Suchergebnisse

This book by Professor John Dugard is both an autobiography as well as a critical legal history from a well-placed insider. As I have read it, the book's first goal is to explain apartheid as an oppressive and illegitimate system of laws – what I would regard as lawfare – and their impact on society, whereas the second goal is to highlight civic, government and international responses to this, drawing on case studies from Namibia, South Africa and Palestine, or what I would regard as various forms of legal mobilisation. Each case study detailed in the book is preceded by a brief history, followed by Dugard's extensive observations, and direct involvement, in each of these countries, as a scholar and as a legal practitioner in South Africa and within the United Nations system.

In the final years of legal apartheid, the small community of Quakers in Cape Town, South Africa sought to apply their tradition of political and theological nonviolence to the systematic injustice of their social context. Drawing on archival evidence, this article examines the writings of Hendrik W van der Merwe, a prominent white Afrikaner sociologist, activist, and Quaker. I argue that van der Merwe developed an unusual account of Quaker pacifism that cast nonviolence in terms of engaged mediation rather than civil resistance or critique, and I demonstrate how this ethical and political position required a specific conceptualization of "violence" as an idea in order for its account of peacemaking to be intelligible as an interpretation of that Quaker tradition. The study of the development of van der Merwe's ideas has a twofold significance: it uncovers a form of anti-violence politics that has been widely neglected within political theories of nonviolence and pacifism, and it illuminates the concrete political stakes of ongoing debates about "narrow" and "wide" definitions of violence.

Based on fieldwork done in the city centre of Cape Town over two months, coupled with multiple conversations that stem as far back as 2011, this dissertation explores the spirit of ambition and desire, known in Xhosa as 'imfuno'. Articulated as a unit of study, I explore the concept of imfuno and how it manifests itself in the social lives of a group of migrant labourers in Cape Town, particularly in a post-apartheid South Africa loaded with personal expectations, wants and needs. Drawing on theoretical models of covert strategy, politics of suffering and dynamics of social change, this thesis postulates that people's notions of themselves, their aspirations and life-goals are not only interconnected, but also can become driving forces that allow them to withstand and negotiate denigrating socio-economic conditions. Using Cape Town as a site of study, existing as a microcosm for the legacy of apartheid and the history of separation at large in South Africa, the thesis elaborated on notions of space, and how through examining the construction of space, claims of belonging and alterity are created. The way in which my informants were aware of this spatial planning in the city, and were able to strategize around for the purpose of finding meaning and self-actualization, forms a thematic filament in this monograph. Throughout the discussion is the idea of existing in a social system that informants clearly acknowledge as oppressive in light of recent political shifts. Each of the four chapters elaborates of the multi-contextual presence of imfuno, and how it expands and contracts as social actors' expectations mutate as larger macro structures play a role. Like many other post-colonial monographs by anthropologists such as Bank(2011), this dissertation takes a observes and analyses 'classic' works in migration studies and argues for a fluid, constantly changing discourse around the migration and mobility field in anthropology.

This paper is based on a retrospective study of children who were born in exile and/or spent their formative years in exile during apartheid. It is based on 21 in-depth interviews with men and women who spent their childhoods in an average of three different countries in North America, Western Europe, the Nordic region, Eastern Europe, West Africa, and East Africa as second-generation exiles during apartheid. This article will argue that the interplay of structure and agency in the lives of second-generation exiles in the process of migration and in the transitory spaces that they occupied should be explored. Second-generation exile children devised a range of strategies in order to challenge or cope with constantly shifting contexts characterized by inequalities, social exclusion, violence, and political uncertainty. ; Cet article s'appuie sur une étude rétrospective d'enfants nés en exil ou qui ont passé leurs premières années en exil durant l'apartheid. L'étude est basée sur 21 entrevues en profondeur avec des hommes et des femmes qui ont passé leur enfance comme des exilés de deuxième génération au cours de l'apartheid dans une moyenne de trois pays dif- férents en Amérique du Nord, Europe occidentale, région nordique, Europe de l'Est, Afrique de l'Ouest et Afrique de l'Est. Cet article fait valoir que l'interaction de la structure et de l'entremise dans la vie des exilés de seconde génération en voie de migration et dans les espaces transitoires qu'ils occupaient devrait être explorée. Les enfants exilés de deuxième génération ont mis au point une gamme de stratégies en vue de contester ou d'affronter des contextes en constante mutation, caractérisé par des inégalités, l'exclusion sociale, la violence et l'incertitude politique.

Liesel Hibbert is Senior Lecturer in the Faculty of Education, Cape Peninsula University of Technology, South Africa. Her interests include discourse studies, South African writing, linguistic ethnography, political rhetoric, stylistics, the bilingual classroom and higher education pedagogy. Her previous publications include Multilingual Universities in South Africa (Multilingual Matters, 2014), which she co-edited with Christa van der Walt. ; The appointment of Nelson Mandela as President of South Africa in 1994 signalled the end of apartheid and transition to a new democratic constitution. This book studies discursive trends during the first twenty years of the new democracy, outlining the highlights and challenges of transforming policy, practice and discursive formations. The book analyses a range of discourses which signal how and by what processes the linguistic landscape and identities of South Africa?s inhabitants have changed in this time, finding that struggles in South African politics go hand in hand with shifts in the linguistic landscape. In a country now characterised by multilingualism, heteroglossia, polyphony and translanguaging, the author debates where the discourse practices of those born post-1994 may lead.

Contending with apartheid proved to be one of the most intractable issues facing Western foreign policy makers in the second half of the twentieth century. Three sets of interests had to be balanced: strategic concerns, economic imperatives & human rights considerations. This article charts how successive US administrations attempted to implement this balancing act over the 1948-94 period. Strategic & economic interests, originally to the fore of US policy, were gradually tempered, over time, to make way for human rights concerns. It is argued, however, that no administration adequately balanced the three sets of interests. The consequence of this failure was the eventual collapse of US policy in the region in the mid-1980s, when the US Congress finally intervened & imposed comprehensive sanctions on the Republic of South Africa, overriding a presidential veto. Tables. Adapted from the source document.

In Namibia in 1990, apartheid was ended, and a democratic form of government was installed; 2 years later, the national government established a system of partially decentralized regional governments. At the same time, the government reacted to the severe drought of 1992 by instituting a national drought relief bureaucracy with particular attention to the predominantly Black African communal areas, which incorporated the new regional councils. This, in turn, created the opportunity for those councils to serve as organizational nodes within widening policy and informational networks related to the drought relief process. These networks incorporated village leaders, ministry officials, and the regional councillors and helped to assure the effective implementation of the drought relief program. This suggests a strong (although not determining) link between informational networks and policy outcomes. This article also makes clear that provided sufficient behavioral responsibility, subnational governmental bodies can play crucial roles in drought relief processes in developing-world settings.

Internal labour migration from rural areas to urban centres has been and remains one of the dominant patterns of migration in South Africa. Based on data from ethnographic field research, this paper explores the mobility patterns and translocal relations of miners in the Northern Cape province of South Africa. By considering the tension between mobility and locality in a historical and political perspective, the concept of translocality helps to explain why miners try to expand their action space and, at the same time, why they are embedded in certain places. Thus, a translocal perspective enhances the interpretation of the spatio-temporal transformations in South Africa's mining communities and beyond, as it sheds light on the agency of mine workers, superseding merely structuralist explanations.

Stephanie Urdang was born in Cape Town, South Africa, into a white, Jewish family staunchly opposed to the apartheid regime. In 1967, at the age of twenty-three, no longer able to tolerate the grotesque iniquities and oppression of apartheid, she chose exile and emigrated to the United States. There she embraced feminism, met anti-apartheid and solidarity movement activists, and encountered a particularly American brand of racial injustice. Urdang also met African revolutionaries such as Amilcar Cabral, who would influence her return to Africa and her subsequent journalism. In 1974, she trekked through the liberation zones of Guinea-Bissau during its war of independence; in the 1980's, she returned repeatedly to Mozambique and saw how South Africa was fomenting a civil war aimed to destroy the newly independent country. From the vantage point of her activism in the United States, and from her travels in Africa, Urdang tracked and wrote about the slow, inexorable demise of apartheid that led to South Africa's first democratic elections, when she could finally return home. Urdang's memoir maps out her quest for the meaning of home and for the lived reality of revolution with empathy, courage, and a keen eye for historical and geographic detail. This is a personal narrative, beautifully told, of a journey traveled by an indefatigable exile who, while yearning for home, continued to question where, as a citizen of both South Africa and the United States, she belongs. "My South Africa!" she writes, on her return in 1991, after the release of Nelson Mandela, "How could I have imagined for one instant that I could return to its beauty, and not its pain?"

AIDS policy in post-apartheid South Africa has been shaped by persistent antipathy towards antiretroviral drugs (ARVs). This hostility was framed initially by President Mbeki's questioning of AIDS science and subsequently by direct resistance to implementing prevention and treatment programmes using ARVs. Once that battle was lost in the courts and in the political arena, the Health Minister, Tshabalala-Msimang, continued to portray ARVs as 'poison' and to support alternative untested therapies. Demographic modelling suggests that if the national government had used ARVs for prevention and treatment at the same rate as the Western Cape (which defied national policy on ARVs), then about 171,000 HIV infections and 343,000 deaths could have been prevented between 1999 and 2007. Two key scientific bodies, the Medicines Control Council (MCC) and the Medical Research Council (MRC) fall under the ambit of the national Department of Health. Although notionally independent, both have experienced political interference as a consequence of their scientific approach towards AIDS. AIDS policy improved after the Deputy President was given responsibility for coordinating AIDS policy in 2006. However, the undermining of the scientific governance of medicine is a legacy that still needs to be addressed.