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2013 Spring. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Native plant diversity in riparian systems is currently threatened by the invasive Russian olive (Elaeagnus angustifolia L.) replacing woody riparian species, including plains cottonwood (Populus deltoides Marsh), used for centuries by the Apsáalooke or Crow Tribe of south-central Montana. The Dawes Act of 1887, also known as the Allotment Act, created a land tenure system that restricted ownership rights and forced an unfamiliar agro-economy on the Crow people. Land cessations, illegal land sales and/or leases over the last century resulted in a mosaic of private non-Indian land ownership parcels interspersed within Crow tribal and individual allotment lands. Crow Tribe and individual land allotments are held in trust by the federal government and managed by the federal trust agent, U.S Department of Interior-Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA). Elaeagnus angustifolia was intentionally planted in the early 20th century along the floodplains of the Little Bighorn and Bighorn Rivers to support a largely non-Indian owned agro-economy. Mapped presence points of E. angustifolia trees within land use type and land ownership status were used as an indirect measure of policy induced invasion. Stem density of E. angustifolia (stem/km2) varied significantly by land use type (13 predictor variables) (p 1.0) suggesting that near-term climate changes may influence the spread of E. angustifolia, particularly downstream from diversion dams used for irrigation purposes. Personal interviews of Crow Elders overwhelmingly agreed (~80%) that sub-adult cottonwood trees were the most difficult to find now compared to 25 years ago. Maximum distances to travel to obtain sub-adult size classes used exclusively in ceremony increased in present-day by 30 km compared to recent history. Plot data comparing near and far from ceremonial and Crow Fair campground sites indicated that cottonwood stem heights (from 7.32 m plots where n=10) were significantly shorter near ceremony sites ( 2.4 km away; p 55 years) had higher knowledge than younger age groups. Taken in total, I conclude that E. angustifolia is displacing culturally important native biota harvested by the Crow people, and has heavily invaded private or fee-patent lands. Density of this species in allotted lands, however, is not managed by the Crow, as approximately two thirds are leased to non-Indians for farming or ranching operations. Lack of access and management oversight by the Crow Tribe for all lands within the reservation boundaries resulted in drastic changes in vegetation from the once dominant plains cottonwood to an almost mono-culture of E. angustifolia. Growth of this thorny shrub severely restricts the ability to harvest important woody species used in the expression of Crow culture through ceremony. Traditional Crow knowledge related to harvesting practices of culturally important native biota may be in the initial stages of erosion. Future land policy should reflect the ability of the Crow Tribe to manage invasive species within reservation boundaries, regardless of ownership class. To preserve traditional knowledge of native biota, E. angustifolia removal projects coupled with re-vegetation of culturally important species closer to Crow communities will allow access by Elders, and hence preserve their rich cultural knowledge for generations to come.

The topic of the paper is the principle of self-determination of peoples in international law and the limits of its implementation. The aim of the paper is to analyze and evaluate theoretical and practical aspects of regulation and implementation of the principle of self-determination of peoples. In the first part of the paper we examine the evolution of the principle in international law. The origin of the principle of self-determination of peoples is connected with the American and French revolutions in late XVIII century and the idea that government derives from the will of people. After the First World War the principle became the ideal of USA president Woodrow Wilson and it was used in redrawing the map of Europe, its practical application was inconsistent though. Since the dismemberment of European empires and the creation of the new national states were based on economic interests, historical claims and strategic calculations we can think of the principle of self-determination of peoples till the Second World War as the political declaration only. The principle of self-determination of peoples got the status of the right of international law under the regime of United Nations in the context of decolonization. Though the formulation of the principle in the Charter of United Nations is abstract, its content is clarified by the resolutions of the General Assembly. The scope of the principle was revised after the Cold War. It became obviously that the right of self-determination overstep the limits of decolonization and the questions about the holders of the right and the right of unilateral secession were raised. In the second part of the paper we analyze the scope of the principle of self-determination of peoples. The principle can be divided into "internal" and "external" self-determination. The former means the right of people to determine its political and economical regime. Civil and political rights claimed by international instruments are the guarantees of the "internal" self-determination. The "external" self-determination means the right of the people to determine its international status and is connected with the problem of the claim to secede. The right of secession does not exist in the instruments of international law, but it is not forbidden either. That is why in some cases it can be justified. The restriction of the right of self-determination is directly connected with the principle of territorial integrity. "External" self-determination, which influences the boundaries of a territory, does not contradict the principle of the territorial integrity if it is implemented by the people, which is the holder of the right of self-determination. In the context of the principle of self-determination a people means an entire population of particular territorial union. It is questionable whether the recognition of the right to unilateral secession would eliminate the ethnic conflicts; the respect to human rights and the preservation of identity of peoples should be a key to the future peace of multinational states.

La OMS ha creado una Comisión de los Determinantes Sociales de la Salud que producirá su reporte en el 2008. Aunque el tema de los determinantes sociales (DSS) de la salud no es nuevo, la nueva visibilidad global en el tema refleja el agotamiento del modelo de desarrollo neoliberal que ha agudizado la inequidad y consecuentemente hace resurgir el tema de la justicia social. Nuevos enfoques y evidencia ubican la inequidad en salud como resultado de la inequitativa distribución de los DSS. Procesos en curso como la globalización de signo neoliberal y el cambio climático agudizan las inequidades así como la exclusión en salud al actuar directa y desigualmente sobre los DSS. Algunos ejemplos de políticas publicas exitosas: Suecia, dado su particular contexto político-institucional ha desarrollado una política (intersectorial) de salud publica cuyo objetivo es disminuir la inequidad diseñando estrategias participativas sobre sus DSS. Chile viene también construyendo inclusivamente un sistema de protección social infantil (Chile Crece Contigo) a partir de una integración de programas bajo un norte de derechos y de DSS. La meta es la cobertura universal con un enfoque de ciclo de vida. Finalmente, la Sociedad Civil de las Américas viene desarrollando un debate hacia una agenda común en el tema de los DSS, con los gobiernos de Brasil y Chile así como la OEA, OPS y OMS. Los ejes son la lucha por un nuevo modelo de desarrollo participativo y sostenible que democratice el abordaje de los DSS bajo un enfoque de derechos. ; WHO has launched the Commission on Social determinants of Health which will deliver its final report in 2008. The social determinants of health (SDH) approach is not a new subject but one which has gained more visibility with the widening of inequities, blamed on the neo-liberal development model. Progressively, social justice issues are re-emerging, backed by evidence and new approaches which crystallize the relationship between unequal distribution of SDH and their consequences, unequal health outcomes. Processes like globalization under a neo-liberal brand and climate change influence the SDH, resulting in acute inequities and social marginalization. There are some successful examples of countries with policies addressing the SDH. For example, Sweden, with due regard to its particular political and institutional context, has developed public health intersectoral policies that aim at decreasing health inequities. These policies also encourage a participatory model as a means of efficiently tackling the SDH. Another example is Chile which is building a children social protection system (Chile Crece Contigo) using an integrated approach that includes right-based and SDH approaches. The programme's objective is universal coverage with a life cycle approach. A major milestone for civil society in Latin America is the effort by the Americas' Civil Society organizations to strengthen a dialogue that fosters a common agenda on the SDH. The organizations are working with the governments of Brazil, Chile, the OIAS, PAHO and WHO. Their goal is to introduce a new participatory and sustainable development mode, one which is participatory, rights-based and ensures sustainable improvements of SDHs and benefits all people.

This study is a fruit of joined intercultural research. The authors, an Asian and a European, look at the encounter between Christianity and the realm of the indigenous people of Nias and the Batu Islands (the Ono Niha) and their culture. During the course of one century (1865-1965), two missionary societies, the Rhenish Mission and the Dutch Lutheran Mission, were each propagating a certain type of Protestantism among the Ono Niha. The course of Christianization transformed the Niasan culture. In its turn, the Niasan culture shaped a unique type of Christianity. The two entities involved, however, were not equal. The stronger Christianity grew, the more uncompromising it became towards the indigenous culture, particularly primal religion. Around the turn of the century, the cooperation between the mission and the colonial government increased significantly. The introduction of Ethical Politics in 1901 strengthened the position of the missions. The year 1908 marked the beginning of the complete surrender of the Ono Niha to Western dominance, both physically and spiritually. The foundations of the primal religion had by now been seriously shaken. This, in addition to the yoke of colonialism, resulted in a spiritual vacuum in the communal psyche of the Ono Niha. The experience of total powerlessness triggered a crisis of identity. While not denying its religious factors, the outbreak of the Great Awakening at the end of 1915, must therefore be understood from a sociological perspective as a survival strategy. As well as being a spiritual revival, the Great Awakening was also an indigenous missionary movement. The Ono Niha ardently carried Christianity to the remotest of villages, while the missionaries anxiously tried to regulate and limit the scope of this dynamic movement. In this context, mention must be made of the key role played by the 'new' Niasan ministries, the sinenge and pandita, as well as that of women. Both the missionaries and the guru, who were paid by the government, were not very supportive of the Great Awakening. The most significant result of the awakening was that the primal religion, as an institutional system of beliefs, was shattered. Many Ono Niha experienced this as the birth of a new eschatological awareness. The conversion from belief in the ancestors (adu) to faith in Jesus Christ transformed the view of time and history from the traditional, cyclical world view with its golden era in the past to a linear view, with the Kingdom of God in the future. Nevertheless, the indigenous culture did strongly influence the form Christianity assumed among the Ono Niha. Clandestinely, under the cover of nominal Christianity, the values, worldview, and certain shamanistic practices of the primal religion continue to play a significant role in the lives of the Ono Niha. Today, as Christians all over Indonesia are struggling to relate the Gospel to their rapidly changing contexts, this study wants to offer a critical analysis of the missionary and ecclesiastical heritages on Nias and the Batu Islands, and suggest some steps towards a contextual theology for the Ono Niha.

The subject of this study is the strategic cooperation of the permanent members in the Security Council in the period 1946 2000. Because of their right of veto the cooperation of the permanent members has a significant influence on the functioning of the Council. The most important aspects of the cooperation that were investigated are the intensity of the cooperation and the ef-fectiveness of this cooperation in preventing and ending wars. To investigate these aspects, for both the intensity and the effectiveness measuring instruments were constructed. These measuring instruments were based on comprehensive sets of so-called 'leading indicators' and statistical methods and techniques. The intensity of the cooperation increased gradually from 1946 until 1990 (the end of the Cold War). Then it started to increase rapidly until 1996. From 1996 a slight decrease can be discer-ned. The strong increase in the strategic cooperation of the permanent members in the security Council can be established in all the majors forms of cooperation in the Council: the numbers of adopted strategic resolutions and presidential statements, the numbers of employed means (like peacekeeping missions and enforcement actions) and the amounts of money that were spent on peacekeeping activities. Further it was established that the response times of the Council regarding potential and waged wars dropped significantly since the end of the Cold War. The effectiveness of the cooperation of the permanent members in the Council was, insofar this was measurable with the applied method, not good for many years, but after the Cold War a clear improvement can be discerned. This goes for the prevention of wars, as well as for post war peacebuilding and the ending of wars. Also the numbers of potential and waged wars in which the Council not intervened dropped significantly since the end of the Cold War, as well as the use of vetoes. The large number of potential and waged wars in which the Council did not intervene during the Cold War was nearly exclusively caused by 'non decisions' (the non placing of wars on the agenda), and not by the use of vetoes by permanent members, as is often assumed in literature. Further, a comparison of two phase classifications of the Cold War showed that the great powers, even when there are great tensions among them, are prepared to cooperate in the Security Council to resolve strategic matters, if they consider this in their interest. Analyses of the adopted strategic resolutions during the Cold War revealed that cooperation here was nearly exclusively limited to issues that were not core issues of the Cold War. From this it can be concluded that cooperation against third party states was a basis of cooperation of the great powers in the Security Council. Finally, the results of this study show clearly that the Security Council was regarded and used to a large extent by the permanent members in the period 1946 2000 as an instrument of foreign policy to pursue their national interests, and not as an instrument of the world community to prevent and end wars.

This article is about an investigation carried out twenty university students of the career of the Teaching of Spanish of the National University. The main objective is to know the learning style used by each one of those and the students, and to carry out an analysis of the levels of knowledge (cognitive, affection-attitude and psychometric), the activities used by means of the use of action verbs and of state and the used teaching techniques. The learning of those and the students have been approached by the specialists of the education from different perspectives. Some of them, they have put their look to the internal of the classroom, highlighting methodology aspects, of strategies, of study habits, self-esteem, flaws in the pedagogic formation of the educating ones and recently he/she has put on emphasis in the form in that the students learn, concretely, the learning styles that each person possesses to assimilate the knowledge. Howard Gardner it has treated the topic of the multiple intelligence, one this linked with the potentialities that each human being to learn. Others specialists of the education, on the contrary, they have referred to aspects related with the social part, politics and economic that influences in an indirect, but emphatic way, in the teaching processes and learning. A brief position is made from the theoretical perspective supported in the opinions of some university investigators and a foundation in the classroom for the practice that is closely related with the main discoveries of this investigation. ; Este artículo trata de una investigación realizada a veinte estudiantes universitarios de la carrera de la Enseñanza de Español de la Universidad Nacional.Su objetivo principal es conocer el estilo de aprendizaje empleado por cada uno de los y las estudiantes, y realizar un análisis de los niveles de conocimientos (cognoscitivo, afectivo-actitudinal y psicomotriz), las actividades utilizadas mediante el uso de verbos de acción y de estado y las técnicas de enseñanza empleadas.El aprendizaje de los y las estudiantes ha sido abordado por los estudiosos de la educación desde diferentes perspectivas. Algunos de ellos han puesto su mirada a lo interno del aula, destacando aspectos de metodología, de estrategias, de hábitos de estudio, autoestima, fallas en la formación pedagógica de los educadores y, recientemente, se ha puesto énfasis en la forma en que aprenden los estudiantes, es decir, en los estilos de aprendizaje que posee cada persona para asimilar el conocimiento.Howard Gardner ha tratado el tema de las inteligencias múltiples, que está vinculado con las potencialidades de cada ser humano para aprender. Otros estudiosos de la educación, por el contrario, se han referido a aspectos relacionados con la parte social, política y económica que influye de manera indirecta, pero enfática, en los procesos de enseñanza y aprendizaje.Se hace un planteamiento breve desde la perspectiva teórica respaldada en las opiniones de algunos investigadores universitarios y una fundamentación áulica desde la praxis, que está estrechamente relacionada con los principales hallazgos de esta investigación.

Las escuelas tienen como cometido la educación, la enseñanza y el aprendizaje de los alumnos en relación a conocimientos, procedimientos y valores. Dicho cometido se cumple a través de las actividades pedagógicas, curriculares y docentes. Los medios y condiciones para la consecución de ese propósito se garantizan por las formas de organización escolar y de gestión, portadoras en sí mismas de influencias educativas. Objetivos y funciones de la escuela y formas de organización y de gestión son, por tanto, interdependientes. Sin embargo, desde el punto de vista teórico, son dos ámbitos de la actividad escolar que han dado lugar a campos de investigación con distintos objetos de estudio. En general, las concepciones pedagógicas suponen que las escuelas son instituciones sociales que, para cumplir sus objetivos, necesitan condiciones y medios de funcionamiento. Divergen, sin embargo, en relación a la selección y a la operación de esos medios. En este artículo se presentan los elementos necesarios para un examen crítico de las concepciones de organización y gestión de escuelas en Brasil, en una perspectiva al mismo tiempo histórica y teórica. Se intenta comprender la trayectoria de las asignaturas «Administración Escolar» y «Organización y Gestión» y las modalidades de ejercicio profesional conexas, la relación entre los cambios políticos y el desarrollo de las concepciones de Organización y Gestión, así como la relación entre funciones y objetivos de la escuela y la elección de prácticas de organización y gestión. El artículo finaliza con la presentación de unas conclusiones parciales y la discusión de algunos dilemas socio-pedagógicos implicados en los estudios de la escuela hoy.Schools have like assignment the education, the teaching and the learning of the students in relation to knowledge, procedures and values. This assignment is fulfilled through the pedagogical, curricular and educational activities. The means and conditions for the attainment of that intention they are guaranteed by the forms of school organization and management, carriers in themselves of educative influences. Objectives and functions ofthe school and forms of organization and management are, therefore, interdependent. Nevertheless, from the theoretical point of view, they are two scopes of the school activity that have given rise to fields of investigation with different objects. In general, the pedagogical conceptions suppose that schools are social institutions that, to fulfill their objectives, need conditions and means of operation. They diverge, however, in relation to the selection and to the operation of those means. This article presentes the necessary elements for a critical examination of the conceptions of organization and management of schools in Brazil, in an historical and theoretical perspective. It is tried to understand the trajectory of the subjets «School Administration» and «Organization and Management», the modalities of professional exercise and the relation between the political changes and the development of the conceptions of Organization and Management, as well asthe relation between functions and objectives of the school and the electionof practices of organization and management. The article finalizes with the presentation of partial conclusions and the discussion of some current pedagogical dilemmas in the study of the school.

The topic of the paper is the principle of self-determination of peoples in international law and the limits of its implementation. The aim of the paper is to analyze and evaluate theoretical and practical aspects of regulation and implementation of the principle of self-determination of peoples. In the first part of the paper we examine the evolution of the principle in international law. The origin of the principle of self-determination of peoples is connected with the American and French revolutions in late XVIII century and the idea that government derives from the will of people. After the First World War the principle became the ideal of USA president Woodrow Wilson and it was used in redrawing the map of Europe, its practical application was inconsistent though. Since the dismemberment of European empires and the creation of the new national states were based on economic interests, historical claims and strategic calculations we can think of the principle of self-determination of peoples till the Second World War as the political declaration only. The principle of self-determination of peoples got the status of the right of international law under the regime of United Nations in the context of decolonization. Though the formulation of the principle in the Charter of United Nations is abstract, its content is clarified by the resolutions of the General Assembly. The scope of the principle was revised after the Cold War. It became obviously that the right of self-determination overstep the limits of decolonization and the questions about the holders of the right and the right of unilateral secession were raised. In the second part of the paper we analyze the scope of the principle of self-determination of peoples. The principle can be divided into "internal" and "external" self-determination. The former means the right of people to determine its political and economical regime. Civil and political rights claimed by international instruments are the guarantees of the "internal" self-determination. The "external" self-determination means the right of the people to determine its international status and is connected with the problem of the claim to secede. The right of secession does not exist in the instruments of international law, but it is not forbidden either. That is why in some cases it can be justified. The restriction of the right of self-determination is directly connected with the principle of territorial integrity. "External" self-determination, which influences the boundaries of a territory, does not contradict the principle of the territorial integrity if it is implemented by the people, which is the holder of the right of self-determination. In the context of the principle of self-determination a people means an entire population of particular territorial union. It is questionable whether the recognition of the right to unilateral secession would eliminate the ethnic conflicts; the respect to human rights and the preservation of identity of peoples should be a key to the future peace of multinational states.

The European Union is often described as being an economic giant but a political dwarf. True enough, the European project started with economics, but has gone a long way since the time that it was only about economy. In Europe, there are obviously many different types of social models and welfare regimes. In addition to national models and regimes, there is an ongoing process at the European level that can be characterised as a search for "European social model". This process involves both the institutions of the European Union as well as the member states. Political (and economic) battle that is being waged concentrates on what "European social model" should look like and who gets to define it. For its part, the European Commission is fond of the term "European social model", which implies societies supposedly being based on a certain set of shared values and a willingness to act upon these values. Member states, on the other hand, often highlight the differences instead of similarities in social models and welfare regimes found across Europe. One of the success stories of European integration is the successive waves of enlargement, a process in which the EU can be seen to be using its economic and political power. With the previous EU enlargements, social rights or social condition did not play a key role for two reasons: firstly, integration meant mainly economic integration and, secondly, there was no deficit in social rights and the social condition in acceding states was equal or in fact surpassed the condition in the existing member states. However, all this changed after the fall of communism and the new situation in Eastern and Central Eastern Europe. This study focuses on Commission Regular reports on Romania between 1999 and 2006. The primary sources are the Regular reports on Romania's progress towards membership prepared by the Commission. Some of the questions that arise in the study are: How are social rights and social policy dealt with in Regular reports? Concerning social rights and social policy, which issues does the Commission bring up and concentrate on in its reporting on Romania? And, finally, what does the European social model look like when it is constructed from the analysis of Commission Regular reports on Romania between 1999 and 2006? It is suggested that in the area of social rights and social policy the competence of the Commission, and the way in which Commission uses conditionality, can be described as being functional rather than legal in nature. Furthermore, it is argued that the Commission could take a tougher stand regarding social rights and social policy without a risk of losing its credibility and influence towards the acceding states. Based on this study it seems clear that the Commission advocates a social model based on active employment and labour market policies. To describe the European Union as being an economic giant but a political dwarf is maybe outdated, this study suggests that the EU should be called an economic giant, political half-ling and a social dwarf.

The present work evaluate the chemical conditions of the Murucupi river with relationship to the physical-chemical parameters and the presence of chemical elements in the water and correlations. The Murucupi river is located in the amazon region close the aluminum production area. Were analyzed the major, minor and trace elements (Ca, Mg, Na, K, Fe, Al, Ba, Mn, Sr, Zn, Ni, Pb e Cu), and physical-chemical parameters, acidity, total alkalinity, organic matter, pH, turbidity, temperature, conductivity, dissolved oxygen (OD) and total hardness. 13 collection points were selected along this river. In relation to the physical-chemical parameters the pH and OD only presented values in non conformity with the strip of values established by the resolution 357/05 of CONAMA. In relation to the chemical elements were found only the aluminum (Al: 356.04µg/L) and the iron (Fe: 1080.80µg/L), were in non conformity with the legislation. This results shows the anthropogenic influence in the contamination of the Amazon rivers from the production of aluminum reject. ; O presente estudo avalia as condições químicas do rio Murucupi em relação aos parâmetros físico-químicos e à presença de elementos químicos na água e suas correlações. O rio Murucupi localiza-se na região amazônica próximo a uma planta de produção de alumínio. 13 pontos foram selecionados ao longo do rio. Foram analisados os macroelementos, microelementos, elementos traço (Ca, Mg, Na, K, Fe, Al, Ba, Mn, Sr, Zn, Ni, Pb e Cu) e os parâmetros físico-químicos, acidez, alcalinidade total, matéria orgânica, pH, turbidez, temperatura, condutividade, oxigênio dissolvido (OD) e dureza total. Em relação aos parâmetros físico-químicos somente o pH e o OD apresentaram valores em não conformidade com a faixa de valores estabelecidos pela resolução 357/05 do CONAMA. Quanto aos elementos químicos somente o alumínio (Al: 356,04 µg/L) e o ferro (Fe: 1080,80 µg/L), estiveram em não conformidade com a legislação. Estes resultados apontam para uma possível influência antropogênica na contaminação dos rios da Amazônia por efluentes da produção do alumínio. ; O presente estudo avalia as condições químicas do rio Murucupi em relação aos parâmetros físico-químicos e à presença de elementos químicos na água e suas correlações. O rio Murucupi localiza-se na região amazônica próximo a uma planta de produção de alumínio. Foram analisados os elementos maiores, menores e traço (Ca, Mg, Na, K, Fe, Al, Ba, Mn, Sr, Zn, Ni, Pb e Cu) e os parâmetros físico-químicos, acidez, alcalinidade total, matéria orgânica, pH, turbidez, temperatura, condutividade, oxigênio dissolvido (OD) e dureza total. 13 pontos foram selecionados ao longo do rio. Em relação aos parâmetros físico-químicos somente o pH e o OD apresentaram valores em não conformidade com a faixa de valores estabelecidos pela resolução 357/05 do CONAMA. Quanto aos elementos químicos somente o alumínio (Al: 356,04µg/L) e o ferro (Fe: 1080,80µg/L), estiveram em não conformidade com a legislação. Estes resultados apontam para uma possível influência antropogênica na contaminação dos rios da Amazônia por rejeitos da produção do alumínio.

Este artigo busca analisar as manifestações locais e regionais de mudanças no mundo do trabalho da Região Metropolitana de Curitiba (RMC) como efeito das determinações do processo de mundialização do capital. No setor financeiro, a privatização do Banestado, a incorporação dos bancos nacionais por estrangeiros e a automação diminuíram a categoria bancária. No setor de serviços, especificamente o das telecomunicações, observa-se o esfacelamento do Sistema Telebrás, com a privatização das empresas que o compõem, os Planos de Demissão Voluntária (PDVs) e um alto nível de terceirização do setor. Esse quadro econômico sobre a força de trabalho influenciou também a ação dos sindicatos. O texto pretende acompanhar as mudanças de natureza econômica que afetaram a região, entre os anos de 1993 e 2004, e os problemas e resistências diferenciados no âmbito da ação dos sindicatos de metalúrgicos, telefônicos e bancários, sob influência de suas filiações políticas e ideológicas. Palavras-chave: sindicalismo, bancários, metalúrgicos, telefônicos, Paraná. Syndicalism and Capital Movement: bank employees, steel industry workers and telephone company workers in Paraná Byproducts of the process of financial mundialization, the changes of the labor's world in the Metropolitan Area of Curitiba (RMC) are the subject of this article, both in its local and regional manifestations. In the financial sector, the privatization of Banestado, the national banks being incorporated by foreign corporations and the process of automation have diminished the bank workers category. In the services sector, mainly that of communications, we watch the crumbling of the Telebrás' System, thanks to the privatization of accessory companies, to the Self-Resignation Programs (PDVs) and to the extensive employment of outsourcing (third-party companies). This economical scenery influenced the work power and, consequentially, the action of unions. The present text pursues to understand the changes of economical nature which affected the mentioned region between the years of 1993 and 2004, as well as the specific problems and resistances faced by the unions of metallurgist, telephonic and banking workers, along with the influence of their political and ideological alignments. Key words: syndicalism, banking workers, metallurgist, telephonics, Paraná. LE SYNDICALISME ET LE MOUVEMENT DU CAPITAL: employés de banque, ouvriers de la métallurgie et de la téléphonie au Paraná Cet' article cherche d'analyser, comme effet de les déterminations du processus de mondialisation du capital, les manifestations locales et régionales, dans le monde du travail à la région métropolitaine de Curitiba (RMC). Dans le secteur financier la privatisation du Banestado, l'incorporation des banques nationales par des étrangers et l'automation, ont diminué la catégorie bancaire. Dans le secteur de services, spécifiquement, les télécommunications, on voit l'anéantissement du Système Telebrás avec la privatisation des entreprises qui le composent, les projets de démission volontaire (PVDs) et l' haut niveau de sous-traitance dans ce secteur. Ce cadre économique sur la force de travail atteint aussi l'action des syndicats. L'article prétend observer les changements entre les années 1993 et 2004, outre des problèmes et des résistances différenciés conduits par des syndicats de métallurgistes, employés des services téléphoniques et bancaires, sous l'influence de leurs filiations politiques et idéologiques. Mots-clé: syndicalisme, bancaires, métallurgistes, employés des services téléphoniques, Paraná. Publicação Online do Caderno CRH: http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br

In 1979 the United Nations General Assembly adopted the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), which commits signatory states to adopt and implement a series of legal measures on equality of men and women and all discrimination based on gender. All Latin American states have ratified the CEDAW and have integrated the Convention into their domestic law. Measures have been adopted, legislation voted and regional institutions have been set up. However, normative discrimination persists and the legal rights of women to equality of treatment are still out of step what is happening in reality. Ideological and pragmatic factors, such as cultural stereotypes and female vulnerability, still condition the situation of Latin-American women. In ratifying the CEDAW, and later the Cairo and Beijing Programs of Action, Bolivia recognises women's human rights in the various social and political spheres, and more specifically in their reproductive and sexual rights. The country has made important political and symbolic progress in the field of gender equality, female reproduction and sexuality. Nevertheless, the effects on Bolivian women, especially from La Paz and El Alto, of their re-appropriation of human rights in general, and their sexual and reproductive rights in particular, encounter a whole series of political, social, cultural and medical obstacles. Factors such as the catholic and male chauvinistic influence, socio-cultural patterns, the penalisation of abortion, ignorance of legal rights and the weak empowerment of women all contribute to allowing them little autonomy in their reproductive and sexual decisions. This autonomy would be the key to female emancipation in Bolivia. ; En 1979, l'Assemblée Générale des Nations Unies adopte la Convention sur l'Elimination de toutes les Formes de Discrimination à l'Egard des Femmes (CEDAW), qui engagent les Etats signataires à mettre en place et appliquer des mesures légales visant l'égalité homme-femme et l'élimination de la discrimination de genre. Les Etats d'Amérique Latine ont tous ratifié la CEDAW, convention qu'ils ont intégrée à leur droit interne. Des mesures ont été adoptées, des lois ont été votées, des institutions ont été créées dans la région. Mais des discriminations normatives persistent, et l'égalité de droit des femmes est en constant décalage avec leur égalité de fait. Des facteurs idéologiques et pragmatiques, tels que les stéréotypes culturels, la vulnérabilité féminine, conditionnent toujours la situation des femmes latino-américaines. En ratifiant la CEDAW, et plus tard les Programmes d'Action du Caire et de Beijing, la Bolivie reconnaît les droits humains des femmes dans les différentes sphères sociales et politiques, et notamment leurs droits reproductifs et sexuels. Le pays note alors d'importantes avancées politiques et symboliques en matière de genre, de reproduction et de sexualité féminines. Mais la répercussion et la réappropriation des droits humains en général, des droits reproductifs et sexuels en particulier, par les femmes boliviennes, pacéniennes et alténiennes notamment, rencontrent toute une série de barrières politique, sociale, culturelle et médicale. L'influence catholique et machiste, les patrons socioculturels, la pénalisation de l'avortement, l'ignorance des droits et le faible 'empowerment' des femmes leur confèrent peu d'autonomie dans leurs décisions reproductives et sexuelles ; une autonomie qui serait cependant la clé de l'émancipation féminine en Bolivie.

There have been, and there will be, a lot of critic regarding the decisions of the Spanish constitutional [judge]. Spain, as the nation of the brilliant and universal Quixote of Cervantes, accepts any international crime that is brought to it. Spain will fight against giants, but the crucial element is thinking that they are just wind mills that will cease brandish its weapons when the impunity's winds lower and its vicious circle be broken. The universal jurisdictional principle is a humanitarian must, an ethical demand, a political obligation, and an unpostponible judicial need.The rain cycle constitutes the depiction of the relationship between law and justice, both in the national and international arenas. National law and justice are like a sea of decisions and laws whose best part evaporates and condensates in a gradually cloudy sky, clouds that would be international law and justice. Once crystallized, the rain falls over the sea as the international law and justice influencing, melting and diluting itself in its fall into the national sea. The influence is a mutual, reciprocal and symbiotic one since it enriches every single area of law and justice. To achieve the effective implementation of idealistic international justice, national as well as international courts must continue creating law and jurisprudence, based on a single, spreading and overflowing concept: human being dignity. In Peter Häberle words "currently there is nothing for us but to create a national, regional and universal constitutional law of human dignity." ; Muchas críticas se han suscitado y se suscitarán con respecto a la sentencia del constitucional español. España es la patria del genial y universal Quijote de Cervantes y, como tal, acepta todos los crímenes internacionales que se le presenten. Luchará contra gigantes pero la clave es pensar que son sólo molinos de viento que dejarán de agitar sus armas cuando el viento de la impunidad amaine y su círculo vicioso se rompa. El principio dejurisdicción universal es un imperativo humanitario, una exigencia ética, una obligación política y una necesidad jurídica impostergable.El ciclo de la lluvia es la mejor imagen para reflejar la relación entre el derecho y la justicia, tanto nacional como internacional. El derecho y la justicia nacional son como un mar de sentencias y leyes, la mejor parte del cual se va evaporando y condensando en un cielo preñado paulatinamente de nubes que serían el derecho y la justicia internacional. Una vez cristalizado, se desata una lluvia sobre el mar en forma de derecho y justicia internacional que influye, se mezcla y se diluye, en su descarga, en el mar nacional. La influencia es mutua, recíproca y simbiótica ya que enriquece todas las esferas del derecho y la justicia. Para conseguir la aplicación efectiva del ideal de justicia internacional, los tribunales internacionales y nacionales deben seguir creando derecho y jurisprudencia que se base en un único, desbordante e irradiante concepto: la dignidad del ser humano. Como dice Peter Häberle "a nosotros nos queda en la actualidad, ni más ni menos, la tarea de crear un derecho constitucional nacional, regional y universal de la dignidad humana".

Die Dissertation beschäftigte sich mit einem Modewort unserer Zeit, das nach der Infiltrierung von breiten gesellschaftlichen Schichten und werbewirtschaftlich agierenden Subjekten auch in der Politik und der Politikwissenschaft Einzug gehalten hat. Typisch ist jedoch eine – länderspezifische, aber nicht unbedingt länderübergreifende – Hegemonie von unreflektierten und Verwirrung stiftenden Bezugnahmen, die weder der Sache angemessen sind noch zur wissenschaftlichen Illuminierung beisteuern helfen. Mit der Untersuchung des Event-Marketings fiel die Wahl auf einen Teilbereich der politischen Kommunikation, der durch ungewöhnlich scharfe Konfliktlinien bestimmt ist, die im Kampf um Aufmerksamkeit, Wählerstimmen und Prestige durch die determinierenden Faktoren Macht und Geld zu erklären sind. Ein intransparentes Agglomerat aus Politikern, Medienvertretern, PR-Beratern und Wissenschaftlern sorgt für eine Kakophonie, die die Sicht auf Erkenntnis versprechende Analysen verstellt. Vordergründig sollten länderspezifische Eigenheiten herausgearbeitet werden, auf deren Basis schwerpunktmäßig folgende forschungsleitende Intentionsstränge standen: 1.) Was ist überhaupt ein Event und wie lässt sich dieses im Event-Marketing einordnen? 2.) Welche Prämissen müssen angepasst werden, um einen Transfer auf die politische Kommunikation zu bewerkstelligen. 3.) Wie unterscheiden sich die Konzepte und Begriffe in den beiden deutschsprachigen Ländern und in Frankreich? 4.) Wie hoch ist die Medienresonanz für Events zur Zeiten inländischer Wahlkämpfe? 5.) Kann Medienresonanz auch für ausländische Wahlkampfevents gemessen werden oder stehen generelle Berichterstattungen im Vordergrund? Durch vier unterschiedliche Analyseeinheiten, die sowohl jede auf ihrem Terrain Aufschluss bringen sollte als auch in toto einen gesamtheitlichen Erkenntnisgewinn versprach, gelang es, das Event-Marketing von verschiedenen Richtungen aus zu umkreisen und dingfest zu machen: ; La thèse avait pour objet un mot à la mode, de notre temps, qui après avoir infiltré de larges couches de la so-ciété et de nombreux agents du secteur publicitaire, a fait également son retour dans la politique et dans les sciences politiques. Ce qui frappe néanmoins, c'est la prédominance de prises de positions non réfléchies et déconcertantes qui non comptant d'être inadaptées au propos, ne contribuent aucunement à un éclairage scienti-fique. L'analyse du marketing événementiel s'est concentrée sur une sous-partie de la communication politique, ca-ractérisée par d'âpres conflits, qui, dans le combat mené pour gagner l'attention du public, les voix des électeurs et le prestige, s'expliquent par les facteurs déterminants du pouvoir et de l'argent. Un agglomérat opaque d'hommes politiques, de représentants des médias, de conseillers en relations publiques et de scientifiques est à l'origine d'une cacophonie entravant la perspective d'analyses porteuses de nouvelles connaissances. Dans un premier temps, l'objectif a été de mettre en valeur les spécificités propres à chaque pays, sur lesquelles se fondent les perspectives de recherches suivantes, énumérées point par point : 1.) qu'est-ce qu'un «event» et comment se positionne-t-il au sein du marketing événementiel ? 2.) comment adapter les prémisses pour permettre un transfert dans la communication politique ? 3.) quelles sont les différences de projets et de concepts identifiables entre les deux pays germanophones et la France ? 4.) quelle est l'importance de la résonance médiatique des «events» pendant les périodes de campagnes électorales nationales (2002 et 2003)? 5.) la résonance médiatique des «events» tenus pendant les campagnes politiques à l'étranger peut-elle être, elle aussi, mesurée ou les couvertures médiatiques d'ordre général ont-elles la primauté ? Moyennant quatre éléments d'analyse différents qui chacun, dans son domaine, doit fournir des informa-tions et permettre également, au final, d'aboutir à un ensemble de nouvelles connaissances, on a pu cerné et appréhendé le marketing événementiel sous plusieurs angles : Partie théorique 1.) Dérivation linguistique incluant des influences étrangères, en Allemagne, en Suisse et en France. 2.) Analyse de pertinence et transfert dans le système de communication politique. Partie empirique 1.) Analyse empirique de la résonance médiatique d'un point de vue quantitatif et qualitatif. 2.) Demande standardisée d'avis d'experts.

It is hard to find today's human untouched, unchanged natural heritage, nevertheless we treet cultural heritage differently. Identifying places with both cultural and natural values, giving them equal attention, we are going to to more integrated approache of protected territories, as cultural landscapes. This work speeks about the satisfaction of this demand trought the fixation of cultural landscapes protection. Political and scholarly acceptance of landscape level protection claim for new planning means, which wood be related with broader territorial formations, land territories, not restricted of specific places. Cultural and natural heritage in the sense of cultural environment are explored in their trritorial context and environment. For this reason, practical site of such protection includes not only heritage management specialist, but also their colleagues in the system of regional/ territorial development, urban planning and environmental management. New ideas of heritage management give rise at first in the beginning of XX century in the context of modern conservation doctrine development. Through Heimatschutz movement arose the significance of places created by humans and nature, what is perceived as crucial element of regional identity. Just after 50 years this importance was accepted on the legal basis and in practice. It's important to note, that through Galicia, a Poland's part, occupied by Austria, those ideas reached territory of present Lithuanian country- Vilnius region, however had'nt left remarcable traces in the development of theory and practice of heritage protection. This topic was raised again in the 7 th- 8th decade of XX century. A period of 1960- 1970 years marks the beginning of modern conceptualisation of integrated and regional heritage management. Those changes are seen on international level of heritage management system. Convention remindes ways how people interact with nature and express main goal- protect their harmonious relations. This international treaty established a unique international instrument for recognizing and protecting both the cultural and natural heritage of outstanding universal value. In 1992 UNESCO World Heritage Committee adopted three categories of cultural landscape to be integrated into their operational guidelines, the World Heritage Convention became the first international legal instrument to recognize and protect cultural landscapes of outstanding universal value. Second international organisation related with the formation of integrated heritage management- IUCN (The World Conservation Union - main inspectional organisation activ in the protection of natural categories. Recently it recognised significance of cultural aspects in the protection of natural territories. In 1994 IUCN adopted Guidelines for Protected Area Management Categories. For a long time model of protected areas was based on nature conservation without human activities. Today there is also need for strict preservation territories, but protected areas approach has to be broader. Such approach is represented by UNESCO Cultural landscapes and IUCN V-th Category of Protected areas. Here integrated heritage management is related with social and economical development of societies. Cultural and natural resources management in local areas, regions influences cooperation between various sectors. The main goal is sustainable development, inclusion of local communities in heritage management process. In local level heritage is important for local people, as background for their identity. This can be elucidated in ecomuseum model – as embodying of integrity and regional aspects in heritage management.