Suchergebnisse

Introduction : Wilmington and the 1898 mentality -- Vigilante injustice -- The making of a movement -- They're taking our boys away to prison -- Alliances and adversity -- Free the Wilmington Ten at once! -- Conclusion : the tragedy of the Ten and the rise of a new black politics

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Introduction -- Chapter 1. The Palace of Consumption -- Chapter 2. Creating an Industry -- Chapter 3. Modernizing Main Street -- Chapter 4. A New Deal for Department Stores -- Chapter 5. An Essential Industry in Wartime -- Chapter 6. The Race for the Suburbs -- Chapter 7. The Postwar Discount Revolution -- Chapter 8. The Death of the Department Store -- Epilogue. Remembering Downtown Department Stores -- Notes -- Index -- Acknowledgments

This conference was organised by the Club de Bruxelles with the support of the European Commission (DG VIII), the Belgian Administration for Development Cooperation (BADC), Capespan, Elf Aquitaine and Sabena, the cooperation of European Report and the participation of the Governments of the SADC Member States

Intro -- Contents -- Series Editor's Foreword -- Preface -- INTRODUCTION: In Backcountry Time -- ONE: The Business of Revolutions: John Hook and the Atlantic World -- TWO: Getting the Goods: Local Acquisition in a Tobacco Economy -- THREE: Accounting for Life: Objects, Names, and Numbers -- FOUR: Living the Backcountry: Styles and Standards -- FIVE: Setting the Stage, Playing the Part: Stores as Shopping Spaces -- SIX: Suckey's Looking Glass: African Americans as Consumers -- EPILOGUE: Country Gentleman in a New Country: John Hook's Beef -- Notes -- Essay on Sources -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- Q -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- Y -- Color plates.

"With 330,132 gonorrhea cases reported in 2004, gonorrhea is the second most frequently reported communicable disease in the United States. Gonorrhea rates in the United States declined 73.8% during 1975-1997. After a small increase in the rate in 1998, the gonorrhea rate has continued to decrease since 1999 to the current rate of 113.5 per 100,000 persons. Gonorrhea rates remain high in the southeastern states, among African-Americans, and among adolescents of all racial and ethnic groups. The health impact of gonorrhea is largely related to its role as a major cause of pelvic inflammatory disease, which frequently leads to infertility or ectopic pregnancy. In addition, data suggest that gonorrhea facilitates HIV transmission. The treatment and control of gonorrhea has been complicated by the ability of Neisseria gonorrhoeae to develop resistance to antimicrobial agents. The appearance of penicillinase-producing N. gonorrhoeae (PPNG) and chromosomally mediated penicillin- and tetracycline-resistant N. gonorrhoeae (CMRNG) in the 1970s eventually led to the abandonment of these drugs as therapies for gonorrhea. The current CDC-recommended primary therapies for gonorrhea are two broad-spectrum cephalosporins (ceftriaxone and cefixime), and three fluoroquinolones (ciprofloxacin, ofloxacin, and levofloxacin). However, since the 1990s, fluoroquinolone-resistant N. gonorrhoeae (QRNG) have been reported from many parts of the world, including the United States9-14 The increased prevalence of QRNG in Asia (where prevalence in several countries exceeds 60%), the Pacific Islands, Hawaii, and California, prompted CDC to recommend that fluoroquinolones not be used to treat patients with gonorrhea acquired in these areas with high QRNG prevalence. Data collected during January-September 2003 from all Gonococcal Isolate Surveillance Project (GISP) sites indicated an increase in QRNG among men who have sex with men (MSM) and led CDC to recommend in early 2004 that fluoroquinolones not be used to treat patients who are MSM." -- p. 1. ; Division of STD Prevention, prepared by Samera Bowers, Susan Bradley, Alesia B. Harvey, Manhar Parekh, Katrina Park, David Trees, Hillard Weinstock and Jennifer G. Wright. ; "December 2005." ; Also available via the World Wide Web. ; Includes bibliographical references (p. 11-13).

ABSTRACTThe issue of democratization in Black Africa was the subject of several analyzes and interprÉtat ions in light of many theoretical approaches of which economic and sociocultural ones seem to be dominant. Most theories that have been formulated to explain the failure of democratization in African states base their legitimacy on culturalist theories for which the culture and particularly the multiethnic nature of the societies is the main barrier. Moreover, the synopsis of 25 years of experience (since 1990s) does not say less because some multiethnic states have demonstrated consolidated democracy and other homogeneous states so far have not passed the transition overcoming the fratricidal wars. From then these cases allowed lifting the clichés of ethnic negationism on democratization and redirect researches on instrumentalizations or the politicization of ethnic groups which show themselves through formation of parties and political groupings with an ethnic, religious or / and regionalist character.In Sub-Saharan Africa, it is the transfer of the phenomenon of ethnicity in the public place by political actors which seems to hinder generally the process of democratization through contrast impacts on the formation of the national unity, the rule of law and reliable state institutions, of which the implementation remains a prerequisite for registration in democracy. Ethnicity itself does not constitute a barrier in the democratization. The examples of India and South Africa are very illustrative there. The return to the multiparty system has re-appeared ethnic tensions that were buried throughout the colonial period and under the regime of the unique party. These tensions which are the expression of the civil wars, recurring armed rebellions on the continent were several times the object of barrier in the current process of democratization. It is typically the case of Ivory Coast that since its first trial of transition in 1990 has difficulty in completing its process of democratization coloured of more often by breaks due to the interventions of military coup and armed rebellions of 1999 and 2002. ` RESUMELa question de la démocratisation en Afrique Noire a fait l'objet de plusieurs analyses et interprétations à la lumière de maintes approches théoriques parmi lesquelles celle économique et socioculturelle semblent être dominantes. La plupart des thèses qui ont été formulées pour expliquer l'échec de la démocratisation dans les États africains fondent leur légitimité des théories culturalistes pour laquelle la culture et notamment le caractère multiethnique des sociétés en constitue la barrière principale. À ce constat, le bilan des 25 ans d'expériences (depuis les années 1990) ne dit pas moins le contraire, car certains États multiethniques ont fait preuve de démocratie consolidée et d'autres également homogènes ont jusque-là pas franchi le cap de la transition en surmontant les guerres fratricides. Dès lors ces cas de figure ont permis de lever les clichés du négationnisme ethnique sur la démocratisation et de réorienter les recherches sur les instrumentalisations ou à la politisation de ces ethnies qui, dans la scène politique, se manifeste à travers des formations des partis et des regroupements politiques à caractère ethnique, religieux ou/ et régionaliste.En Afrique subsaharienne, c'est bien le transfert du phénomène de l'ethnicité dans l'espace public par les acteurs politiques qui semble entraver généralement le processus de démocratisation à travers des impacts contrastes sur la formation de l'unité nationale , de l'État de droit et des institutions étatiques fiables, dont la mise en place reste un préalable pour l'inscription de la démocratie. L'ethnicité en soi ne constitue pas une barrière à la démocratisation. Les exemples de l'Inde et de l'Afrique du Sud en sont très illustratifs. Par contre, le retour au multipartisme a fait ressurgir des tensions ethniques enterrées dans la période coloniale et sous le régime du parti unique. Ces tensions qui sont l'expression des guerres civiles, des rebellions armées récurrentes sur le continent ont plusieurs fois fait l'objet de barrière au processus de démocratisation en cours. C'est précisément le cas de la Côte d'Ivoire qui depuis son premier essai de transition en 1990 peine à parachever son processus de démocratisation teinté de plus souvent par des ruptures dues aux interventions de coup d'état militaire et rebellions armées de 1999 et de 2002. `

Book reviewed in this article:MATTERS FOR JUDGMENT: An Autobiography. By John Kerr. (Melbourne: Macmillan of Australia, 1978). Pp. xii + 468. $14.95. THE TRUTH OF THE MATTER. By Gough WhitlamPUBLIC SERVICE INQUIRIES IN AUSTRALIA. Edited by R.F.I. Smith and Patrick Weller.POLITICS AND POLICY IN AUSTRALIA. By Geoffrey Hawker, R.F.I. Smith, and Patrick Weller.COLLECTIVE BARGAINING AND COMPULSORY ARBITRATION IN AUSTRALIA. By John Niland.UNIONS AND UNIONISTS IN AUSTRALIA. By D.W. Rawson.FEDERAL JURISDICTION IN AUSTRALIA. Second Edition. By Zelman Cowen and Leslie Zines.LAWYERS AND THEIR WORK IN NEW SOUTH WALES: Preliminary Report. By Roman Tomasic and Cedric Bullard.WAR ECONOMY 1942–1945. By S.J. Butlin and C.B. Schedvin.POLITICAL PARTIES IN AUSTRALIA. By Graeme Starr, Keith Richmond and Graham Maddox.THE PHILOSOPHY OF THE AUSTRALIAN LIBERAL PARTY, By D.M. WhiteSURVEYS OF AUSTRALIAN ECONOMICS. Edited by F.H. Gruen.THE ECONOMICS OF THE AUSTRALIAN SERVICE SECTOR. Edited by K.A. Tucker.SOClETY AND ELECTORAL BEHAVIOUR IN AUSTRALIA: A Study of Three Decades. By D.A. Kemp.SOCIAL STRATIFICATION IN AUSTRALIA. By R.A. Wild.AUSTRALIA IN PEACE AND WAR: External Relations 1788–1977. By T.B. Millar.INTERGOVERNMENTAL FISCAL TRANSFERS: Canadian and Australian Experiences. By R.M. Burns.CITIES UNLIMITED: The Sociology of Urban Development in Australia and New Zealand. By Leslie Kilmartin and David C. Thorns.THE CONSTITUTION OF PAPUA NEW GUINEA: A Study in Legal Nationalism. By John Goldring.SULU AND SABAH: A study of British policy towards the Philippines and North Borneo from the late eighteenth century. By Nicholas Tarling.ISLAM AND POLITICS IN A MALAY STATE: Kelantan 1838–1969. By Clive S. Kessler.THE CORRESPONDENCE OF G.E. MORRISON. Volume II, 1912–1920. Edited by Lo Hui‐min.CHINESE SOCIETY IN NINETEENTH CENTURY SINGAPORE. By Lee Poh Ping.THE POLITICS OF MEDICINE IN CHINA: The Policy Process, 1949–1977. By David M. Lampton.ALLIES OF A KIND: The United States, Britain, and the War Against Japan, 1941–1945. By Christopher ThorneCLASSICAL POLITICAL ECONOMY AND BRITISH POLICY IN INDIA. By S. Ambirajan.AFRICA IN MODERN HISTORY: The Search for a New Society. By Basil Davidson.WEST AFRICAN STATES: Failure and Promise. A Study in Comparative Politics. Edited by John Dunn.GAITAN OF COLOMBIA: A Political Biography. By Richard E. Sharpless.IMPERIALISM AT BAY 1941–1945: The United States and the Decolonization of the British Empire. By Wm. Roger LouisDECOLONIZATION: The British, French, Dutch and Belgian Empires 1919–1963. By Henri Grimal.THE LIBERAL MIND 1914–1929. By Michael Bentley.WHO'S WHO OF BRITISH MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT. Volume II, 1886–1918: A Biographical Dictionary of the House of Commons. By Michael Stenton and Stephen Lees.DISTRUST AND DEMOCRACY: Political Distrust in Britain and America. By Vivien Hart.SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC PARTIES IN WESTERN EUROPE. Edited by William E. Paterson and Alastair H. Thomas.LA DROITE REVOLUTIONNAIRE 1885–1914: Les Origines Françaises du Fascisme. By Zeev Sternhell.THE POLlTlCAL ECONOMY OF GERMANY 1815–1914. By Martin Kitchen.THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC IMAGE OF SOCIETY: A Study of the Achievements and Origins of Scandinavian Social Democracy in Comparative Perspective. By Francis G. Castles.THE WORKING CLASS IN WELFARE CAPITALISM: Work, Unions and Politics in Sweden. By Walter Korpi.SOZIALISTISCHE AGRARPOLITIK IN OSTEUROPA. By Karl‐Eugen Wadekin. Vol. I, Von Marx bis zur Vollkollektivierung.PHILIP OF MACEDON. By George Cawkwell.PARTIES AND PARTY SYSTEMS: A Framework for Analysis. Volume I. By Giovanni Sartori.WHAT IS GOVERNING? PURPOSE AND POLICY IN WASHINGTON. By Richard Rose.PLANNING, POLITICS, AND THE PUBLIC INTEREST. Edited by Walter Goldstein.LAW AND SOCIETY: The Crisis in Legal Ideals. Edited by Eugene Kamenka, Robert Brown and Alice Erh‐Soon Tay.THE HISTORY OF POLITICAL THOUGHT: A Short Introduction. By R.N. Berki.PROGRESSIVENESS AND CONSERVATISM: The Fundamental Dimensions of Ideological Controversy and their Relationship to Social Class. By C.P. Middendorp.MARXISM AND THE QUESTION OF THE ASIATIC MODE OF PRODUCTION. By Marian Sawer.ELECTION 78: The 1977 Electoral Redistribution and the 1978 General Election in New Zealand. By Alan McRobie and Nigel S. Roberts.THE SERPENT AND THE NIGHTINGALE. By Cecil Parrott.WHITE MAN, WE WANT TO TALK TO YOU. By Denis HerbsteinALLGEMEINE STAATSLEHRE. 6th edition, revised. By Reinhold Zippelius.

This book attempts to make a non-Stalinist Marxist analysis of South African political economy. For this purpose, it begins with a discussion of theories of racial discrimination and outlines the theory informing this book. It then provides a brief history relevant to the theory. Chapters on the nature of capital in South Africa and then on the nature of labour follow. These chapters are succeeded by one which deals with the programmes of political parties as well as the forms of change proposed and introduced by the state. The position of South Africa in the world economy follows and the last two chapters discuss the question of consciousness and alternative strategies for change. The thesis put forward is that the peculiar social relations of South Africa are to be understood as a twentieth century solution to the capital/worker relation. (DÜI-Hff)

"This book asks how governments in Africa can use evidence to improve their policies and programmes, and ultimately, to achieve positive change for their citizens. Looking at different evidence sources across a range of contexts, the book brings policy makers and researchers together to uncover what does and doesn't work and why. Case studies are drawn from 5 countries and the ECOWAS (west African) region, and a range of sectors from education, wildlife, sanitation, through to government procurement processes. The book is supported by a range of policy briefs and videos intended to be both practical and critically rigorous. The book uses evidence sources such as evaluations, research synthesis or citizen engagement, to show how these cases succeeded in informing policy and practice. The voices of policy makers are key to the book, ensuring that the examples deployed are useful to practitioners and researchers alike. This innovative book will be perfect for policy-makers, practitioners in government and civil society, and researchers and academics with an interest in how evidence can be used to support policy making in Africa"--

Expressions of anti-black sentiment by Chinese students have caught the world's attention periodically since the end of 1970s. The author explores the Chinese-African student clashes of the first decade of China's reform, suggests some explanations for them and analyses the results of survey research conducted in several Chinese cities in 1992 to gauge the racial views of students and intellectuals. (DÜI-Sen)

Studies race, especially the white race, in relation to working-class politics. The works of Alexander Saxton, The Rise and Fall of the White Republic (1990), David Roediger, The Wages of Whiteness (1991), & Theodore Allen, How the Irish Became White, study whiteness with class struggle to try to explain why some act in the interest of race rather than class. While Eric Arnesen's rejection of the whiteness issue in class politics is critiqued, neither Saxton nor Roediger adequately explains why a non-property-holding white is motivated to support racism. Allen provides a more careful explanation of racial oppression as allowing the most degraded member of the privileged group to be above any member of the oppressed group; documents the rise of racism to the colonial period; provides a materialist explanation; & attributes white privilege as the main reason for the failure of the working class to accept socialism. While many African Americans have broken the color line, there is a growing oppression & marginalization of much of the black population. L. A. Hoffman, 15 References. Adapted from the source document.

China has been engaged with Africa since the 1956. Following the domestic economic reforms of 1978, politically and ideologically motivated engagement gave way to economically and commercially driven cooperation. Successive waves of reforms in China have made the engagement more economically and commercially driven. Initially China's engagement with Africa in general was dominated by China's state-owned enterprises. More recently private enterprises have entered the arena. In discussions on China–Africa, China is often presented as a single actor. In fact, there are many 'Chinas' in Africa. More nuanced literature has disaggregated 'China' in Africa into different actors. With regard to China's economic cooperation, the literature has either focused on its state-owned enterprises or the impacts of its commercial relations on local African business and populations. This paper intends to contribute to the growing literature on Chinese private enterprises in Africa. It provides a characterization of Chinese private companies in Kampala, Uganda, based on a recent survey of 42 Chinese enterprises there. It will present the data, analysis and stories of how and when they came, what problems they encountered and how these were solved based on the in-depth interviews that were carried out. The paper will show that many of these companies are relatively small, recent entrants in Uganda, motivated by the potential of the markets and increasingly facing problems with the authorities concerning their visas and work permits. It will be concluded that life for these private enterprises in Uganda is becoming gradually more difficult. There will be a shaking out of the companies that do not provide positive contributions to the local economy and society in general. This leaves many, especially smaller, Chinese private entrepreneurs uncertain about their future in Uganda.

"George M. Houser (1916-2015) was one of the most important civil rights and antiwar activists of the twentieth century. A draft resister during World War II who went to prison for his refusal to register for the draft, in 1942 Houser cofounded and led the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), whose embrace of nonviolent protest strategies and tactics characterized the modern American Civil Rights Movement. Beginning in the 1950s, Houser played a critical role in pan-Africanist anti-colonial movements and his over thirty-year dedication to the cause of human rights and self-determination helped prepare the ground for the toppling of the South African apartheid regime. Throughout his life, Houser shunned publicity, preferring to let his actions speak his faith. Sheila Collins's well-researched biography recounts the events that informed Houser's life of activism--from his childhood experiences as the son of missionaries in the Philippines to his early grounding in the Social Gospel and the teachings of Mahatma Gandhi. In light of the corruption the U.S. and the world face today, Houser's story of faith and decisive action for human rights and social justice is one for our time"--