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The article is devoted to the study of estimates of the rupture of the Russian-American trade agreement in 1911. The materials of the right-wing periodical press of the Russian Empire show the leading publications' vision of the reasons for the cancellation of the treaty, the prospects of the Russian economy in conditions of non-contractual relations, as well as the attitude to possible retaliatory measures. It is concluded that this diplomatic crisis for monarchical publications was also important in the context of the Jewish question and the elections to the State Duma scheduled for 1912.

Donald J. Trump's journey to the White House signaled the resurgence of right-wing populism in the United States. His campaign and his surprising electoral victory rode a wave of anti-elitism and xenophobia. He masterfully exploited the economic and cultural anxieties of white working class and petite bourgeois Americans by deflecting blame for their woes onto the "usual suspects," among them minorities, liberals, Muslims, professionals and immigrants. His rhetoric touched a chord, and in fact emboldened and energized white supremacist ideologies, identities, movements and practices in the United States and around the world. Indeed, the Trump Effect touched Canada as well. This paper explores how the American politics of hate unleashed by Trump's right-wing populist posturing galvanized Canadian white supremacist ideologies, identities, movements and practices. Following Trump's win, posters plastered on telephone poles in Canadian cities invited "white people" to visit alt-right websites. Neo-Nazis spray painted swastikas on a mosque, a synagogue and a church with a black pastor. Online, a reactionary white supremacist subculture violated hate speech laws with impunity while stereotyping and demonizing nonwhite people. Most strikingly, in January 2017, Canada witnessed its most deadly homegrown terrorist incident: Alexandre Bissonnete, a right-wing extremist and Trump supporter, murdered six men at the Islamic cultural centre of Quebec City. Our paper provides an overview of the manifestations of the Trump Effect in Canada. We also contextualize the antecedents of Trump's resonance in Canada, highlighting the conditions for and currents and characteristics of right-wing extremism in Canada.

Donald J. Trump's journey to the White House signaled the resurgence of right-wing populism in the United States. His campaign and his surprising electoral victory rode a wave of anti-elitism and xenophobia. He masterfully exploited the economic and cultural anxieties of white working class and petite bourgeois Americans by deflecting blame for their woes onto the "usual suspects," among them minorities, liberals, Muslims, professionals and immigrants. His rhetoric touched a chord, and in fact emboldened and energized white supremacist ideologies, identities, movements and practices in the United States and around the world. Indeed, the Trump Effect touched Canada as well. This paper explores how the American politics of hate unleashed by Trump's right-wing populist posturing galvanized Canadian white supremacist ideologies, identities, movements and practices. Following Trump's win, posters plastered on telephone poles in Canadian cities invited "white people" to visit alt-right websites. Neo-Nazis spray painted swastikas on a mosque, a synagogue and a church with a black pastor. Online, a reactionary white supremacist subculture violated hate speech laws with impunity while stereotyping and demonizing nonwhite people. Most strikingly, in January 2017, Canada witnessed its most deadly homegrown terrorist incident: Alexandre Bissonnete, a right-wing extremist and Trump supporter, murdered six men at the Islamic cultural centre of Quebec City. Our paper provides an overview of the manifestations of the Trump Effect in Canada. We also contextualize the antecedents of Trump's resonance in Canada, highlighting the conditions for and currents and characteristics of right-wing extremism in Canada.

The recent successes of Jean Marie Le Pen's National Front, Jörg Haider's Freedom Party and Pim Fortuyn's 'List' Party, to name just a few, have generated a great deal of anxiety among those concerned about the maintenance of liberal values in European societies. In particular, many commentators point to the xenophobic rhetoric these politicians and their supporters espouse. Others suggest that these electoral successes spring from poor economic performance or the weakening of Europe's established political parties on the left and the right. Whatever the explanation, the sudden surge of support for extreme right parties (ERPs) since the 1980s challenges our understanding of democratic politics in Europe. Although existing research contributes a great deal to our understanding of the rise of ERPs, no single theory has come to dominate the academic literature. In addressing these gaps in the literature, we take advantage of constituency-level electoral data (from Caramani, 2000) to compute regional vote shares for ERPs in national elections in nine countries in the 1990s: Austria (1995), Belgium (1995), Denmark (1994), Finland (1995), France (1997), Germany (1994), Italy (1996), Spain (1993) and the U.K. (1997). These data enable us to measure institutional factors such as the proportionality of electoral systems at the regional level, factors which previous research suggests are positively associated with electoral support for ERPs. In addition, we estimate sub-national levels of poverty, income inequality and welfare generosity as well as such widely examined variables as immigration and percent unemployed. With respect to methods, we employ Tobit analysis, which accounts for the 'left-censoring' of the dependent variable, and include country dummy variables to capture unspecified country-level effects manifested in spatial autocorrelation.