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Do audiences need the government's protection from mass media? Or are they capable of choosing media and protecting themselves? For decades, judicial opinion on this issue developed in the form of judicial notice, speculation, and assumption. Yet during that time, a rich social science discipline was emerging that could have helped to address these issues based on empirical research about mass media effects and audiences. Given the renewed importance of this issue, it is time to bridge the gap between the law of mass media content regulation and the social science research into mass media consumption. To that end, this article presents an interdisciplinary critique of the law's assumptions about the effects of mass media on the audience, the nature of that audience, and how those assumptions have shaped First Amendment doctrine. Part I reviews important First Amendment rulings concerning content regulation of electronic media, as well as analogous cases involving non-broadcast speech. The goal is to identify the judicial assumptions used to justify giving less First Amendment protection to broadcasting than to other media. Part II critiques these assumptions against the conclusions of social science theorists who have been studying the question of mass communications effects and audiences since the early twentieth century. This critique shows that most of the law's current assumptions about the nature of mass communications are based on an early, and now discredited, view of mass communications effects known as the "Hypodermic Needle Model." More sophisticated models have since supplanted the Hypodermic Needle Model, which failed to account for the interactive and social dimensions of mass communication. Finally, Part III returns to the question of how new media should be treated under the First Amendment and analyzes the potential impact of the critique presented in Part II on the development of the law of content regulation in the twenty-first century.

The modern Media Space is a system that uses integrated new methods of communication. The article is focused on the analysis of «matrix of communication» category by intent-analysis in the programs of China Radio International. The role and the main intentions of forming the China's image in the media discourse are revealed.

Through this paper we analyze the influence of mass media in the overthrow of the dictatorship in Nicaragua. After two years of armed conflict, the guerrilla organization "FSLN (Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional)" took the power and end to the Somoza dynasty in 1979. Throughout the bibliographic review we will pay special attention to the existing links between political, military and communicative events. ; En este trabajo analizamos la influencia de los medios de comunicación de masas en el derrocamiento de la dictadura en Nicaragua. Tras dos años de lucha armada, la organización guerrillera Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN) se hizo con el poder y puso fin a la dinastía de los Somoza en 1979. A través de la revisión bibliográfica pondremos especial atención en los nexos existentes entre los acontecimientos políticos, militares y comunicativos.

Intro -- Acknowledgement -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Chapter 1: Introducing Media Capitalism -- Media Capitalism and PR's Spin Doctors -- The Ideology of Media Capitalism -- Two Transitions Towards Media Capitalism -- Conspiracy Therapy and Interest Symbiosis -- The Structure of the Book -- The Introductory Chapter: Introducing Media Capitalism and Ideology -- Media Capitalism's History -- The Public Sphere -- Children and Schooling -- Universities -- Society -- Human Behaviour -- Work -- Democracy -- Conclusion: Fragments of a Theory -- Chapter 2: The History: Of Media Capitalism -- Tribes and Slavery -- Feudalism and Religion -- Religion and Modernity -- The Rupture -- Capitalism and Consumerism -- Cohesion and Coercion -- Consumerist Ideologies -- Media Capitalism's Ideology -- Rationality and Ideology -- Supportive and Non-supportive Rationality -- Ending of Marx's Consciousness -- Inequality -- The Communism → Terrorism Shift -- Chapter 3: Media Capitalism and the Public Sphere -- Chapter 4: Media Capitalism and Schools -- Chapter 5: Media Capitalism and Universities -- Overcoming the Danger of Mass Education -- Chapter 6: The Society of Media Capitalism -- Chapter 7: Human Behaviour in Media Capitalism -- The Educational Sphere -- The Employment Sphere -- The Consumption Sphere -- The Democratic Sphere -- Chapter 8: Media Capitalism and the World of Work -- Chapter 9: Democracy Under Media Capitalism -- Media Democracy and Corporate States -- Parliamentarian Democracy as Media Spectacle -- Media Capitalism's Political Parties -- Media Capitalism and Voting -- Media Capitalism's Two-Party System -- Separating Democracy from Work and Consuming -- Chapter 10: Conclusion: Towards a Theory of Media Capitalism -- Fragments of a Theory of Media Capitalism -- Creating a Post-Media-Capitalist Society -- Index.

Abstract
Indoor radon is a natural radioactive gas that enters homes through cracks in the foundations. It is one of the leading causes of lung cancer. Although radon can be detected with an indoor radon test and can be mitigated by means of either ventilation or professional measures, testing and mitigating rates of the at-risk population remain insufficient. The objective of this study is to systematically review the current level of evidence regarding the design and effectiveness of mass media campaigns to address the health risks of indoor radon to homeowners. The results show that informative tone of voices prevailed, other components, such as emotional or social components, were often not included. Furthermore, the focus was mostly on intention and less on behavior itself, and on testing instead of mitigation. Further research is needed to test effective and innovative communication strategies to increase protective behavior concerning indoor radon.

Immigration has been a vividly discussed topic in Europe in recent years, leading to an increased polarisation in many Western societies. This relates to rising immigration rates as well as to significant, dramatic events such as terrorist attacks and acts of xenophobic violence. A plethora of studies has investigated the impact of a country's actual immigration on individual attitudes towards migrants. However, the impact of national discourses about immigration has received significantly less attention in empirical-quantitative research. This imbalance is striking because research has shown that natives' perceptions of their country's ethnic composition are largely biased. Combining sociology and communication sciences, I argue that immigration related discourses influence exclusionary attitudes and ethnic resentment beyond actual demographic circumstances. This is because such discourses are potent activators of feelings of threat, especially regarding specific kinds of ethnic out-groups. I examine effects of mass media, political parties and public speakers on general as well as on group-specific attitudes. To this end, I analyse longitudinal, cross-national, and experimental data sources. The accumulated evidence supports my argument. General media salience affects general concerns about immigration. Moreover, specific kinds of discourses also have group-specific effects, depending on the overall tone and on the particular content. Furthermore, individual receptiveness to messages and discourses is crucial, as indicated by the fact that discourse effects are significantly stronger for certain individuals throughout all studies. This includes those with conservative ideology, lower education, or few daily experiences with foreigners. In sum, I argue that social scientists are well advised to pay attention to the discursive and political climate characterising a particular research setting. Moreover, analysing differentiated attitudinal measures allow a more nuanced understanding of the contextual processes that shape public opinion in a historical period.