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Introduction : Wilmington and the 1898 mentality -- Vigilante injustice -- The making of a movement -- They're taking our boys away to prison -- Alliances and adversity -- Free the Wilmington Ten at once! -- Conclusion : the tragedy of the Ten and the rise of a new black politics

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Introduction -- Chapter 1. The Palace of Consumption -- Chapter 2. Creating an Industry -- Chapter 3. Modernizing Main Street -- Chapter 4. A New Deal for Department Stores -- Chapter 5. An Essential Industry in Wartime -- Chapter 6. The Race for the Suburbs -- Chapter 7. The Postwar Discount Revolution -- Chapter 8. The Death of the Department Store -- Epilogue. Remembering Downtown Department Stores -- Notes -- Index -- Acknowledgments

On 29 November 2004, the United States-based Center for Constitutional Rights and four Iraqi individuals lay a charge with the German federal prosecutor at the German federal court for criminal matters against the (then) United States secretary of defence and ten other individuals of the United States military and security apparatus with the allegation that they were responsible for the prisoner abuses in the United States-run Iraqi prison in Abu Ghraib, which took place in 2003 and 2004.

The discourse on "Community engagement and commitment†is a critical subject that requires the interest of individuals within communities to fully participate in activities that address community needs. A meaningful citizen engagement reaches out beyond physical inclusion to incorporate the generation of thoughts and deliberations. In addition, it includes the commitments to leadership process in decision-making and the involvement of community members in the administrative responsibility. Among the elements that propel individuals to take an interest to participate in local governance need to assume a functioning role in bettering their very own lives, satisfying social or religious commitments feeling a need for a sense of community, and other quantifiable benefits. This study conceptualizes what community engagement, models, and frameworks is about and that can be used as a guide, to inspire communities in meeting various challenges relating to their interest in participation and cooperation. The study does not claim to cover all the accessible and significant human sociology on public cooperation literature. Qualitatively, the study gave an outline of the basic ideas that shed light on community participation, cooperation and commitment to duty and responsibility. As the study adopted a qualitative approach, mostly secondary source was consulted to address the research question. The findings show that the instrumental way to deal with citizens' concerns, with attention to results and adequacy is considerably more far-reaching than the more transformative method. Furthermore, people ought to review challenges related with gathering politicization of improvement and participatory structures, the absence of responsibility towards organizing community interest, the absence of limit capacity among partners, poor access to data or information, and inability to perceive and work intimately with community-based associations. It was then recommended that the community and different partners take part in the discussions that prompted the last record, as this is required by the South African Municipal Structures Act.

Neglected infectious diseases do not affect the majority of United States citizens. However, many of these diseases are rampant throughout developing countries. In 2002 these diseases were responsible for more than 50% of lives lost in African countries, but only 3% of lives lost in developed countries, such as the United States (1). Any infectious disease can be considered "neglected" when there is insufficient therapeutic intervention available for the clinical management of that disease (2). Some common examples of neglected diseases that are prevalent in developing countries are malaria and tuberculosis. Developing countries do not have adequate funds to research possible therapeutics to cure the individuals with these diseases. The shortage of proper medications has prompted the United States to consider using tax dollars to begin research on these neglected diseases. This thought has sparked much debate as to if the United States should be investing additional money into problems that do not currently nor directly impact the homeland. While some view the investment as costly and not worth the United States' time, others view it as a worthy investment that could save present and future lives. It is the opinion of this author that tax dollars should be used to research and develop solutions for neglected diseases. The research is humanitarian, and the United States possesses the knowledge about neglected diseases, will benefit from economic gains, and can defend U.S. citizens against future outbreaks.Read Complete Article at ijSciences: V52016061074 AND DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.18483/ijSci.1074

At the 2005 World Summit, the world's leaders committed themselves to the "responsibility to protect", recognizing both that all states have a responsibility to protect their citizens from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity and that the UN should help states to discharge this responsibility using either peaceful means or enforcement action. This declaration ostensibly marks an important milestone in the relationship between sovereignty and human rights but its critics argue that it will make little difference in practice to the world's most threatened people. The purpose of this article is to ask how consensus was reached on the responsibility to protect, given continuing hostility to humanitarian intervention expressed by many (if not most) of the world's states and whether the consensus will contribute to avoiding future Kosovos (cases where the Security Council is deadlocked in the face of a humanitarian crises) and future Rwandas (cases where states lack the political will to intervene). It suggests that four key factors contributed to the consensus: pressure from proponents of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty, its adoption by Kofi Annan and the UN's High Level Panel, an emerging consensus in the African Union, and the American position. Whilst these four factors contributed to consensus, each altered the meaning of the responsibility to protect in important ways, creating a doctrine that many states can sign up to but that does little to prevent future Kosovos and Rwandas and may actually inhibit attempts to build a consensus around intervention in future cases.

"This third annual report of the National Center for HIV/AIDS, Viral Hepatitis, STD, and TB Prevention highlights some major achievements and challenges faced by our organization in 2009, and looks forward to opportunities for improving health impact in the year ahead. We continue to deliver life-saving, effective, evidence-based prevention programs at home and abroad. Our stories show how we have strengthened our science by growing the size of our research efforts, increasing our research partnerships and collaborations, and developing and mentoring new researchers in the prevention arena. The epidemics of HIV and other STDs, hepatitis, and TB are large and complex, but we have made progress over the last year both in the United States and throughout the world. In the U.S.: New diagnoses and rates of TB continued to drop and, in 2009, were at the lowest levels ever recorded ; Expansion of hepatitis B vaccination programs brought continued declines in acute hepatitis B infections; Advances in checking for and tracking of hepatitis C infection continue; New efforts have started that focus on mobilizing communities to reduce HIV, STD, TB, and hepatitis health disparities and promote greater health equity; The Act Against AIDS campaign, the first nationwide, federally funded campaign to raise awareness about HIV/AIDS in over two decades was launched; Large investments continue to be made to promote HIV testing, especially in areas with high rates of disease among African Americans; The planning and delivery of our prevention investments and programs have improved by providing new program and funding opportunity announcements that are more balanced between national and local prevention priorities and needs; New prevention programs have been introduced and established programs and approaches refined, including collaborative programs that integrate services for more than one disease or risk; begin to address the social determinants of health; and put funding in areas where there is evidence of improved health; New communication technologies have promoted HIV and STD prevention." - p. 3 ; About NCHHSTP -- A Year in review: Program accomplishments -- A Year in review: Scientific findings -- NCHHSTP budget -- Performance indicators -- Appendix 1: Performance measures for HIV, STD, viral hepatitis, TB prevention ; National Center for HIV/AIDS, Viral Hepatitis, STD, and TB Prevention. ; "Publication date: 02/2010" - back cover ; "209060-A" ; Also available via the World Wide Web as an Acrobat .pdf file (15.85 MB, 52 p.)

This paper argues that the growth and legalization of Political Islamism in Tunisia will naturally hinder the contemporary influence of violent extremism, leading to partnership and inclusion within a Democratic government. The basis for this claim rests on the idea that the condemnation and repression of Political Islamism in Tunisia historically backfired and led to the further underground radicalization of Tunisians, along with scores of human rights abuses by authorities. Specifically, this essay will focus on the moderate Islamist party Ennahda, the Salafist party Ansar al-Sharia, and their complex relationship to each other as well as to domestic and regional politics at large. Furthermore, this essay will examine the wide continuum of Political Islamism at present, including the Tunisian government's most recent agenda regarding its response to violent extremism, terrorism and acts of vigilante violence. This essay advocates for the Tunisian government to continue to allow the participation of Islamist groups within the political arena while maintaining security, transparency, and accountability for the state and its citizens.

"The Routledge Handbook of the Political Economy of Sanctions examines the core issues and debates surrounding this controversial topic, introducing readers to essential concepts and terms. It communicates the evolving character of international sanctions from diverse perspectives, with a particular emphasis on questions of efficacy, legality, and legitimacy of sanctions, as well as the mechanisms by which they are applied. This interdisciplinary book explores the international political economy of sanctions in the constantly changing context of geopolitical rivalry. The authors investigate various theoretical and historical approaches to sanctions and apply these to specific case studies, such as the African Union, China, Cuba, India, Russia, Turkey, and the United States. The book gives a voice to sanctioned states and considers the impact of secondary sanctions. It analyses sanctions with reference to wider political debates, such as national security, state sovereignty, economic warfare, and sustainability. This handbook will be of immense interest to students, researchers, and scholars in the fields of political economy, international sanctions, political science, international relations, and foreign policy. It will also be useful for all those employed by political institutions, businesses, and non-governmental organisations when assessing current sanctions regimes"--

"The Routledge Handbook of the Political Economy of Sanctions examines the core issues and debates surrounding this controversial topic, introducing readers to essential concepts and terms. It communicates the evolving character of international sanctions from diverse perspectives, with a particular emphasis on questions of efficacy, legality, and legitimacy of sanctions, as well as the mechanisms by which they are applied. This interdisciplinary book explores the international political economy of sanctions in the constantly changing context of geopolitical rivalry. The authors investigate various theoretical and historical approaches to sanctions and apply these to specific case studies, such as the African Union, China, Cuba, India, Russia, Turkey, and the United States. The book gives a voice to sanctioned states and considers the impact of secondary sanctions. It analyses sanctions with reference to wider political debates, such as national security, state sovereignty, economic warfare, and sustainability. This handbook will be of immense interest to students, researchers, and scholars in the fields of political economy, international sanctions, political science, international relations, and foreign policy. It will also be useful for all those employed by political institutions, businesses, and non-governmental organisations when assessing current sanctions regimes"--

A country's abundant natural resources may serve as a curse or a blessing, with the outcome often dependent on prevailing governance structures and experience managing these assets. Despite natural resource advantages, many African countries have failed to transform their enormous economic potential and wealth into tangible benefits such as sustainable socio-economic development, human security, or peace. Governance, Conflict, and Natural Resources in Africa reevaluates the role that foreign state-owned and private-sector actors play in resource-rich states - whether stable, post-conflict, or fragile - in sub-Saharan Africa. Through research and an analysis of in-depth interviews with local stakeholders in Ghana, Sierra Leone, and Ethiopia, Hany Besada explains how foreign state-owned and private sector corporations have contributed to economic growth at both the national and local levels in different resource-rich countries. This book reveals the unique challenges and opportunities created by these investors, demonstrating that adoption policies in business practices and operations have the potential to generate sustainable development and positive economic transformation. Governance, Conflict, and Natural Resources in Africa puts forward a novel framework for understanding the role of private economic actors in extractive industries in Africa and sheds new light on foreign private-sector contributions to capacity building and economic development.