandered re-districting.The pollsters' miscalculation is directly related to the low turnout: minorities and students didn't show up to cast their votes. In Maryland, turnout was especially low in urban Baltimore and the Washington suburbs. Pollsters base their model on self-reported likelihood to vote, which is not a reliable measure in mid-term elections, mainly because it is merely a vague intention but not a priority for most voters.With the GOP firmly in control of the two Houses of Congress, what is the next step for Obama as he enters the last two years of his Presidency? Will he defend the mandate the voters entrusted him in two elections? Or will he passively accept his "lame-duck" status and allow the new majority party to have its way? Will the author of "The Audacity of Hope" believe in his own creed about reclaiming the American Dream and "get something meaningful done" in his last 24 months at the helm?Six-year legislative losses for the President's party are nothing new. Even with divided government, presidents like Eisenhower, F. D Roosevelt and Ronald Reagan outmaneuvered opponents, and managed to shape the political agenda and leave a long shadow in the history of American politics. The question now is not if, but how Obama will do the same, whether by the power of his office, exercising his veto or issuing executive orders or by the real "stuff of politics", political compromise, bargaining and consensus building.Republicans also must choose their course as they transition from minority to majority status in the Senate: will they show they can govern and start passing legislation with some bi-partisan support or will they listen to the base and continue the combative brinkmanship that led to a government shutdown last year?The former appears more likely: Mitch McConnell, now leader of the majority in the Senate, struck a non-confrontational tone when he outlined an agenda starting with issues that have bipartisan consensus, such as completion of free trade agreements and moderate tax reform. Texas Senator Ted Cruz, notorious ego-maniac, famous for leading the battle to defund and dismantle "Obamacare" may find he is alone if he unreasonably tries to rekindle that debate. He is expected to be a presidential candidate in 2016 and may insist on a more "conservative" agenda. However, McConnell, a cunning senate veteran from Kentucky, calling Ted Cruz "an army of one", has candidly acknowledged they don't have the votes to overturn a Presidential veto, so they won't be able to repeal the health law.Still, from the extreme side of the aisle, the GOP leader is being pressured to use the leverage of another government shutdown to obtain concessions on the health law and to stop the President from using his executive authority to reform immigration. Indeed, since June the White House has been preparing to extend legal status to more undocumented immigrants and to stop some cases of deportation. This is now expected to be one of the first executive orders Obama will sign in this period, in spite of threats by Speaker Boehner that he would thereby kill any chances for comprehensive immigration reform to pass in the House before 2016. On his part, Mitch McConnell has refused the GOP base's proposals as "self-destructive".Instead, Mc Connell proposes to work on issues for which he can count on some bipartisan support such as the Keystone XL oil Pipeline, which the president may not veto (unless he succumbs to the pressure of the left wing of his party), repealing the medical device tax (a small provision of the Affordable Care Act that some say is crucial to be able to fund the health care law), and finalize some free trade agreements. To appease the base, Mc Connell is likely to bring up a bill that would ban abortions after 20 weeks of pregnancy which he is expected to do next year. Although Republicans say they have learned the lesson that denying women's reproductive rights will lose them the female vote over and over again, this is a relatively modest and reasonable measure for which they may get the support of centrist Democrats.In sum, there are plenty of openings for both parties to cooperate and for Obama to still find ways to shape his legacy. He can stand firm on certain principles such as immigration reform and climate change, and use his veto pen when he feels it is absolutely necessary. But he can also encourage Democrats in Congress to cooperate on other issues such as trade and defense policies, and not to surrender to the demands of the most radical wing.History shows that presidents can and do survive sixth-year mid-term upsets. They can still leave a strong imprint on the evolution of the political process and on the country itself. They can even pave the way for their own party to win the next election.The 2016 contest is already under way and with their eyes on the Presidency both parties know they must prove to the American public that they can do one thing: govern. Maria L. Fornella es docente de Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia.
This dissertation engages in a critical reading of Rolando Hinojosa's early fiction in Estampas del Valle as an example of a unique border literature that highlights the multiplicity of elements that exist along the Rio Grande. By using the work of an author that has direct experience with life along the U.S.-Mexico border the aim of this study is to look at how the border region and its cultural and spatial manifestations impact on writings concerned with memory, the personal and the self. Authors such as Rolando Hinojosa live within the blessing and terrors of multiplicity; a culture that splinters and fragments into multiple perspectives, identities, voices and discourses. This analysis attempts to locate the place of the border and its people as a vital locus of enunciation in contemporary cultural and literary studies and simultaneously show how Hinojosa forged new ground in this literary publication by creating an idiosyncratic form of fragmentary writing. The unifying elements which render Hinojosa's Estampas del Valle as a novel are a particular historical period, a geographical stage, and the collective characterization of a distinct brand of Mexicans: the gente del Valle de Rio Grande.This work also examines the way in which this regional border area covering South Texas and Northern Mexico shapes his writing. My focus on Estampas del Valle, is to demonstrate the importance of this work as an individual novel, standing on its own, apart from the Klail City Death Trip Series. Estampas del Valle has been overlooked and overshadowed by the large composition of work that has become the Klail City Death Trip Series for which Hinojosa claims international recognition as a Mexican-American writer. Returning to his early writing we will explore elements of an ingrained multifarious border identity and how his early work is representative of his close ties to Mexico, Mexican literature and other Latin American forms of writing. In this study I will analyze how Hinojosa incorporates Mexican cultural and historical elements covering an array of topics from religious folk tales to the Mexican Revolution along the Rio Grande border. My aim is to provide the reader with the sense that although Hinojosa's identity and writing are dialogic, he does not choose to be Mexican or American, but internally lives his Rio Grande Valley identity. This identity consists of a border culture with close cultural and linguistic ties to northern Mexico.Hispanic theoreticians and literary critics of the border like Héctor Calderón and José David Saldívar have reconfigured previous conceptualizations of the borderlands by discovering in the fluid hybridity characteristic of border population and culture an archetype with which to interpret America and even the world. Using space as a constant metaphor and agency for his writing, Rolando Hinojosa constructs an original framework for the Mexican American novel within the perspective of American regionalism and within the Mexican norteño space and imaginary. Rolando Hinojosa, who won the Quinto Sol Prize in 1972 was representative of the Quinto Sol writers who often rejected Anglo-American literary models and instead did what writers of Mexican heritage in the Southwest had done traditionally: they turned southward and did their literary apprenticeships in the works of authors such as Rulfo, Borges, and García-Márquez. In "The Evolution of Chicano Literature", Raymond Paredes writes that the new school of Chicano writers not only reaffirmed its cultural ties to the cultures of contemporary Mexico and Latin America but also rediscovered, as Mexican artists had earlier in the century, their aboriginal heritage. Just as literary and cultural critics have raised the issues of multiculturalism and identity politics, these minority writers have embraced the perplexing question of identity - of how group identities contribute to the self an essential quality, a crucial part of self-definition. Rolando Hinojosa tells the history of a community intermingled with his own.In Estampas del Valle, Rolando Hinojosa confirms that the wall or border is not the impenetrable ring of protection that creates a metaphysics of the pure, but a site of a constant crossing, of conjunction and disjunction. The threshold of unpredictable dynamics, as actual crossings collide with maps as spatial and national demarcations, demarcation becomes, in Hinojosa's work, part of a dialectics, not of confrontation, but of interaction. The crossing of one culture to another, of one language to the other and of one way of living to the next, is only possible if the boundary ceases to be so and behaves more like a permeable membrane in a living organism such as the Rio Grande Valley Border that Hinojosa highlights in this oeuvre. My analysis considers contacts and crossings across the lines and within the lines as crucial sites to investigate and generate identities and the different manners of living and leaving, of rooting and routing. As a site of representation, the Rio Grande Valley is a palimpsest of routes, histories, and images distinctly traced in Hinojosa's novel. Finally, there is the basic principle: that for many Chicanos, the political boundary between the United States and Mexico has no real significance, that it is an impertinence arbitrarily separating people of a common cultural heritage. The point is simply that the Chicano in no sense lives in isolation; culturally and physically, he receives constant reinforcement from Mexico. In this dissertation I will show how Hinojosa has mastered the vernacular of the people of the lower Rio Grande Valley that his text sounds like a metrical litany of colloquial expressions and local oral traditions. In this respect, it is not significant whether a sketch is rendered as monologue or dialogue. That Hinojosa has a keen and sensitive ear for the cadences of spoken language is illustrated by the fact that the majority of selections are recorded in the first person. But the fact is that even those selections recounted by nameless narrators share this remarkable oral quality. Once more, the importance of this study lies in calling attention to Hinojosa's earliest novel, Estampas del Valley and its contributions to border literature simultaneously breaking away from concepts that generalize border crossings. Significantly, Hinojosa demonstrates how, border location, specifically the Rio Grande Valley, becomes an intimate feature of identity and thus of the similitude between and among neighboring things; for, as Foucault explains in The Order of Things, "their edges touch, their fringes intermingle, the extremity of the one also denotes the beginning of the other. In this way, movement, influences, passions, and properties too, are communicated. So that in this hinge between two things a resemblance appears" (Foucault, 106). Estampas del Valle, Hinojosa proves, is a prime example of this composite multifaceted resemblance along the border's physical national boundaries. In addition to what has already been mentioned, my dissertation aims to examine the multiple voices and identities of the Rio Grande Valley in Estampas del Valle and their direct relationship to Mexican history, culture and heritage. The author's linguistic and literary techniques function to give this work a social realism in order to attack the political, social and economic problems of the Chicano on the border.
