Suchergebnisse

Les deux volets de cette thèse en recherche-création explorent les crises sociales que remet en scène le roman noir français de l'extrême contemporain. Ils examinent aussi les tensions éthiques et esthétiques qui habitent le genre tel que pratiqué dans l'Hexagone. Le volet création, un roman noir choral intitulé Les soumissionnaires, s'inspire de faits réels en rapport avec la Commission d'enquête sur l'octroi et la gestion des contrats publics dans l'industrie de la construction - appelée plus familièrement « commission Charbonneau » décrétée par le gouvernement du Québec en 2011. Le récit aborde également des thèmes forts du genre tels que la corruption et la violence policières, les traumatismes de guerre et le narcoterrorisme. Mythe majeur de l'imaginaire québécois, l'hiver constitue l'autre grand motif du texte, ce qui donne aussi à cette histoire américaine racontée en langue française de France des airs de « polar nordique ». Les soumissionnaires relate la sanglante épopée de Martin Thériaux, ancien chasseur alpin et tireur d'élite français devenu déneigeur de toits à Québec. Secret quant à son passé, Thériaux voit ses instincts guerriers se réveiller à la suite d'une altercation avec des membres du crime organisé. En parallèle, la narration suit le destin d'une foule de personnages, parmi lesquels un lieutenant-détective du SPVM et une journaliste new-yorkaise venue couvrir à Montréal les audiences de la CEIC. L'essai critique quant à lui se propose d'analyser les formes paradoxales qui caractérisent le roman noir français actuel. L'étude se concentre sur la manière dont des auteurs comme Antoine Chainas, DOA, Jérôme Leroy, Dominique Manotti et Elsa Marpeau subvertissent les positions énonciatives qui avaient court par exemple dans le « néo-polar ». À travers le maniement d'une ironie qui implique des rapprochements d'éléments contradictoires, des écarts de langage ainsi qu'une certaine incongruité des mots et des idées, se dessine un mouvement de balancier, oscillation entre fascination et répulsion, raillerie et tentation du vide. Confrontations et distanciations ne cessent ainsi de rivaliser, générant dans les textes de constants rapports de méfiance. On savait le roman noir fertile à ce sujet en matière de relations entre protagonistes de pouvoir ; on le découvre également labile sur le plan des stratégies discursives des narrateurs. Que ces derniers soient absents de la diégèse ou présents comme personnages, ils font invariablement preuve de duplicité, aussi bien dans leur effet d'engagement que dans leur désengagement subjectif. ; The two parts of this research-creation thesis explore the social crises that the French noir fictions of the extreme contemporary bring to life. They also examine the ethical and aesthetic tensions that inhabit the genre as it is practiced by writers, mainly in France. The creative writing part, a choral novel entitled Les soumissionnaires, is inspired by real facts relating to the Commission of Inquiry into the Granting and Management of Public Contracts in the Construction Industry (more colloquially known as the "Charbonneau Commission") decreed by the government of Quebec in 2011. The story also addresses strong themes of the genre such as police corruption and violence, war trauma and narcoterrorism. A major myth in the Quebec imagination, winter is the other main motif of the text, which also gives this American story told in French from France an air of "Nordic thriller". The bidders recount the bloody epic of Martin Thériaux, a former French alpine hunter and sniper who became a snow clearer in Quebec City. Secret as to his past, Thériaux sees his warrior instincts awakened following an altercation with members of organized crime. At the same time, the narration follows the fate of other characters, including a lieutenant-detective from the SPVM and a New York journalist who came to cover the CEIC hearings in Montreal. The critical essay sets out to analyze the paradoxical forms that characterize the current French noir fiction. The study focuses on the way in which authors like Antoine Chainas, DOA, Jérôme Leroy, Dominique Manotti and Elsa Marpeau subvert the enunciative positions that had prevailed for example in the French "neo-polar". Through the handling of an irony involving bringing together contradictory elements, language differences, and a certain incongruity of words and ideas, a pendulum movement emerges, an oscillation between fascination and repulsion, mockery and the temptation of existential void. Confrontations and distancing thus never cease to compete, generating constant reports of mistrust in the texts. We knew that the noir fiction was fertile on this subject in terms of relations between protagonists of power; we also find it labile in terms of the narrators' discursive strategies. Whether these are absent from the diegesis or present as characters, they invariably demonstrate duplicity, both in their effect of engagement and in their subjective disengagement.

Spätestens seit Gertrude Steins Gedichtzeile Rose is a rose is a rose is a rose und den Improvisationen der Dada-Künstler*innen spuken Wiederholungen als diskursive und stilistische Versatzstücke durch die mitteleuropäische und US-amerikanische Kulturgeschichte. Dementsprechend fragt die Theaterwissenschaftlerin Kristin Joy Kalu in ihrer Studie zu einer möglichen Ästhetik der Wiederholung "welche Wirkung der Wiederholung als ästhetischer Strategie noch eignen kann, wenn sie sich pausenlos wiederholt."(Kalu 2013, S. 249) Mit dem vorliegenden Band veröffentlicht der Berliner August Verlag (seit diesem Jahr als Imprint von Matthes & Seitz) eine weitere Reflexion dieses Diskurses, wobei sich die Publikation auch als Beitrag im Zeichen einer kritischen künstlerischen und theoretischen Praxis situiert. Die Herausgeberinnen Martina Dobbe und Francesca Raimondi (letztgenannte ist Mitbegründerin des August Verlags) verorten sich mit ihrer wissenschaftlichen Forschung in der Philosophie und Kunstgeschichte, wodurch auch der Band verschiedene medien-, tanz- sowie kunstphilosophische und -historische Perspektiven auf gegenwärtige ästhetische Praxen der Wiederholung versammelt. Flankiert von der grafischen Serie Spinning (John Morgan, 2021) und einem Bildessay Trauer und Melancholie (Olaf Nicolai, 2009/2012/2021) reflektieren mit der Einleitung acht wissenschaftliche Beiträge über Serialität und Wiederholung. In ihrer Einführung beschreiben Dobbe und Raimondi das titelgebende Begriffspaar als "Paradigmen der Kunst und des Denkens" und "Verfahrensweisen" (S. 9) eines Diskurses, der seit den 1960er Jahren vermehrt geführt wird. Als "künstlerische, popkulturelle, ästhetische und philosophische Konzepte" setzen die Autorinnen diese ins Verhältnis zu Topoi des "Neuen" und der "Originalität" (S. 9). Kategorien wie "Künste der Wiederholung" (S. 11), "Denken der Wiederholung" (S. 18), "Performanzen der Wiederholung" und "Wiederholtes a/Ausstellen" (S. 29) dienen ihnen dabei zur Orientierung und gruppieren die sieben Beiträge. Aus kunsthistorischer Sicht argumentiert Dorothea von Hantelmann (S. 37-54) entlang zweier Arbeiten von Pierre Huyghes Untilled (2012) und After ALive Ahead (2017) die Verschränkung von Lebendigkeit und Wiederholung. Hantelmann betont die spezifische Situierung der beiden, schreibt ihnen einen ikonografischen Status und eine transgredierende Wirkung zu, da diese "zu einer radikalen Neubestimmung sowohl der Frage der Kunst wie auch der Ausstellung" (S. 37) führten. Dies, indem sie den Ausstellungsort in seiner konkreten Materialität einbeziehen (unter anderem durch Pflanzen, Splitt, Ameisenhügel etc.) und mittels digitaler Technologien transformieren. Dadurch entstehe eine Kunst, "die sich nahezu von selbst produziert und reproduziert" (S. 54), das Lebendige ästhetisiert und mit Wiederholungsverfahren verschaltet. In "'Ask Elaine'. Wiederholung, Reproduktion und Mimesis" durchdenkt Maria Muhle diese Konzepte als sogenannte "mindere Techniken der Kunst" (S. 57), wobei die Bezeichnung 'mindere' auf "die von der ästhetischen Verwerfungsgeschichte aussortierten nachahmenden, imitatorischen, reproduzierenden, wiederholenden Praktiken, […] wie das Kopieren, das Nachstellen oder das Mimikrysieren" (S. 61) abhebt. Mit Rückbezug auf Elaine Sturtevants Aneignungs- beziehungsweise Wiederholungs-Verfahren zeigt Muhle deren spielerischen Umgang mit Original und Kopie, das zugleich anti-modernistisch Autor*innenschaft und einzigartiges Schöpfer*innentum verneint als auch modernistisch das Wesen der Kunst zu ergründen sucht. Dies eröffne laut Muhle wiederum "eine Linie zum Digitalen" (S. 77), die das heutige zugespitzte Vervielfältigen, Zirkulieren und Distribuieren von Bildern mittels neuer Technologien über den Blick zurück auf Sturtevant erläutert und zu verstehen sucht. Einen Ansatz im Grenzbereich von Populärkultur und Ästhetik wählt Friedrich Balke in seinen "Anmerkungen zu einem Museumsbesuch in Breaking Bad" (S. 81). Der Medienwissenschaftler analysiert einen Teaser der dritten Staffel der TV-Serie, in der die Hauptfiguren Jane Margolis und Jesse Pinkman das Georgia-O'Keeffe-Museum in Abiquiu besuchen – ein Ereignis, das in der Serie erzählerisch angedeutet, aber nicht eingelöst wird. Am Beispiel dieser "Analepse" (S. 82) entwickelt Balke u. a. mit Deleuze/Guattari den Begriff der "Empfindungsblöcke" (S. 81), die sich aus jenen Wiederholungen speisen, denen eine "morphologische Dimension" innewohnt (S. 86). Die aus dieser Untersuchungsanordnung hervorgehenden Verästelungen, intermedialen sowie motivischen Wiederholungs- und Übertragungsvorgänge – mal fokussiert Balke serielle Wirk- und Wiederholungsprinzipien von Breaking Bad, mal jene der Künstlerin O'Keeffe – eröffnen eine Vielzahl unterschiedlicher Perspektiven auf das debattierte Begriffspaar des Sammelbandes. Die beiden tanz- beziehungsweise theaterwissenschaftlichen Artikel von Maren Butte und Sabine Huschka widmen sich Fragen der Erinnerungspolitik und des Flüchtigen in den aufführenden Künsten. Buttes Betrachtungen skizzieren Serialität und Wiederholung aus multiperspektivischer und diskursanalytischer Sicht und gliedern diese in Praxis, Entzug, Archiv und Fortdauer (vgl. S. 105-122). Der Ausgangspunkt ihrer Argumentation ist das widersprüchliche Verhältnis der Denkfiguren des Flüchtigen von Performances (im Sinne einer "Nicht-Wiederholbarkeit") und Wiederholung als "grundlegende[n] Verfahren der Aufführungskünste" (S. 105). Entlang einer eindrücklichen Anzahl einschlägiger deutsch- beziehungsweise englischsprachiger theoretischer und ästhetischer Positionen zeigt Butte, dass es gilt "Performance selbst als Wiederholung sichtbar [zu] machen" (S. 105) und als "lebendige[s] Archiv" zu begreifen (S. 106). Sabine Huschka nähert sich über Wiederholungsstrategien dem Erinnern im zeitgenössischen Tanz und reflektiert diese als "'historiographische' Tanzpraktiken" (S. 125). Die Tanzwissenschaftlerin arbeitet heraus, wie die zeitgenössische künstlerische Auseinandersetzung mit tanzgeschichtlichen Erinnerungen als "ästhetischer Reflexionsraum" fungiert, in dem "überarbeitet, weitergeführt, (wieder-)gefunden und (wieder-)erfunden" wird (S. 127). Dies veranschaulicht sie anhand der choreografischen Projekte von Jochen Roller (The Source Code, 2012), Christina Ciupke und Anna Till (undo, redo and repeat, 2013) und Henrietta Horn (Le Sacre du Printempsvon Mary Wigman, 2013) und kommt zu dem Schluss, dass für eine vertiefte Analyse dieser Entwicklungen zwischen tänzerisch-körperlichen Wiederholungsverfahren und kunstwissenschaftlichen Diskursen beziehungsweise Re-Enactments der Performancekunst unterschieden werden muss. Die beiden letztgenannten würden im Zuge einer "bildkritischen Praxis" als "Akt der Verlebendigung gefasst", wohingegen dem Tanz aufgrund dessen medialer Disposition der "Akt einer Vergegenwärtigung" bereits innewohne (S. 146). Mit der Verschränkung kuratorischer und ästhetischer Praxen beschäftigt sich der Beitrag der Kunsthistorikerin Beatrice von Bismarck "Trans(pos)ition: In der Sprache des Kuratorischen" (S. 149-165). Mit Walter Benjamins Übersetzungs-Begriff versteht Bismarck die "transpositionale Grundstruktur des Kuratorischen" (S. 151) als relationales Gefüge, das insbesondere dann produktiv wird, wenn die "angestammten Bindungen" des gewählten Ausstellungszusammenhangs gelockert und in "neue Konstellationen" überführt werden (S. 164). So untersucht sie Dominique Gonzalez-Foersters Roman de Münster (2007) als Übertragung von Ausstellungen (Skulptur Projekte Münster 1977, 1987, 1997, 2007) in eine Installation, die den "Fokus von den Einzelwerken auf ihr Bezugssystem" verschiebt (S. 157), wobei "[d]er für die Transposition gewählte Modus der Fiktionalisierung […] vorangegangene Bedeutungen, Funktionen und Status" (S. 159) neu denkt und (be-)schreibt. Nina Möntmann beleuchtet in ihrem Beitrag das Kuratieren wiederum aus institutioneller und diskursanalytischer Perspektive (vgl. S. 167-191). Am Beispiel der documenta X und der Documenta II erläutert die Kunsttheoretikerin ihre Thesen zur Umwertung des Ausstellungsformats in Wechselwirkung mit der 'Moderne' beziehungsweise dem Konzept des Zeitgenössischen (vgl. S. 167). Mit der Denkfigur vom "Sturz in die Welt" (S. 173f) entfaltet Möntmann ihre Argumentation und den Versuch "die globalisierte Gegenwart aus einer kolonialen Vergangenheit" zu denken (S. 178f). Sie detektiert und erläutert ein "Prinzip der Aktualisierung" (S. 189), welches sich auf den Möglichkeitshorizont jener künstlerischen Arbeiten bezieht, die "dokumentarische Elemente mit fiktiven und poetischen" (S. 189) kombinieren. Anstatt also "die verlorenen Schlachten der Vergangenheit als Scheitern zu akzeptieren", bilden die entstandenen Möglichkeitshorizonte den Auftakt auf diese "Kämpfe als noch offene, nicht abgeschlossene Aufgabe zu blicken, die wiederbelebt werden muss." (S. 189) Serialität und Wiederholung fungieren demnach als inhaltliche und formale Klammern des Sammelbandes, mit dem die Herausgeber*innen und Autor*innen diese Prinzipien (re-)konstruieren, aktualisieren und (re-)vitalisieren. Es sind dies unabgeschlossene und unabschließbare Projekte, deren Potenzial für Kunst, Theorie und Politik – dies gelingt es zu zeigen – trotz und wegen ihrer Profanisierung noch nicht erschöpft ist. Literatur:Kalu, Joy Kristin: Ästhetik der Wiederholung. Die US-amerikanische Neo-Avantgarde und ihre Performances. Berlin: Transcript Verlag 2013, S. 249.

Recent years have witnessed the rise of far right-wing leaders in various parts of the world. Stanley (2019) recognizes the particularities of the different nations where this phenomenon is observed but advocates for generalizing it. The author uses the label "fascism" to refer to a variety of ultranationalism. When analyzing the current Brazilian situation, Souza (2019) also refers to fascism, exploring its irrational origins and particularities in Brazil, noticing the emergence of a neo-fascism. Against this backdrop, there are cases of people leaving their countries due to the increasing violence experienced. This study explores this particular situation, presenting the history of Tiburi's exile, a philosopher, writer, university professor, and Brazilian politician. Concerning the theoretical discussion of the case, the study recalls, among other contributions, the debate about the centrality of work and its psychological function and how it presents itself as a form of existence and resistance for political exile. The article also discusses solidarity and the 'public space of word', a possibility that ceases in the country of origin and is sought in expatriation, primarily through work as a mode of existence and resistance. This study uses life history research, which is a rich possibility of apprehending the social experience and the subject in their practices. It is a method particularly fruitful in the study of phenomena such as migration. It is also essential through this research to register and reflect on work in the context of the recent Brazilian political exile. ; En los últimos años, hemos visto el surgimiento de líderes de extrema derecha en varias partes del mundo. Acerca de este fenómeno, Stanley (2019) plantea la necesidad de una comprensión más generalizada y lo describe desde la perspectiva del fascismo. Al tratar sobre la actual coyuntura en Brasil, Souza (2019) también se refiere a las razones irracionales del fascismo y sus particularidades en el contexto nacional, llamando la atención sobre el surgimiento de un neofascismo contemporáneo. Dentro de este marco, observamos la necesidad de que personas tengan que salir de su propio país debido a la creciente violencia experimentada. Así, en nuestra investigación, buscamos comprender este fenómeno, presentando la historia del exilio de Marcia Tiburi, filósofa, escritora, profesora universitaria y política brasileña. Para la discusión teórica del caso, rescatamos, entre otras contribuciones, el debate sobre la centralidad del trabajo y su función psicológica y sobre cómo el trabajo se presenta como una forma de existencia y resistencia para el exiliado político. También discurrimos a respecto de la solidaridad y el espacio público de la palabra, una posibilidad que termina en el país de origen y que busca restablecerse en la expatriación, en especial a través del trabajo como una forma de existencia y resistencia. Destacamos aquí la metodología utilizada: investigación de historia de vida. Es una valiosa posibilidad de aprehender la experiencia social y el sujeto en sus prácticas, y es especialmente fértil para el estudio de fenómenos como la migración. También es importante para nosotras, con el presente trabajo, registrar y reflexionar sobre el trabajo en el contexto del exilio político en la historia reciente de Brasil. ; Nos anos recentes, vislumbramos em várias partes do mundo a ascensão de líderes de extrema direita. Sobre esse fenômeno, Stanley (2019) nos diz da necessidade de uma compreensão mais generalizada e o descreve sob o prisma do fascismo. Souza (2019), ao discorrer sobre a atual conjuntura do Brasil, também remete às razões irracionais do fascismo e às suas particularidades no contexto brasileiro, chamando a atenção para a emergência de um neofascismo contemporâneo. Dentro desse quadro, observamos a necessidade da saída de pessoas de seu próprio país em função das violências vivenciadas em caráter cada vez mais crescente. Assim, buscamos em nosso estudo, a compreensão desse fenômeno, por meio da apresentação da história do desterro de Marcia Tiburi, filósofa, escritora, professora universitária e política brasileira. Para a discussão teórica do caso, resgatamos, dentre outros aportes, o debate sobre a centralidade do trabalho e sua função psicológica e sobre como o trabalho se apresenta enquanto modo de existência e resistência para o exilado político. Também discorremos a respeito da solidariedade e do espaço público da palavra, possibilidade que se cessa no país de origem e que se busca restaurar no expatriamento, especialmente pela via do trabalho enquanto modo de existência e resistência. Destacamos aqui a metodologia utilizada: a pesquisa em história de vida. Trata-se de uma rica possibilidade de apreensão do vivido social e do sujeito em suas práticas, e que se apresenta especialmente fecunda ao estudo de fenômenos como o da migração. Importa-nos ainda, com o presente trabalho, registrar e refletir acerca do trabalho no contexto do exílio político na história recente do Brasil.

Recent years have witnessed the rise of far right-wing leaders in various parts of the world. Stanley (2019) recognizes the particularities of the different nations where this phenomenon is observed but advocates for generalizing it. The author uses the label "fascism" to refer to a variety of ultranationalism. When analyzing the current Brazilian situation, Souza (2019) also refers to fascism, exploring its irrational origins and particularities in Brazil, noticing the emergence of a neo-fascism. Against this backdrop, there are cases of people leaving their countries due to the increasing violence experienced. This study explores this particular situation, presenting the history of Tiburi's exile, a philosopher, writer, university professor, and Brazilian politician. Concerning the theoretical discussion of the case, the study recalls, among other contributions, the debate about the centrality of work and its psychological function and how it presents itself as a form of existence and resistance for political exile. The article also discusses solidarity and the 'public space of word', a possibility that ceases in the country of origin and is sought in expatriation, primarily through work as a mode of existence and resistance. This study uses life history research, which is a rich possibility of apprehending the social experience and the subject in their practices. It is a method particularly fruitful in the study of phenomena such as migration. It is also essential through this research to register and reflect on work in the context of the recent Brazilian political exile. ; En los últimos años, hemos visto el surgimiento de líderes de extrema derecha en varias partes del mundo. Acerca de este fenómeno, Stanley (2019) plantea la necesidad de una comprensión más generalizada y lo describe desde la perspectiva del fascismo. Al tratar sobre la actual coyuntura en Brasil, Souza (2019) también se refiere a las razones irracionales del fascismo y sus particularidades en el contexto nacional, llamando la atención sobre el surgimiento de un neofascismo contemporáneo. Dentro de este marco, observamos la necesidad de que personas tengan que salir de su propio país debido a la creciente violencia experimentada. Así, en nuestra investigación, buscamos comprender este fenómeno, presentando la historia del exilio de Marcia Tiburi, filósofa, escritora, profesora universitaria y política brasileña. Para la discusión teórica del caso, rescatamos, entre otras contribuciones, el debate sobre la centralidad del trabajo y su función psicológica y sobre cómo el trabajo se presenta como una forma de existencia y resistencia para el exiliado político. También discurrimos a respecto de la solidaridad y el espacio público de la palabra, una posibilidad que termina en el país de origen y que busca restablecerse en la expatriación, en especial a través del trabajo como una forma de existencia y resistencia. Destacamos aquí la metodología utilizada: investigación de historia de vida. Es una valiosa posibilidad de aprehender la experiencia social y el sujeto en sus prácticas, y es especialmente fértil para el estudio de fenómenos como la migración. También es importante para nosotras, con el presente trabajo, registrar y reflexionar sobre el trabajo en el contexto del exilio político en la historia reciente de Brasil. ; Nos anos recentes, vislumbramos em várias partes do mundo a ascensão de líderes de extrema direita. Sobre esse fenômeno, Stanley (2019) nos diz da necessidade de uma compreensão mais generalizada e o descreve sob o prisma do fascismo. Souza (2019), ao discorrer sobre a atual conjuntura do Brasil, também remete às razões irracionais do fascismo e às suas particularidades no contexto brasileiro, chamando a atenção para a emergência de um neofascismo contemporâneo. Dentro desse quadro, observamos a necessidade da saída de pessoas de seu próprio país em função das violências vivenciadas em caráter cada vez mais crescente. Assim, buscamos em nosso estudo, a compreensão desse fenômeno, por meio da apresentação da história do desterro de Marcia Tiburi, filósofa, escritora, professora universitária e política brasileira. Para a discussão teórica do caso, resgatamos, dentre outros aportes, o debate sobre a centralidade do trabalho e sua função psicológica e sobre como o trabalho se apresenta enquanto modo de existência e resistência para o exilado político. Também discorremos a respeito da solidariedade e do espaço público da palavra, possibilidade que se cessa no país de origem e que se busca restaurar no expatriamento, especialmente pela via do trabalho enquanto modo de existência e resistência. Destacamos aqui a metodologia utilizada: a pesquisa em história de vida. Trata-se de uma rica possibilidade de apreensão do vivido social e do sujeito em suas práticas, e que se apresenta especialmente fecunda ao estudo de fenômenos como o da migração. Importa-nos ainda, com o presente trabalho, registrar e refletir acerca do trabalho no contexto do exílio político na história recente do Brasil.

International audience ; Following the waves of protest that rocked American society during the 1960s, and in order to address the enduring inequalities, the United States adopted a series of multicultural policies and programs aimed at promoting cultural diversity and greater social justice. From then on, the concept of multiculturalism gained considerable currency in national political discourses, the mainstream media and academic circles, becoming thereby a progressive approach to addressing race-based issues of which the American society had great difficulty grappling with. Despite the hopes multicultural programs raised among racial and ethnic minorities, and even if the figures at the time seemed to reflect a more inclusive welfare state, it appeared, as early as the 1980s, that America had not yet entered into a post-civil rights era. Yet, neo-conservatives undertook to dismantle key social programs related to multiculturalism, and instead subscribed to the ideal of an American society organized solely on the basis of social justice regardless of colour, "race" or ethnic origin. The article primarily examines the theoretical and political issues raised by multiculturalism and Critical Race Theory in the field of education – the first accused of reproducing at another level patterns of racial domination or serving as an instrument for the deracialization of American society, the second, in reaction to the perceived limits of multiculturalism and neoliberal policies, seeks to unveil the institutional and discursive mechanisms that contribute to the perpetuation of racial inequalities. ; Del multiculturalismo a la Teoría Racial Crítica. Reflexiones sobre la educación y los procesos de desracialización de la experiencia afroamericanaTras las olas de protesta que hicieron tambalear la sociedad estadounidense durante los 60, y ante la persistente desigualdad, los Estados Unidos han adoptado una serie de políticas y programas multiculturales destinados a promover la diversidad cultural y una mayor justicia social. El concepto de multiculturalismo se hizo entonces cada vez más popular a través del discurso político nacional, los medios de comunicación y el mundo académico, estableciéndose así como un enfoque progresivo para abordar la cuestión racial que la sociedad estadounidense estaba teniendo grandes dificultades para comprender. A pesar de las esperanzas planteadas por esta política de reconocimiento, e incluso si las encuestas parecían reflejar entonces un estado de bienestar más inclusivo, parece, desde principios de la década de 1980, que Estados Unidos no había entrado por completo en un periodo posterior a las luchas por los derechos civicos. Sin embargo, los neoconservadores se habían comprometido a desmantelar los programas de multiculturalismo, suscribiéndose al ideal de una sociedad estadounidense organizada únicamente sobre la base de la justicia social independientemente de la raza u origen étnico. Este artículo analiza las cuestiones teóricas y políticas planteadas por el multiculturalismo y la Teoria Racial Crítica en el campo de la educación - el primero acusado de reproducir a otro nivel el patrón de dominación racial o incluso de ser un instrumento de la desracialización de la sociedad estadounidense, el segundo, en respuesta a las limitaciones percibidas de las políticas multiculturales liberales y neoliberales, busca exponer los mecanismos institucionales y discursivos que contribuyen a la perpetuación de las desigualdades raciales. ; À la suite des vagues de contestation qui ébranlèrent la société américaine au cours des années 1960 et face aux inégalités persistantes, les États-Unis ont adopté toute une série de politiques et de programmes multiculturels visant à promouvoir la diversité culturelle et une plus grande justice sociale. Le concept de multiculturalisme connut alors une popularité croissante à travers les discours politiques nationaux, les médias et le monde académique, s'imposant de ce fait comme une approche progressive pour aborder la problématique raciale dont la société américaine éprouvait beaucoup de difficultés à se saisir. En dépit des espoirs suscités par cette politique de reconnaissance et même si les sondages semblent alors refléter un État-providence plus inclusif, il apparaît, dès le début des années 1980, que l'Amérique n'était pas intégralement entrée dans une ère post-droits civiques. Pour autant, les néoconservateurs avaient entrepris de démanteler les programmes issus du multiculturalisme, en souscrivant à l'idéal d'une société américaine organisée uniquement sur la base d'une justice sociale sans égard à la « race » ou à l'origine ethnique. Cet article s'intéresse aux enjeux théoriques et politiques soulevés par le multiculturalisme et la Critical Race Theory dans le domaine de l'éducation – le premier accusé de reproduire à un autre niveau le schéma de la domination raciale voire d'être un instrument de déracialisation de la société américaine ; le second, en réaction aux limites perçues des politiques multiculturelles libérales et néolibérales, s'attache à dévoiler les mécanismes institutionnels et discursifs qui contribuent à la perpétuation des inégalités raciales.

This article seeks to formulate a macrohistorical analysis around the understanding of speeches, ideas and political-normative-social-economic keys throughout the period 1930-2016, to understand the power relations that made possible the application of different development perspectives. It aims to understand how the development discourse was deployed in Brazil throughout the twentieth century, and what were the conditions of application of this concept. Thus, the first section aims to analyze the bases on which the political and economic coalition that gave rise to the national-development project was based, and the particularities of its application during governments from Vargas to Kubitschek. The second section examines the transformation of the model based on the triennial economic development plans of the Quadros and Goulart governments, the alterations generated by the military dictatorship and its national development programs and plans, to reach liberal developmentalism and the constitutionalization of state planning through multiannual plans still in force. Lastly, the third section observes the emergence of the neo-developmental strategy during the governments of the Workers Party, its limitations and contradictions, its transformation into a social-developmental strategy, and finally its crisis. It is understood that a broad analysis of the historical processes and the different development models can offer a better understanding of the political and social aspects and the present and future limits and challenges for the projected development model in Brazil. ; El presente artículo busca formular un análisis macrohistórico en torno a la comprensión de los discursos, las ideas y las claves político-normativas-sociales-económicas a lo largo del periodo 1930-2016, a fin de interpretar las relaciones de poder que posibilitaron la aplicación de diferentes perspectivas de desarrollo. Pretende con ello comprender de qué manera se desplegó el discurso del desarrollo en Brasil a lo largo de un siglo XX por demás conflictivo, y cuáles fueron las condiciones particulares de aplicación de este concepto. Así, el primer epígrafe tiene como objetivo analizar las bases sobre las cuales se asentó la coalición política y económica que dio origen al proyecto nacional-desarrollista, y las particularidades de su aplicación durante los gobiernos desde Vargas hasta Kubitschek. El segundo epígrafe analiza la transformación del modelo a partir de los planes trienales de desarrollo económico de los gobiernos de Quadros y Goulart, las alteraciones generadas de la mano de la dictadura militar y sus programas y planes nacionales de desarrollo, para llegar así al liberal desarrollismo y la constitucionalización de la planificación estatal a través de los planes plurianuales aún vigentes. Por último, el tercer epígrafe tiene como objetivo examinar el surgimiento de la estrategia neodesarrollista durante los gobiernos del Partido de los Trabajadores, sus limitaciones y contradicciones, su transformación en una estrategia social-desarrollista, y finalmente su crisis. Se entiende que un análisis amplio de los procesos históricos y de los distintos modelos de desarrollo puede ofrecer una mejor comprensión de los aspectos políticos y sociales y los límites y retos presentes y futuros para el modelo de desarrollo proyectado en Brasil. ; O presente artigo pretende formular uma análise macrohistórica em torno à compreensão dos discursos e ideias político-normativas-sociais-econômicas ao longo do período de 1930-2016, com o objetivo de interpretar as relações de poder que possibilitaram a aplicação de diferentes perspectivas sobre o desenvolvimento. Se pretende, com isso, compreender de que forma se foi construindo o discurso sobre "desenvolvimento" no Brasil ao longo do século XX, e quais foram as condições particulares de aplicação deste conceito. Assim, a primeira seção tem como objetivo analisar as bases sobre as quais se fundou a coalizão política e econômica que deu origem ao projeto de desenvolvimento nacional e as particularidades de sua aplicação durante os governos de Vargas a Kubitschek. A segunda seção analisa a transformação do modelo com base nos planos trienais de desenvolvimento econômico dos governos Quadros e Goulart, as alterações geradas pela ditadura militar e seus programas e planos nacionais de desenvolvimento, para alcançar o desenvolvimentismo liberal e a constitucionalização do planejamento estadual por meio de planos plurianuais ainda em vigor. Finalmente, a terceira seção tem como objetivo examinar o surgimento da estratégia neodesenvolvimentista durante os governos do Partido dos Trabalhadores, suas limitações e contradições, sua transformação em uma estratégia social-desenvolvimentista, e, finalmente, sua crise. Entende-se que uma análise ampla dos processos históricos e dos diferentes modelos de desenvolvimento pode oferecer uma melhor compreensão dos aspectos políticos e sociais e dos limites e desafios atuais e futuros do modelo de desenvolvimento projetado no Brasil.

The sudden economic, political and social turnaround imposed on China in 1978 after the assumption of power by the party and state current headed by Deng Xiaoping, also translated into a profound shift in China's mode of international insertion, and consequently in its international relations and foreign policy approach. In accordance with the new capitalist course, the leading bourgeoisie abandoned the basic orientations of the socialist period (1949-1978), when China perceived itself as part of the countries oppressed by imperialism and later by the hegemonic dispute between the two superpowers (USA and USSR). Deng's foreign policy discourse would definitely leave aside the fundamental questioning of the international order limiting himself to object the unilateralist tendencies of the USA, as well as the idea of the anti-hegemonist united front. In the neo-liberal context of the 1980s, the leadership of Beijing reduced its support for the revolutionary and national liberation movements and concentrated its efforts on inserting China into the world economy. By accompanying its foreign action with the use of the so-called soft power and with the promotion of the theses of globalization and of economic multilateralism and free trade, the post 1978 leadership adjusted, in successive stages, its international relations and foreign policies to the new role that the "reform and opening" China would play in the world capitalist market and in the international system until it became one of the great powers of the present. The current topics of the Chinese party and state leadership led by Xi Jinping "Chinese dream of national revitalization", "new major-country relationship", reflect objective hegemonic aspirations of the Chinese leadership on an international scale. In this frame, it becames understandable the strategic transcendence of his of Belt and Road mega-project, on the road to the internationalization of Chinese investments (go out) and of Chinese corporations (go global). Now the Beijing's leadership has global interests to promote and protect, and this explains the dramatic changes in its global and regional vision of the world, the rise of a new nationalism, the growing political centralization of the state, the accelerated military modernization with extra-defensive profiles, and the multiplication of multifunctional alliances (BRICS, SCO) and strategic partnerships with countries and regions that are shaping real areas of influence close to China on several continents. ; El brusco golpe de timón económico, político y social impuesto en 1978 en China a partir de la asunción del poder por la corriente partidaria y estatal encabezada por Deng Xiaoping se tradujo, también, en un profundo viraje en el modo de inserción internacional de China, y por consiguiente en el enfoque de sus relaciones internacionales y de su política exterior. Acorde con el nuevo curso capitalista, la burguesía dirigente abandonó las orientaciones fundamentales del período socialista (1949-1978), cuando China se percibía como parte de los países oprimidos por el imperialismo y, luego, por la disputa hegemónica entre las dos superpotencias (Estados Unidos y la URSS). El discurso de Deng en política exterior dejaría definitivamente de lado los cuestionamientos de fondo al orden internacional -limitándose a objetar las tendencias unilateralistas de Estados Unidos-, así como la idea del frente unido antihegemonista. En el contexto neoliberal de los años 1980, la conducción de Beijing redujo su apoyo a los movimientos revolucionarios y de liberación nacional y concentró sus esfuerzos en insertar a China en la economía mundial. Acompañando su acción exterior con la utilización del llamado poder suave y con la promoción de las tesis de la globalización y del multilateralismo y librecambismo económicos, la dirigencia posterior a 1978 acompasó, en sucesivas etapas, sus relaciones internacionales y sus políticas exteriores al nuevo rol que la China de la reforma y apertura desempeñaría en el mercado capitalista mundial y en el sistema internacional hasta convertirse en una de las grandes potencias del presente. Los actuales tópicos de la dirección partidaria y estatal china liderada por Xi Jinping "sueño chino de revitalización nacional", "nuevas relaciones de gran potencia", reflejan objetivas aspiraciones hegemónicas de la dirigencia china a escala internacional. En esa clave se comprende la trascendencia estratégica de su megaproyecto de "la Franja y la Ruta", en el camino de la internacionalización de las inversiones chinas (go out) y de las corporaciones chinas (go global). La dirigencia de Beijing tiene ahora intereses mundiales que promover y proteger, y ello explica los cambios radicales en su visión global y regional del mundo, el auge de un nuevo nacionalismo, la creciente centralización política estatal, la acelerada modernización militar con perfiles extra-defensivos, y la multiplicación de alianzas plurifuncionales (BRICS, OCS) y de asociaciones estratégicas con países y regiones que van configurando verdaderas áreas de influencia afines a China en varios continentes.

The new rise of Babylon is reported and its domination of the old world is described; when two dynasties ruled Neo- Babylonia from 612 BC to 330 BC. First, the Chaldeans had taken over from the Assyrians whom they had defeated and established their empire, which lasted for 77 years followed by the Achaemenid dynasty, which was to rule Babylonia for the remaining period as part of their empire. Out of the 77 years of the Chaldean period king, Nebuchadnezzar II ruled for 43 years, which were full of military achievements and construction works and organization. Apart from extending the borders of the empire, he had managed to construct large-scale hydraulic works which were intended for irrigation, navigation and even for defensive purposes. He excavated, re-excavated, and maintained four large feeder canals taking off from the Euphrates, which served the agriculture in the whole area between the Euphrates and the Tigris in the middle and lower Euphrates regions. Moreover, he was concerned with flood protection and so he constructed one large reservoir near Sippar at 60 km north of Babylon to be filled by the Euphrates excess water during floods and to be returned back to the river during low flow season in summer. His works involved river training projects, so he trained the Euphrates by digging artificial meanders to reduce the velocity of the flow and improving navigation and allow the construction of the canal intakes in a less turbulent flows. It seems also that he had diverted the river during the building of Babylon Bridge and trained the Euphrates River penetrating Babylon by constructing riverside revetments. Nebuchadnezzar II had the foresight for building extensive defensive fortifications to secure the country against possible enemy attacks from the north and adding to the walls and fortifications deep moats filled with water for higher security. This was the case with the wall he built north of Sippar. It extended over the whole distance between the two rivers, and the wall around Sippar itself. Similarly, he had dug a great moat alongside the wall of Babylon, which he supplied with water from the Euphrates. Moreover, he had introduced improvements on the four large feeder canals and the extensive canal networks that belonged to them to be used as water barriers against the advance of any enemy troops. Building temples and grand royal palaces and the Babylon Bridge took part of Nebuchadnezzar's attention and his name was linked with the "Babylon Hanging Gardens", one of the seven wonders of the ancient world, which he had built to please his wife. Description of the gardens according to historians is given in this book in addition to reporting the results of archeological digging of the supposed site, which can shed light on the irrigation method used to irrigate these elevated gardens. The flourishing agriculture and wealth and prosperity it had brought to Babylon during Nebuchadnezzar's reign is described in details, and the active trading and commercial dealing it had generated is also treated. The first banking services in history related to this period, which was linked to one Jewish family known as "House of Êigibi" is described. This family continued to serve for very long time by collecting the land rents and water taxes for canals use for the government, in addition to concluding contracts and ratifying transactions for the public. As bankers, they gave farmers loans to invest in all types of agrarian operations and practiced money transfers between various cities which helped trading especially with large scale export and imports of the various crops. The Chaldeans rule of Babylon came to an end in 539 BC when Babylon fell to the Achaemenids attacks that were already established in Persia led by Cyrus II. Babylon, however, kept a special position between the various capitols of this empire due to its splendor and wealth. It served therefore as the economical capitol and the winter residence of the kings Achaemenid Empire for most of this period while its agriculture continued to generate a great portion of the empire's revenue. The archive gave us information on the agrarian relations and the agricultural outputs in Babylonia at that period. During the Achaemenid times, as it was the case during the Chaldean times, irrigation systems in Babylonia were kept under close observation and good maintenance which kept agriculture at its best. The inevitable decline of this empire came in the end due to the rule of weak kings, conspiracies and palace intrigues, and finally the bitter defeat came on the hands of Alexander the Great who entered Babylon in 331 BC and kept it as the Jewel of his new empire. ; Validerad;2020;Nivå 1;2020-04-24 (alebob)

La ricerca di dottorato ha avuto come obiettivo quello di ricostruire ed analizzare le dinamiche insediative nella valle dell'Eufrate siriano ed iracheno durante l'età del Ferro (ca. 1200-600 a.C.). L'analisi si è concentrata in tre macroregioni estese nei moderni stati di Siria ed Iraq. Nello specifico, lo studio della distribuzione dei siti archeologici sul territorio, delle loro relazioni gerarchiche e del loro rapporto con il paesaggio circostante è stato indirizzato alla ricostruzione e all'analisi dei sistemi insediativi regionali. Difatti mancano ad oggi applicazioni che mettano in relazione più aree lungo il corso del fiume e che tengano in considerazione l'intero spettro di dati disponibile ai fini di una ricostruzione dell'insediamento per l'intera età del Ferro. La ricerca ha quindi indagato i rapporti spaziali e dimensionali dei siti tramite l'utilizzo di un approccio multi disciplinare che abbia il suo punto di partenza nel dato archeologico regionale e dei singoli siti. A questo si sono aggiunti dati sul paesaggio naturale e antropico relativi ad elementi geomorfologici della valle o a sistemi di gestione delle risorse locali. L'analisi è stata poi portata avanti tramite l'utilizzo di tecniche statistiche e quantitative e tramite un'analisi remote sensing. Il risultato dell'applicazione di queste tecniche è stato poi costantemente confrontato con il dato storico ed archeologico, per essere inserito correttamente in una prospettiva storica regionale. Le aree scelte sono state investigate singolarmente e solo nel momento successivo alla ricostruzione del sistema insediativo della singola zona si è proceduto ad un'analisi sovraregionale. Quest'ultima è stata eseguita rapportando i risultati delle regioni tra loro e confrontandoli successivamente con altre aree del Vicino Oriente al fine di ottenere una più completa prospettiva insediativa. Tramite i passaggi appena descritti non si è puntato solo ad una ricostruzione dettagliata dei sistemi insediativi, ma si è voluto mettere a confronto per la prima volta tre zone finora indagate esclusivamente a sé stanti e raramente inserite in un più ampio contesto storico-archeologico. Grazie a quanto descritto finora, è stato possibile valutare la disposizione degli insediamenti archeologici in relazione al territorio e alle unità geomorfologiche, evidenziando scelte particolari per l'età del Ferro ma mostrando anche significativi schemi diacronici di disposizione. Procedendo ad una classificazione tipologica dei siti tipica della Landscape Archaeology, è stato possibile valutare l'impatto di cambiamenti strutturali nelle modalità insediative, inserendoli nel più ampio contesto dell'età del Ferro ed evidenziando allo stesso tempo scelte locali riconducili o meno a politiche di gestione del territorio. Nel particolare, si è potuto attribuire una datazione all'età del Ferro al canale Nahr Darwin, visto come segno di politiche agricole operate dal regno Neo-Assiro. Si è poi potuto rivalutare il ruolo dei siti del medio Eufrate iracheno, che si è visto possedere funzioni politiche, amministrative e religiose e non solo funzioni militari come finora ipotizzato. Si è poi valutato lo stato di conservazione dei siti attraverso l'uso di immagini satellitari, fornendo una documentazione per la tutela dei siti archeologici, presentando come esempio le dinamiche di riemersione ciclica dei siti nella zona della diga di Haditha. L'utilizzo di analisi statistiche e quantitative, impiegate per la prima volta in relazione ai siti in queste tre aree, ha permesso di ricostruire probabili gerarchie insediative ed elaborare ipotesi più dettagliate anche in situazioni di scarsa disponibilità o qualità del dato archeologico. In linea generale le aree tendono a conformarsi alle tendenze insediative dell'età del Ferro (aumento significativo di siti e loro dispersione sul territorio, accompagnate dalla creazione di uno o più centri di grandi dimensioni). Queste tendenze, se analizzate nel lungo termine, si conformano a quanto noto dal resto del Vicino Oriente, come evidenziato tramite l'utilizzo di analisi di distribuzione dei siti, analisi rank-size e tramite il coefficiente di Gini. Queste conclusioni sono supportate anche dalla valutazione e confronto con la distribuzione sul territorio e il carattere dell'insediamento in regioni limitrofe. Per le tre aree del progetto, si è però potuto mettere in luce una serie di differenze locali, anche all'interno della stessa area, che ad una semplice ispezione visiva di mappe di distribuzione non sarebbero state evidenti. Queste differenze sottolineano ancora una volta come le dinamiche all'interno di una regione siano il risultato non solo di un'espansione e controllo del territorio da parte degli Assiri, ma anche di una serie complessa di interazioni che deve essere valutata attentamente per non sottostimare uno o più fenomeni meno evidenti. L'utilizzo di dati geomorfologici e remote sensing ha permesso di raffinare ulteriormente queste analisi e le derivanti ipotesi, evidenziando dinamiche differenti a seconda delle diverse situazioni ambientali, e permettendo analisi più approfondite su aspetti del paesaggio archeologico antico e moderno.

School achievement has increasingly come into focus during the last decades. The overall aim of this report is to highlight the need for knowledge for promoting health and development among school-aged children in the Nordic countries. Learning in school and for life is a key element for future well-being and quality of life. The present analysis did not have the resources nor time to do a systematic review. Therefore, a more selective approach was taken based on previous reviews and partly working as a scoping review. The different sections of the report conclude with a list of knowledge gaps and concerns. The research methodology in the relevant disciplinary fields are diverse and is also affected by the paradigm war, that is, difference scientific approaches do not share basic assumptions, research procedures and analytical methods. Therefore, an introductory section deals with this challenge. What is needed in this field is scientific knowledge as well as practical knowledge and practical wisdom to guide the further development of the school system. The school systems in the Nordic countries are similar but also different. We can learn from each other both from successes and failures, which merits a brief overview of the Nordic school systems follows. The school for all has been a joint characteristic of the Nordic school system, but it has been challenges by the neo-liberal policies such as school choices and privatisation. School achievement is a major focus in this report. However, in order to do multi-country comparison, the development of the international large-scale assessments has been of crucial as a research infrastructure. The report gives some recent results from the 2018 PISA study. This study concerns mainly three different aspects of inequality in school achievements. (i) Gender differences in school achievement are a universal finding. (i) Gender differences in school achievement are a universal finding. Boys are falling behind girls. What do we know about this, what impact does it have and what can be done to make a school where each child can grow and reach their full potential? (ii) Socioeconomic differences in school achievement are among the findings in most countries, so also in the Nordic welfare states. This may seem paradoxical. (iii) Health development is also associated with school achievement. We have learnt from longitudinal studies the there is a reciprocal relationship between mental health and learning. The report describes a series of concern regarding methodology, theoretical perspective, policy aspects, ethical and political aspects. There is a need for scientific knowledge, practical knowledge, and practical wisdom to guide the further development of the Nordic school systems. This can be achieved by bridging different knowledge gaps through studies of different educational practice, interventions and measures; by using systematic reviews to summarize what already is known; by doing original comparative research; by using the potentials of the unique infrastructure and competence in registry-based research as well as the best available evaluative research designs and practice-based designs; and by increasing research collaboration between Nordic researchers in relevant fields such as educational science, cognitive neuroscience, developmental psychology (developmental science), sociology of education, child public health and policy science. Moreover, the research should be concerned with ethical and political issues of the selected approaches. Research to bridge knowledge gaps in five different regards is suggested: (1) Trends: How is the situation; (2) Consequences: How important; (3) Mechanisms: why; (4) Interventions: What can be done; and (5) Policy and implementation: What can be done on a national level? The following measures are suggested for supporting Nordic research in this field: (1) Collaboration grants for Nordic researchers that can pool data and resources for in-depth analysis of trends, mechanism, consequences, interventions, and policy/implementation. (2) Support to infrastructure for Nordic comparative research. (3) Research grants to researchers that plan, supported by systematic review of previous research, and conduct original research on issues like: · School for all in the Nordic countries – trends, challenges, and remedies in the neoliberal era · Mechanisms behind the socioeconomic, gender and health inequalities in school achievement · Controlled studies of measures taken for improving socioeconomic, gender and health equality in school achievement · Studies aiming at improving the working environment in schools including children, parents and school staff in research and development · Studies of physical and mental health, and school achievement: educational trajectory for children in the Nordic countries · Health promotion in schools in the Nordic Countries: studies of educational practice, programmes and whole-school-approach research school. (4) a research school in this field could be a measure that facilitate the training of next generation of researchers in the Nordic countries. This could be an important link between senior Nordic researcher that jointly manage the research school. ; Positive Mental Health among School-aged Children in the Nordic Countries

O artigo é resultado de uma reflexão sobre a forma com que a racionalidade neoliberal tem colonizado o campo educativo, empregando na educação, seja escolar, seja superior, uma cultura empresarial, completamente voltado ao mercado capitalista. O neoliberalismo existente no perfil do Estado Brasileiro institui uma normatização da vida na sua totalidade, a partir de valores referenciais, que passam a organizar as instituições e a própria subjetividade. Neste sentido, nosso objetivo vai ao encontro de pontuar como a razão de mundo ancorada nos princípios neoliberais coloniza a educação e, sobretudo, a escola, tornando-a uma instituição que se organiza e opera a partir de uma cultura em que a lógica predominante é a empresarial. O problema norteador da discussão fundamenta-se na defesa de que a escola não deve ser tratada como uma empresa, sob pena de produzirmos experiências formativas contrárias aos ideais republicanos de educação. A pesquisa caracteriza-se como exploratória, com abordagem teórico-bibliográfica e documental. A escrita investigativa dialoga com os autores Dardot e Laval (2016) e com o documento da Comissão das Comunidades Europeias (1995). Portanto, defende-se que a escola como espaço educativo deve ser refletida à luz de certos referenciais que não sejam os da racionalidade neoliberal, a qual, baseada nos princípios de concorrência, competividade e eficiência, passa a organizar as escolas, tornando-as empresas e que essa lógica empresarial no espaço escolar corrói experiências formativas democráticas.Palavras-chave: Racionalidade neoliberal. Escola. Cultura empresarial. Educação.The incorporation of neoliberal rationality in education and the school organization from corporate cultureABSTRACTThe article is the result of a reflection on the way that neoliberal rationality has colonized the educational field employing in the education, whether school or higher, a business culture, completely geared to the capitalist market. The neoliberalism existing in the profile of the Brazilian State, establishes a normalization of life in its totality from reference values that begin to organize institutions and subjectivity itself. In this sense, our objective is to point out the reason of the world anchored in the neoliberal principles colonize the education and, above all, the school, making it an institution that is organized and operates from a culture where the predominant logic is the business. The guiding problem of the discussion is based on the defense that the school should not be treated as a company, otherwise we will produce formative experiences contrary to the republican ideals of education. The research is characterized as exploratory with a theoretical-bibliographic and documentary approach. The research writing, dialogues with the authors Dardot and Laval (2016) and with the document of the Commission of the European Communities (1995). Therefore, neoliberal rationality based on the principles of competition, competitiveness and efficiency starts to organize schools into companies. Business reasoning in school space erodes democratic formative moments For this reason, the school as an educational space must be reflected in the light of certain references that are not of neoliberal rationality.Keywords: Neo-liberal rationality. School. Business culture. Education.La incorporación de la racionalidad neoliberal en la educación y la organización escolar a partir de la cultira empresarialRESUMENEl artículo es resultado de una reflexión sobre la forma con que la racionalidad neoliberal ha colonizado el campo educativo, empleando en la educación, sea escolar, sea superior, una cultura empresarial, completamente orientada al mercado capitalista. El neoliberalismo existente en el perfil del Estado Brasileño instituye una normalización de la vida en su totalidad a partir de valores referenciales que pasan a organizar las instituciones y la propia subjetividad. En este sentido, nuestro objetivo va al encuentro de puntuar cómo la razón de mundo anclada en los principios neoliberales coloniza la educación y, sobre todo, la escuela, tornándola una institución que se organiza y opera a partir de una cultura en que la lógica predominante es la empresarial. El problema norteador de la discusión se fundamenta en la defensa de que la escuela no debe ser tratada como una empresa, bajo pena de que produciremos experiencias formativas contrarias a los ideales republicanos de educación. La investigación se caracteriza como exploratoria con abordaje teórico-bibliográfico y documental. La escritura investigativa dialoga con los autores Dardot y Laval (2016), y con el documento de la Comisión de las Comunidades Europeas (1995). Por tanto, se defiende que la escuela como espacio educativo debe ser reflejar a la luz de ciertos referenciales que no sean los de la racionalidad neoliberal, la cual basada en los principios de competencia, competitividad y eficiencia pasa a organizar las escuelas, tornándolas empresas y que esa lógica empresarial en el espacio escolar desgasta experiencias formativas democráticas.Palabras-clave: Racionalidad neoliberal. Escuela. Cultura empresarial. Educación.

In today's world, the jurisprudential and epistemic models that were valid for the eighteenth century are reproduced euphemistically through imperial and neo-cultural categories. Nevertheless, the tenets and premises of the formalistic paradigms have been seriously criticised as the idea of living and acting within the constraints of the nation state has proven to be flawed. This criticism has brought about an "epistemic earthquake" that suggests the revision of modern science. Social sciences are surrounded by a series of fruitful questions: which will be the theoretical tenets of the new social science?, and, what images and elements of analysis can substitute the axiomatic methodology dee- ply informed by the nationalistic framework that has prevailed in social science? The emergence of new paradigms is paramount and social scientists are compelled to address new elements of analysis. These elements of analysis are diverse and involve the difficult task of thinking and researching the social worlds of the nation state, the radicalisation of the world system, the revita- lisation of the understanding of the global society along with the concept of linearity, and, the evaluation of experiences and socio cultural conflicts that that will pave the way to a new form of local resistance. Within the above scenario, the possibility of the decolonisation of knowledge, education and so- ciety seems to be possible and it is presented by an intellectual mo- vement that seeks to deconstruct the concept of "intellectuality" put forward by modern thought. In order to achieve this task, this group of intellectuals from diffe- rent parts of the globe proposes a culture of epistemic resistance that questions the hegemonic western culture that has prevailed to this day. This new praxis involves the elaboration of open paradigms based on finding the "reconciliation "between scientific knowledge and common sense. In this paper we set out to explore Aimé Césaire ́s classic piece "Return to my native land", then we take a glimpse into Guam Poma de Ayala ́s "Chronicles about a good Government", and, finally, we draw a depiction of good example to be followed: the Inter- cultural University Amawtay Wasi. This Univeristy has been founded on the basis of learning through wisdom and good living. The decolonization of knowledge entails to establish dialogues. These dialogues should not be monolithic; on the contrary, they should take into account that the universe and its knowledges are uncountable entities and cannot be seen as a singular entity. ; Los modelos jurisprudenciales y epistemológicos que fueron válidos para el siglo XVIII se rearticulan eufemísticamente en categorías imperiales y neoculturales; sus postulados han sido zarandeados, su premisa esencial: la idea de vivir y actuar en los espacios cerrados y recíprocamente delimitados de los Estados nacionales y sus respectivas sociedades nacionales han sido cuestionados, el sismo ha deteriorado el contenedor de la sociedad, hecho que implica cuestionar la ciencia moderna. Las ciencias sociales se introducen en una discusión fructífera: cuáles serán sus supuestos fundamentales, qué imágenes de lo social y qué unidades de análisis pueden sustituir a lo axiomático del nacio- nalismo metodológico. Aparecen nuevos ejes fundamentales para esas unidades de análisis que competen a los científicos sociales: unidades como: pensar e investigar en la trampa de los mundos sociales nacionales estatales; radicalizar la teoría del sistema mundial; revitalizar la comprensión de la sociedad global; sustituir el concepto de linealidad, evaluar las experiencias y los conflictos socioculturales hacia una forma de resistencia local.Dentro de estos nuevos campos la pregunta es si es posible decolonizar el conocimiento, la educación y la sociedad. Una cultura de la resistencia emerge con paradigmas abiertos frente a los paradigmas culturales dominantes, y evoluciona a través del quiebre de la hegemonía occidental. Emerge para reconocer cosmovisiones, sueños y destinos, entendiendo la realidad como un campo de posibilidades.La praxis posicional trabajaría con categorías que nos parecen claves en los estudios emergentes y que son utilizadas por el grupo latino/latinoamericano modernidad/colonialidad: decolonialidad y colonialidad del poder, así como la comprensión del paso del sistema mundo al sistema mundo colonial, que lo tramamos en saltos de lo dialógico a lo no dialógico.Hacemos memoria del Cuaderno de un retorno al país natal, de Aimé Césaire; Crónicas de un buen gobierno de Huamán Poma de Ayala, y evidenciamos el ejemplo seguido por la Universidad Intercultural Amawtay Wasi de aprender en la sabiduría y el buen vivir.Decolonizar el conocimiento significa entablar diálogos, no diálogos y prácticas articulatorias con otro tipo de conocimientos distintos a los que genera la mirada occidental, conocimientos en los que el universo y el saber no son uno solo sino que coexisten muchas formas de saber y una pluralidad de universos paralelos.

The article investigates the main directions of activity of the prominent Ukrainian lawyer of beginning of the XX century Volodymyr Starosolskyi. It is found out that the scholar's legal concept formed under the influence of the theories of Neo-Kantians, normativists, theoretical and methodological developments of S. Dnistryansky and G. Jellinek, was based on the sociological concept of law and state. The scientific works of Volodymyr Starosolskyi, his speech as a defender of Ukrainian patriots in Polish courts, pedagogical, political and military activities, speeches at numerous meetings, inspired by relevant ideas, give grounds to speak about the integrity and consistency of his legal concept.It is revealed that his university education, experience of political, military, pedagogical and legal activity made it possible to forecast events. In particular, Volodymyr Starosolskyi drew the attention of his contemporaries to the need for the creation of Ukrainian armed forces, in order to, in his words, put the force on guard of the law of Ukraine with the onset of «iron and blood» time. An important argumentation by Volodymyr Starosolskyi is the need of implementation (realization) of the right to self-determination by all the nations liberated from the domination of the Austro-Hungarian and Russian empires, and a clear and unequivocal denial of the «economic» justification of the alliance of Ukraine and Russia, which was considered an indisputable truth until recently.Developing the idea about the right of nations to self-determination, Volodymyr Starosolskyj argued that the nation could not realize its right differently than through its own statehood. Moreover, the nation cannot waive the right to self-determination, the right to its state will, as well as to J.-J. Rousseau, no one can «deny the will».As a result of the analysis, it becomes clear that the «Principle of the Majority» carries an understanding of many problems in contemporary jurisdiction, and in particular, in international law. In the above-named work, considering the different types of communities, the researcher argues that the communities, based on the «general will», make the decision by a majority vote, whereas assuming that the majority expresses this general will. Based on the concept of Volodymyr Starosolskyj, described in «Das Majoritatsprinzip», we come to the conclusion that international organizations, in particular United Nations, belong to such a type of communities, the base of which includes not the «general will», but amounts to «all wills», and therefore their decisions require unanimity.In communities, where decisions need to be unanimous, a minority, being secured to protect its interests by vetoing the proposals of the majority, should not abuse the law. If there is no unanimity, when voting, the votes are divided; the minority is provided with the right of veto, and the majority continues to seek another appropriate solution. Today this situation has developed on the international scene. In a time when Ukraine is suffering from Russian aggression, and the international community represented by its bodies created «for the maintenance of peace and international security» remain powerless before the state demonstrating the abandonment of the right as a regulator of social relations, which is impossible to force not to abuse the law when applying veto, various proposals for the exit from the crisis appear. One of them is the proposal to change the procedure for the adoption of common decisions in international organizations. However, according to the doctrine of Volodymyr Starosolskyj, the communities that representing the «will of all» (not the «general will»), which, by its legal nature, is the United Nations and its organs, has an appropriate decision-making algorithm for it. Perhaps, countries that pursue aggressive politics, ignore international law, systematically abuse the law, should in fact be devoid of membership in communities whose purpose is to «maintain peace and international security». ; Досліджено основні напрями діяльності видатного українського правника початку XX століття Володимира Старосольського. З'ясовано, що правова концепція вченого, яка фор­мувалася під впливом теорій неокантіанців, нормативістів, теоретично-методологічних напрацювань С. Дністрянського і Ґ. Єлінека, ґрунтувалися на соціологічному розумінні права і держави. Наукова, політична і педагогічна діяльність Володимира Старосольського, проникнута відповідними ідеями, дає підстави говорити про цілісність і несуперечливість його правової концепції.Виявлено, що університетська освіта, досвід політичної, військової, педагогічної та правової діяльності дали змогу прогнозувати події. Зокрема, Володимир Старосольський акцентував увагу своїх сучасників на потребу створення українських збройних сил, аби, за його словами, з настанням часу «заліза і крови» на сторожі права України поставити силу. Важливою є аргументація Володимира Старосольського щодо необхідності реалізації всіма націями, які звільнилися з-під панування імперій, права на самовизначення, а також чітке та однозначне заперечення «економічного» обґрунтування союзу України і Росії, яке ще донедавна вважалося незаперечною істиною.Використовуючи «римську» конструкцію корпорації як уособлення загальної волі, де рішення ухвалюють більшістю голосів, Володимир Старосольський проаналізував також процедуру ухвалення рішень у спільнотах, які ґрунтуються на сумі воль усіх. За своєю правовою природою нині такими спільнотами є ООН та її органи. У сучасних умовах кризи багатьох міжнародних організацій, у тім числі через дії Російської Федерації, ідеї Володи­мира Старосольського знову набувають актуальності.

The aim of the work is to embed the Russian model of federalism (changes taking place in the Center – regions system) in the modern theoretical and conceptual grid of federalism, using the analysis of changes taking place in 2000 – 2016 within the system of federal relations in Russia. The author uses the historical method, exegesis of legal acts and ideational method. Particularly interesting, according to the author, is the attempt to relate the Russian model of federal relations to the ideal types of federalism by W. H. Riker and the concept of the model of "police patrol" and "fire alarm". The author tries to answer the following: 1. How was the evolution of federal relations in Russia after 1999? 2. What characterizes the institutionalization of the system of the mechanism of monitoring the activities of regional state authorities? 3. What was the evolution of the new format of relations between the Kremlin and the regional elites, and was it maintained in the spirit of the neo-warrior model? 4. What were the premises for changes within the federal relations system and their consequences. Answering these questions will verify three hypotheses: H1. Due to the Kremlin's lack of readiness to eliminate federalist provisions from the constitution, in conjunction with the "leaching" of federalist content from the center-regions relations, it is accepted to call Russia "a federation without federalism." Attempts to "reconcile" the benefits of federalism with the practice of a unitary state allow defining the federalism of modern Russia as "unitary". H2. As a result of the Kremlin's actions after 1999, the Russian federal model has clearly approached the maximum pole. H3. Referring to the plane of analysis of the Russian system of federal relations constructed around the axis of the model "police patrol" vs. "fire alarm", it can be assumed that in the discussed period it definitely came close to the model of "police patrol". ; Celem pracy jest osadzenie rosyjskiego modelu federalizmu (przemian dokonujących się w układzie Centrum–regiony) we współczesnej siatce teoretyczno-pojęciowej federalizmu, za pomocą analizy przemian dokonujących się w latach 2000–2016 w obrębie systemu stosunków federacyjnych w Rosji. Autor stosuje metodę historyczną, egzegezę aktów prawnych i metodę ideacyjną. Szczególnie interesująca, zdaniem autora, jest próba odniesienia rosyjskiego modelu stosunków federacyjnych do osi typów idealnych federalizmu autorstwa W. H. Rikera i koncepcji modelu "patrolu policyjnego" i "alarmu przeciwpożarowego". Autor stara się odpowiedzieć na następujące: 1. Jak przebiegała ewolucja stosunków federacyjnych w Rosji po roku 1999?; 2. Co charakteryzuje instytucjonalizację systemu mechanizmu monitoringu działań organów władzy państwowej szczebla regionalnego?; 3. Jak wyglądała ewolucja nowego formatu relacji Kreml–elity regionalne i czy była ona utrzymana w duchu modelu neojarłyku?; 4. Jakie były przesłanki zmian w obrębie systemu stosunków federacyjnych i ich konsekwencje? Odpowiedź na te pytania pozwoli zweryfikować trzy hipotezy: H1. Ze względu na brak gotowości Kremla do wyeliminowania z tekstu konstytucji zapisów federalistycznych, w połączeniu z "wypłukiwaniem" federalistycznej treści ze stosunków centrum–regiony, przyjmuje się określać Rosję "federacją bez federalizmu". Próby "pogodzenia" dobrodziejstwa federalizmu z praktyką państwa unitarnego pozwalają zdefiniować federalizm współczesnej Rosji jako "unitarny". H2. Rosyjski model federalizmu wyraźnie zbliżył się w wyniku działań Kremla po roku 1999 w stronę bieguna maksymalnego. H3. Odnosząc się do płaszczyzny analizy rosyjskiego systemu stosunków federacyjnych konstruowanej wokół osi modelu "patrol policyjny" vs. "alarm przeciwpożarowy", można przyjąć, że w omawianym okresie zdecydowanie zbliżył się on do modelu "patrolu policyjnego". ; Целью данной работы является включение российской модели федерализма (изменения, происходящие в системе Центр – регионы) в современную теоретическую и концептуальную сетку федерализма с использованием анализа изменений, произошедших в 2000 – 2016 гг. в системе федеративных отношений в России. В сщоич исследованиях Автор использует исторический метод, толкование правовых актов и идейный метод. Особенно интересной, по мнению автора, является попытка соотнести российскую модель федеративных отношений с идеальными типами федерализма У. Х. Райкера и концепциями моделей «полицейский патруль» и «пожарная сигнализация». Автор пытается ответить на следующие вопросы: 1. Как развивалась федеративные отношения в России после 1999 г.? 2. Что характеризует институционализация системы механизма мониторинга деятельности региональных органов государственной власти? 3. Какова была эволюция нового формата отношений между Кремлем и региональными элитами, и поддерживалась ли она в духе модели неоярлык? 4. Каковы были предпосылки для изменений в федеративной системе отношений и их последствия. Ответ на эти вопросы подтвердит три гипотезы: Г1. Кремль не готов исключить федеративные положения из конституции, поэтому в сочетании с «вымыванием» федералистского содержания из отношений центр – регионы, принято называть Россию «федерацией без федерализма». Попытки «примирить» преимущества федерализма с практикой унитарного государства позволяют определить федерализм современной России как «унитарный». Г2. В результате действий Кремля после 1999 года российская федеральная модель явно приблизилась к максимальному полюсу. H3. Обращаясь к плоскости анализа российской системы федеративных отношений, построенной вокруг оси модели «полицейский патруль» против «пожарная тревога», можно предположить, что в обсуждаемый период она однозначно приблизилась к модели «полицейского патруля».

Indian history writing owes a lot to a number of keen travellers and envoys since ancient times that came here to seek knowledge, learning and customs and fell in love with diverse Indian traditions and cultures (unlike the European travellers who came in robes of businessmen, but later colonized the nation). A list of such important explorers of ancient and medieval India consists of the travel records of Megasthenes (302-298 BC)1, Fa-Hien (405-411 AD)2, Hiuen-Tsang (630-645 AD)3, I-tsing (671-695 AD)4, Al-Masudi (957 AD)5, Alberuni (1024-1030 AD)6 , Macro Polo (1292-1294 AD)7, Ibn Batuta (1333-1347 AD)8, Shihabuddin al-Umari (1348 AD)9, Nicolo Conti (1420-1421 AD)10, Abdur Razzaq (1443-1444 AD)11, and Athanasius Nikitin (1470-1474 AD)12. Later a category of European travellers came to India, mostly for business purposes, whose documentation helped them to raise the empire. This category may include Ralph Fitch (1583-91), the first traveller from England, gave written accounts about India and created interest among the English to start trade with India; William Hawkins (1608-1611 AD) and Sir Thomas Roe (British) (1615-1619 AD) ambassadors of British King James I, who were sent to the court of Jahangir the Mughal Emperor (1609); Fransciso Palsaert (1620-1627 AD); a Foreign Envoy from Dutch, who lived in Agra and gave a comprehensive account of flourishing trade at Ahmadabad, Surat, Broach Bombay, Multan, Lahore etc.; Peter Mundy (1630-34 AD) an Italian tourist, who gave a vivid account of the living conditions of the people in the reign of Shahjahan and so on. The growing knowledge of India's past glory under the colonial rule inspired another category of spiritual seekers to travel India. The list of such travel writers includes spiritual seekers like Helena Petrovna Blavatsky, 12 August [O.S. 31 July] 1831 – 8 May 1891), a Russian-German occultist, philosopher, author, and co-founder of the Theosophical Society in 1875, who wrote memories about living in India which were published in the book From the Caves and Jungles of Hindustan and Paul Brunton (21 October 1898 – 27 July 1981), a British theosophist and spiritualist, best known as one of the early popularizers of Neo-Hindu spiritualism in western esotericism, notably via his bestselling A Search in Secret India (1934). There is another category of travellers to India who, routed through the generations of migration and hyphenated identities, undertook sojourn in the post colonial India to find their ancestral roots. Unlike other travel writers, whose outside positioning keep them free of the anxiety to search the 'home', the inside/outside relational position of such diasporic travellers is fraught with the indisputable problem of 'home'. Avtar Brah significantly points out that how 'home' generates an indisputable problem in the discourse of the Indian diaspora. …the 'referent' of 'home'… [is] qualitatively different … 'home' in the form of a simultaneously floating and rooted signifier. It is an invocation of narratives of 'the nation'. In racialised or nationalist discourses this signifier can become the basis of claims…that a group settled 'in' a place is not necessarily 'of' it. (3) This 'floating and rooted signifier' has always prompted Indian diasporic writers to invoke, discover and explore the 'narrative of 'the nation'' through their exploration and recreation of history. The travel writings from Indian diasporic writers, which give broader dimensions to understanding of their complex relationship with India are no exception to it. India: A Million Mutinies Now (1990) and A Place Within: Rediscovering India (2008) written by V. S. Naipaul and M.G. Vassanji respectively are examples of nostalgic self encounters with the 'nation' while reconnecting with India after a multi-generational gap intensified by multiple migrations. These reconnections with the nation reconnect them with the history and memory of the nation as well as with their respective communities. The present paper engages with the award-winning travel memoir of M. G. Vassanji A Place Within: Rediscovering India (this book bagged highest literary honour of Canada- The Governor-General's Award in 2009), whose conflicting positions of "familiar and yet so alien; so frustrating and yet so enlightening and humbling" (2008 xiii) function both as subjects and as tools of a meta-textual enquiry into and past and the present of the nation. With a deep penetrating eyes of a historian and with an awareness of the epic proportion of the quest, this Indo-African- Canadian writer is not just a wayward tourist, but is bent on deciphering everything which comes in his ways; be it myths, stories, legends, history, family narratives, unforgettable characters, geographical conditions, riots, politics, religious discourses and finally question of identity. For him history is addiction.