2010/2011 ; La tesi è uno studio interdisciplinare e comparativo sul regime di protezione delle minoranze autoctone in Slovenia e Svezia. L'ipotesi di ricerca è che i due paesi abbiano scelto dei regimi di protezione molto efficaci ed avanzati che sperimentano un grado relativamente basso di tensione interetnica. Grazie ai loro sistemi fortemente sociali, hanno sviluppato un sistema di protezione delle minoranze nazionali che si spinge, per certi versi, oltre agli standard esistenti all'interno della UE. Ad esempio, il diritto all'istruzione ed all'informazione nella madre lingua – che nella maggior parte dei paesi difettano di base legale – risultano ben assicurati. Inoltre, entrambi includono i Rom tra le minoranze territoriali, creando così dei prerequisiti per un'effettiva non discriminazione. La bontà del regime di protezione viene valutata, da un lato, attraverso l'analisi dei vari campi di tutela, prendendo in considerazione sia le fonti legali che le politiche pubbliche volte ad implementarle; dall'altro, attraverso la rilevazione delle opinioni dei membri delle minoranze stesse. L'analisi degli standard esistenti mostra che entrambi i paesi possiedono un sistema di protezione relativamente completo, sebbene vengano sottolineate notevoli differenze tra un settore e l'altro. A tal riguardo, sono stati utilizzate varie fonti – legislazione esistente, report ufficiali, discussioni con esperti – al fine di redigere un tabella di valutazione riassuntiva per ogni singolo campo di protezione. L'affermazione viene poi ridimensionata alla luce dei risultati della ricerca empirica, condotta tramite questionari strutturati: le minoranze nazionali esprimono un giudizio positivo limitatamente a certi campi di tutela, ma danno, nel complesso, valutazioni poco generose sul sistema generale di protezione, tanto che emergono chiaramente sentimenti di esclusione. Le fonti dell'opera comprendono: analisi della letteratura rilevante, analisi della legislazione, analisi delle statistiche nazionali, visione di progetti e studi settoriali in corso, discussioni informali con ricercatori e interviste con 'testimoni qualificati', essenziali nel ricostruire un quadro sintetico della situazione data la carenza di letteratura in materia. La tesi si articola in 3 parti distinte. La prima intende fornire una cornice teorica sul tema della protezione delle minoranze nazionali, attraverso la presentazione delle definizioni più illustri elaborate dalla letteratura internazionale e di alcuni concetti chiave nel dibattito, come origine, natura, manifestazione esterna del fenomeno, differenze nel concetto di ethnos tra nord e centro Europa, etc… Nel secondo capitolo viene brevemente analizzata la storia della protezione delle minoranze per soffermarsi poi sui principali documenti elaborati all'interno della UE, dell'OSCE e del Consiglio d'Europa al fine di individuare alcuni standard universalmente riconosciuti da tutti i membri UE. La seconda parte si concentra sulla protezione delle minoranze territoriali in Slovenia (capitolo terzo) e Svezia (capitolo quarto): vengono analizzate la struttura etnica del paese, le caratteristiche delle varie minoranze e le politiche governative adottate, prendendo in considerazione anche l'evoluzione storica di queste ultime. I campi di tutela analizzati nel dettaglio sono: istruzione, uso della lingua, partecipazione e rappresentanza politica, vita culturale, informazione e media, cooperazione transfrontaliera. Di seguito vengono sottolineati i punti forti e quelli deboli dei rispettivi sistemi. La terza parte presenta le caratteristiche fondamentali dei due regimi in chiave comparativa (capitolo quinto) ed i risultati della ricerca sul campo (capitolo sesto), che è stata limitata a due minoranze per paese al fine di rendere più agevoli delle considerazioni comparative: una minoranza tipo transnazionale, i Rom, e due minoranze di confine, gli ungheresi in Slovenia e i finlandesi tornedaliani in Svezia. Il questionario, somministrato attraverso un metodo di campionamento di tipo snowball, o meglio, respondent driven, indaga sulle seguenti tematiche: percezione della tutela nel campo del linguaggio; percezione della tutela nel campo dell'istruzione; percezione della tutela percepita nel campo della partecipazione politica e della rappresentanza; percezione della tutela nel settore della vita culturale; percezione della tutela nel settore dei media e dell'informazione; percezione della tutela nel campo della cooperazione transfrontaliera; percezione della tutela globale; percezione dello status della minoranza rispetto alla maggioranza; percezione dell'uguaglianza dei diritti in confronto alla maggioranza e alle altre minoranze. Non è stato possibile raccogliere un numero sufficiente di risposte da parte di tutte le minoranze nazionali presenti nei due paesi a causa sia delle grandi difficoltà incontrate nel reperire soggetti disposti a collaborare che a causa dei tassi di risposta molto bassi. L' indagine svolta tra le suddette minoranze sembra suggerire che l'affermazione secondo la quale entrambi i paesi hanno un buon sistema di protezione deve essere circoscritta: anche se la protezione globale appare sufficiente, le minoranze nazionali non sembrano essere soddisfatte dell'implementazione dei loro diritti, se i risultati vengono comparati con quelli della tabella riassuntiva teorica. I Rom, paradossalmente, pur avendo un punteggio più basso sia a livello empirico che teorico, sembrano essere relativamente più soddisfatti dei loro diritti. Questo può essere dovuto al fatto che essi considerano effettivamente la recente introduzione di leggi ed atti in favore della loro minoranza come un importante progresso. Se le minoranze prese in considerazione danno valutazioni piuttosto positive per quanto riguarda alcuni settori di tutela, la sensazione di essere tutelati non sembra essere data semplicemente dalla somma di tali valutazioni ma ne include altre che hanno ha che fare con la dimensione sociale, in particolare il rapporto con la maggioranza, lo status all'interno della società, l'attenzione data alla minoranza da parte delle politiche di Stato. L'ipotesi di ricerca iniziale è quindi solamente in parte confermata: dall'analisi emerge un modello gerarchico nel trattamento delle minoranze nazionali, suscettibile di creare nuovi confini e tensioni tra a) le varie minoranze nazionali, b) le minoranze nazionali e altre minoranze, c) diversi sottogruppi della stessa minoranza. ; The dissertation is a comparative and interdisciplinary study dealing with the protection systems of autochthonous minorities in Slovenia and Sweden in a comparative key. Slovenia and Sweden were chosen as a focus of the research because of some similarities which may be found in relation with minority issues. In spite of their experience of recent migrations, they can be considered as two historically relatively homogeneous states both of which experience a low degree of interethnic tensions (even though it has not always been so). Thanks to their strongly social systems, they in fact developed a system of minority protection which, in some aspects, at least on the paper, goes even beyond E.U. existing standards; among them, the right to information and the right to public education in the mother tongue of minorities- which in most of countries lack legal basis or are simply not applied- are well assured. Moreover, their national minorities have intense relations with the neighbouring mother state. And last but not least, they both include the Roma among their territorial minorities, creating also for them legal prerequisites for the non- discrimination of the members and formal equality for all the legal aspects. Both countries chose a model of integration of their minorities which has resulted quite effective, especially after the latest improvements. Nevertheless, in both countries, even though in different manners, it is still possible to notice a hierarchy of treatment of different kind of minorities, where some fall behind the others in spite of their demands (and recognition) of autochthony. Sweden, for example, did that by excluding ethnic groups that were already present in the country and by denying substantial language rights to those national minorities whose languages were deemed to be non territorial ones, whilst Slovenia did that by introducing a difference between those groups who enjoy single or dual political subjectivity and by breaking the in- group unity of Roma. The thesis can be roughly divided into three main parts. The first part aims to provide a theoretical framework on minority issues and their protection. I first illustrate some definitions of ethnic minority and national minority taken from the literature and international fora as well as some related key arguments present in debates, such as the origin, the nature and the different manifestation of this phenomenon. The difference of perception of the concept ethnos in Central European and Western - North European world will be mentioned. The aim of the first chapter is to provide an almost legal definition to be used as a guide line in the analysis. It will be underlined that minority protection is only an empty concept in absence of a clear and universally or regionally accepted definition. In the second chapter the focus will be on the protection of minorities in Europe in historical perspective, taking into an account four main phases of development: from the peace of Augsburg until World War I; the period between the wars; after World War II until 1989; after 1990. The main documents elaborated within the Council of Europe, the OCSE and the European Union will be analysed, in order to get to point out some existing standards generally recognized by E.U. members even though differently applied. The second part deals with the protection of territorial minorities in Slovenia and Sweden, giving an overview on the ethnic structure of the country, on the main features of the minorities and on the governmental policies pursued since the last century. The content of the chapters will be enriched by the contribute of some minorities' representatives who accepted to be interviewed. In the third and last part, the main characteristics of these two systems will be analysed in a comparative key. Later on, the results of a small field research dealing with the practice of minority protection in the two countries will be presented. The main research hypothesis is that Slovenia and Sweden chose a successful and effective model of minority protection. This statement had to be assessed, on one hand, through the analysis of specific minority policies and, on the other hand, through the collection of opinions and feeling by behalf of minorities' members. The first and second part of the research aim in fact to assess minority protection in Slovenia and Sweden on the paper, analyzing field by field and underlining similarities and differences, strong and weak points of the two models and applicability. We have therefore tried to assess the level of protection for each minority within the two countries, giving an evaluation for each single field with a score ranging from 0 (poor) to 5 (excellent). The evaluation was drawn on the basis of existing laws, degree of application, State reports, relevant literature and discussions with experts. Nevertheless, notwithstanding the in depth analysis, it does not demand to have scientific accuracy due to the too many variables to take into consideration for every single field, but constitutes only a general orientation with regard to the interpretation of minority protection. The analysis of existing standard show that both countries actually have a relatively good protection system, although significant differences can be noted amongst different fields. The third present the results of a small scale survey conducted through questionnaires. The survey has been limited to two minorities for each country: one minority which enjoys the status of autochthonous in both countries, i.e. the Roma; and two minorities, the Tornedalian - Finnish one in Sweden and the Hungarian one in Slovenia, which present some common characteristics – first of all being a border minority - and appear therefore comparable. The aim is to identify the perception of protection by submitting some structured questionnaires to the members of these minorities through a kind of snowball method (in particular, a respondent – driven sampling), in order to find out any discrepancy between the policy goals and the everyday life level and compare the level of protection not only on theoretical but also on practical base. In particular, the questionnaire investigates opinions about the following topics: perceived protection in the field of use of language; perceived protection in the field of education; perceived protection in the field of political participation and representation; perceived protection in the field of cultural life; perceived protection in the field of media and information; perceived protection in the field of cross – border cooperation with the mother state (or with the communities in other states in the case of Roma); overall perceived protection; perceived position of the minority in comparison to the majority; perceived inequality of rights in comparison to the majority and the other minorities. It was not possible to collect a sufficient number of answers from all the protected minorities present in the countries due to the serious difficulties encountered in order to establish initial subjects who may be willing to cooperate and to the very low response rate. Some difficulties have been encountered also with regard to above mentioned minorities, i.e. the Roma, the Hungarians in Slovenia and the Tornedalian- Finnish in Sweden; however, they have shown a more collaborative spirit with regard to the present research. The survey carried out among the above mentioned minorities seems to suggest that the statement according to which both countries have a relatively good protection system has to be circumscribed: even though the overall protection appears as sufficient, the analysed national minorities seem not to be quite satisfied of the implementation of their minority rights. By contrast, Roma in both countries, in spite of having lower scores both at the theoretical and at the empirical level, seem to be relatively more satisfied about their rights. This may be due to the fact that national minorities are more conscious about the rights they should enjoy as historical minorities; whilst the Roma, although not being very satisfied about their condition either, consider the newly introduced laws and acts in their favour as an important progress. If the minorities taken into consideration give positive evaluation regarding certain fields of protection, the overall feeling of protection is not purely given by the sum of such fields but obviously include discretional elements which are more closely linked with a social dimension including the relationship with the majority, the status within the society, the perceived attention and importance given the minority issues by behalf of State policies. The research hypothesis has to be in the end further specified: all analysed minorities evaluate positively certain fields of protection, but surprisingly (of course with many differences among the various groups), when asked explicitly how much protected they feel as a minority, answers are less flattering: in certain sectors they feel indeed excluded from the majority society. The initial research hypothesis appears therefore to be only partly confirmed: from the analysis results the emergence of a hierarchic model with regard to the treatment of national minorities, which is likely to create new boundaries and tensions among the various national minorities, the national minorities and other minorities which did not receive recognition and different subgroups within the same minority. ; XXIV Ciclo
AMÉRICA LATINAMuere el disidente Oswaldo Payá, principal gestor de un cambio democrático para Cuba. Para más información: http://edition.cnn.com/2012/07/22/world/americas/cuba-dissident-death/index.html?hpt=wo_bn8 http://diario.elmercurio.com/2012/07/23/internacional/_portada/noticias/4C0C7B70-8B23-4CAB-92B7-FCB2F3E7D758.htm?id={4C0C7B70-8B23-4CAB-92B7-FCB2F3E7D758} http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/860532.html http://worldnews.nbcnews.com/_news/2012/07/23/12897730-cuban-dissident-and-nobel-peace-prize-nominee-osal%20to%20Mixed=1&__utmk=89392472 http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-latin-america-18975660 http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1492838-reclaman-a-cuba-que-investigue-la-muerte-de-paya#comentar http://oglobo.globo.com/mundo/dissidentes-cubanos-sao-presos-no-enterro-de-oswaldo-paya-5567269#ixzz21aR7yv1q http://www.latimes.com/news/obituaries/la-me-oswaldo-paya-20120724,0,5477537.story En funeral de Payá detienen a opositor Guillermo Fariñas y a otros 50 cubanos.Para más información: http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/latinoamerica/detencion-de-guillermo-farinas-en-funeral-de-oswaldo-paya_12060326-4 Unasur exige comicios democráticos en Paraguay para su reingreso al bloque.Para más información: http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1493019-unasur-exige-comicios-democraticos-en-paraguay-para-su-reingreso-al-bloque#comentarNativos del Cauca tensan la cuerda para echar de su zona al Ejército colombiano.Para más información: http://edition.cnn.com/2012/07/17/world/americas/colombia-indigenous-clash/index.html?hpt=wo_bn8 http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2012/07/18/actualidad/1342572089_940711.html Detenidos por torturas seis policías en Argentina.Para más información: http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2012/07/20/actualidad/1342805020_329586.html http://edition.cnn.com/2012/07/20/world/americas/argentina-video/index.html?hpt=wo_c2 La minería informal ha devastado miles de hectáreas en la Amazonia peruana.Para más información: http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2012/07/21/actualidad/1342893208_268998.html Fronteras en el Mar Caribe: otro juicio marítimo que resuelve La Haya. Para más información: http://diario.elmercurio.com/2012/07/23/internacional/_portada/noticias/165D9CAB-D42A-4F14-A9E9-362386A23103.htm?id={165D9CAB-D42A-4F14-A9E9-362386A23103} Humala renueva gabinete para encarar conflictos en Perú.Para más información: http://www.lemonde.fr/ameriques/article/2012/07/23/le-gouvernement-peruvien-presente-sa-demission-au-president_1737381_3222.html http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-latin-america-18964804 http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/latinoamerica/ministros-de-per-presentaron-renuncia-al-presidente-ollanta-humala_12057221-4 http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-mexico-violence-20120717,0,2621578.story59% de los bolivianos apuesta a la reelección de Morales. Para más información: http://diario.elmercurio.com/2012/07/23/internacional/internacional/noticias/F8678237-06FC-42B2-87B0-23E95B0E7373.htm?id={F8678237-06FC-42B2-87B0-23E95B0E7373} Nicaragua crea batallón antidroga.Para más información: http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/860528.html General Motors suspende ocho fábricas en Brasil.Para más información: http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1493055-1493055#comentar Fiscalía cita a Lugo por reunión de canciller venezolano y militares.Para más información: http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/latinoamerica/fiscala-cita-a-lugo-por-reunin-de-canciller-venezolano-y-militares_12057995-4 ESTADOS UNIDOS / CANADÁMatanza en cine de Denver. Para más información: http://oglobo.globo.com/mundo/suposto-atirador-do-colorado-seria-fa-do-unabomber-5565685#ixzz21aREdJ9c http://usa.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2012-07/24/content_15610387.htm http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2012/07/21/actualidad/1342870148_774946.html http://www.lemonde.fr/ameriques/article/2012/07/23/le-suspect-de-la-tuerie-d-aurora-comparait-au-tribunal_1737339_3222.htmlSe reabre debate sobre la libre tenencia de armas en Estados Unidos.Para más información: http://edition.cnn.com/2012/07/23/world/americas/analysis-colorado-shooting-mann/index.html?hpt=wo_t4 http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/estados-unidos/se-reabre-debate-sobre-la-tencia-libre-de-armas-en-ee-uu_12056906-4 http://diario.elmercurio.com/2012/07/23/internacional/internacional/noticias/E575B18F-1A8B-490F-B5CB-AF0F69084BE8.htm?id={E575B18F-1A8B-490F-B5CB-AF0F69084BE8} http://edition.cnn.com/2012/07/23/opinion/frum-guns/index.html?hpt=hp_c1 Diversos medios hacen referencia a la campaña electoral estadounidense.Para más información: http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/860548.html http://elpais.com/tag/elecciones_eeuu_2012/a/"The Economist" analiza la política monetaria de Washington.Para más información: http://www.economist.com/blogs/freeexchange/2012/07/monetary-policy-7 Estados Unidos afina plan para remover a Al Assad.Para más información: http://usa.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2012-07/24/content_15610787.htm http://diario.elmercurio.com/2012/07/23/internacional/_portada/noticias/088F1F29-57CB-4FB1-95AF-9908180BFA86.htm?id={088F1F29-57CB-4FB1-95AF-9908180BFA86}Obama advierte a Siria sobre usar armas químicas.Para más información: http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/860515.html "MSNBC" publica: "los canadienses ahora son más ricos que los estadounidenses"Para más información: http://bottomline.msnbc.msn.com/_news/2012/07/18/12817825-canadians-are-now-richer-than-americans?lite Estados Unidos amplía a África combate a narcos latinoamericanos. Para más información: http://diario.elmercurio.com/2012/07/23/internacional/internacional/noticias/F94804B0-0D72-4C17-A577-863182B54E64.htm?id={F94804B0-0D72-4C17-A577-863182B54E64}Vehículo con 23 migrantes choca en Texas: mueren 14 .Para más información: http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/notas/860505.htmlEUROPALa crisis en Europa: España a un paso de pedir el rescate. Para más información: http://www.economist.com/blogs/graphicdetail/2012/07/daily-chart-15 http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1492880-espana-a-un-paso-de-pedir-el-rescate#comentar http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-18971041 http://economywatch.msnbc.msn.com/_news/2012/07/24/12931119-spain-teeters-on-the-edge-of-a-steep-fiscal-cliff?lite La Comisión Europea sostiene que Rumania bordea el precipicio.Para más información: http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2012/07/18/actualidad/1342627454_107296.htmlDiversos medios hacen referencia a la crisis económica en Europa.Para más información: http://www.economist.com/node/21559387 http://usa.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2012-07/24/content_15611748.htm http://usa.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2012-07/24/content_15610570.htm http://www.nytimes.com/2012/07/21/world/europe/21iht-letter21.html?ref=world&gwh=5F00A422070D0370265B29D72B183EE4 Miles de desempleados de todo el país convergieron en Madrid en repudio al plan de ajuste de Rajoy. Para más información: http://diario.elmercurio.com/2012/07/23/internacional/_portada/noticias/8BCEE0B0-0892-4637-BB53-EDF10359E1E8.htm?id={8BCEE0B0-0892-4637-BB53-EDF10359E1E8} http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1492392-marcha-de-desocupados-en-espana#comentarRupert Murdoch renunció a directorios de diarios británicos.Para más información: http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/europa/rupert-murdoch-renunci-a-la-direccin-de-su-grupo-de-medios_12053192-4Noruega conmemoró el primer aniversario de la "Matanza de Utoya".Para más información: http://edition.cnn.com/2012/07/22/world/europe/norway-shooting-anniversary/index.html?hpt=wo_bn9 http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/europa/primer-aniversario-del-doble-atentado-realizado-en-noruega_12054601-4 http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1492557-noruega-conmemora-el-primer-aniversario-de-la-matanza-de-utoya#comentar http://diario.elmercurio.com/2012/07/23/internacional/internacional/noticias/449BF1B1-92EE-43A1-B68A-3C457DD6F371.htm?id={449BF1B1-92EE-43A1-B68A-3C457DD6F371} http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2012/07/22/actualidad/1342948196_251106.htmlPolicía de Bulgaria tras pistas por ataque terrorista.Para más información: http://edition.cnn.com/2012/07/22/world/europe/bulgaria-bombing-probe/index.html?hpt=wo_c2 http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-europe-18973992 http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2012/07/19/actualidad/1342725783_603339.html http://worldnews.nbcnews.com/_news/2012/07/24/12931949-bulgarian-pm-conspiracy-behind-suicidet%20Type%20to%20Content=Internal%20to%20Mixed=1&__utmk=101288258El informe que puso en jaque a uno de los bancos más grandes del mundo.Para más información: http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/estados-unidos/informe-que-revela-cmo-hsbc-se-habra-prestado-para-lavar-dinero-a-narcos_12058424-4Ex-juez Baltasar Garzón defenderá a fundador de WikiLeaks. Para más información: http://oglobo.globo.com/mundo/ex-juiz-baltasar-garzon-defendera-fundador-do-wikileaks-5574703 Un voraz incendio deja tres muertos y miles de hectáreas quemadas entre España y Francia.Para más información: http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1492570-un-voraz-incendio-deja-tres-muertos-y-miles-de-hectareas-quemadas-entre-espana-y-francia#comentar http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1492603-incendio-fuera-de-control-en-cataluna#comentar Mayordomo del Papa en arresto domiciliario tras salir de la cárcel. Para más información: http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2012/07/21/actualidad/1342889681_208171.html http://www.nytimes.com/2012/07/22/world/europe/ex-papal-butler-under-house-arrest-while-awaiting-decision.html?ref=world&gwh=87371F37B57C233BD1B2F4716BBB15C3ASIA- PACÍFICO/ MEDIO ORIENTEContinúa la guerra civil en Siria.Para más información: http://worldnews.nbcnews.com/_news/2012/07/24/12926915-syrian-forces-launch-air-attacks-as-rebels-push-on-largest-city?lite&__utma=2381453&__utmk=27478399 http://oglobo.globo.com/mundo/governo-sirio-esta-usando-cacas-contra-aleppo-5565545 http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/medio-oriente/lucha-entre-ejrcito-y-rebeldes-por-el-control-de-damasco-y-alepo_12056588-4 http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-18973719 http://usa.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2012-07/24/content_15614173.htm http://www.nytimes.com/2012/07/22/world/middleeast/us-to-focus-on-forcibly-toppling-syrian-government.html?ref=world&gwh=977E719DD9E2C30C25D6D1DCE9E5A01E http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2012/07/21/actualidad/1342894653_612303.html http://edition.cnn.com/2012/07/23/world/meast/syria-street-of-death/index.html?hpt=wo_c1 http://www.lemonde.fr/proche-orient/article/2012/07/23/la-syrie-n-utilisera-ses-armes-chimiques-qu-en-cas-d-agression-des-occidentaux_1737329_3218.html http://www.economist.com/node/21559367Rebeldes sirios acusan al régimen de haber trasladado armas químicas.Para más información: http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/medio-oriente/tropas-del-regimen-buscan-retomar-el-control-de-siria_12059761-4 http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1492841-el-regimen-sirio-amenaza-con-usar-armas-quimicas#comentar Jóvenes prefieren huir de Siria que prestar el servicio militar.Para más información: http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/medio-oriente/siria-jvenes-huyen-para-no-prestar-el-servicio-militar_12055464-4 http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/la-fg-syria-violence-20120724,0,609506.story http://usa.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2012-07/24/content_15610946.htm http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1492626-una-ola-de-deserciones-aisla-a-al-assad#comentar http://www.nytimes.com/2012/07/22/world/middleeast/syrians-find-optimism-at-a-tent-city-in-turkey.html?_r=1&ref=world&gwh=0331125FDE361FBFCAE8A9044DC44833Tropas sirias entran en Líbano y bombardean la zona fronteriza.Para más información: http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2012/07/22/actualidad/1342945874_168111.htmlChina sufre una de las peores inundaciones en 60 años.Para más información: http://dailynightly.msnbc.msn.com/_news/2012/07/24/12931085-after-hong-kong-weathers-typhoon-anger-roils-over-beijing-flooding-deaths?lite http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1492604-pekin-sufre-las-peores-inundaciones-en-60-anos#comentar http://edition.cnn.com/2012/07/23/world/asia/china-flooding-reaction/index.html?hpt=wo_c2 http://www.lemonde.fr/asie-pacifique/article/2012/07/22/au-moins-dix-morts-dans-des-pluies-torrentielles-en-chine_1736845_3216.html http://www.lemonde.fr/asie-pacifique/article/2012/07/19/en-chine-les-terres-rares-tuent-des-villages_1735857_3216.html http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1492604-pekin-sufre-las-peores-inundaciones-en-60-anos#comentarSacude a Irak una ola de atentados: 111 muertos.Para más información: http://edition.cnn.com/2012/07/23/world/meast/iraq-unrest/index.html?hpt=wo_c2 http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/medio-oriente/cadena-de-atentados-en-irak_12056582-4 http://usa.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2012-07/24/content_15610522.htm http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1492842-sacude-a-irak-una-ola-de-atentados-111-muertos#comentar Mensaje terrorista: Al Qaeda dice que recupera zonas en Irak. Para más información: http://usnews.msnbc.msn.com/_news/2012/07/23/12909634-al-qaida-leader-threatens-to-carry-out-more-attacks-on-us-soil?lite http://diario.elmercurio.com/2012/07/23/internacional/internacional/noticias/2DFFA519-468B-40D7-A558-41557073F238.htm?id={2DFFA519-468B-40D7-A558-41557073F238} Tensión diplomática: Beijing enviará tropas a disputada isla del Mar del Sur de China. Para más información: http://diario.elmercurio.com/2012/07/23/internacional/internacional/noticias/53BFE1B4-8CB6-49E1-8EF1-66DDD7BBCAEC.htm?id={53BFE1B4-8CB6-49E1-8EF1-66DDD7BBCAEC}Los legisladores indios votan para elegir al próximo presidente.Para más información: http://diario.elmercurio.com/2012/07/23/internacional/internacional/noticias/430B9EF3-0721-4724-84A4-1649039E3CAC.htm?id={430B9EF3-0721-4724-84A4-1649039E3CAC} http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2012/07/19/actualidad/1342699225_775489.html Ataque suicida en Paquistán. Para más información: http://www.nytimes.com/2012/07/22/world/asia/suicide-bomb-kills-several-in-pakistan-tribal-area.html?ref=world&gwh=B22C26573C23D27F538D5AA456ECCD32 Nuevos reportes critican a TEPCO por crisis nuclear en Fukushima.Para más información: http://usa.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2012-07/24/content_15610471.htm http://edition.cnn.com/2012/07/23/world/asia/japan-fukushima-report/index.html?hpt=wo_c2 Un tribunal chino ratifica la condena al artista Ai Weiwei por evasión fiscal.Para más información: http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2012/07/20/actualidad/1342784515_854922.html 12 muertos en accidente aéreo en Brunei.Para más información: http://edition.cnn.com/2012/07/21/world/asia/brunei-helicopter-crash/index.html?hpt=wo_bn7ÁFRICAFalleció el presidente de Ghana.Para más información: http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/africa/fallecio-el-presidente-de-ghana_12060663-4 http://worldnews.nbcnews.com/_news/2012/07/24/12929632-ghana-president-dies-un&__utmk=156501496 http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-18972107 http://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2012/07/23/des-inondations-dans-le-centre-du-nigeria-font-au-moins-35-morts_1737327_3212.html Egipto nombra a Hisham Qandil como Nuevo primer ministro.Para más información: http://oglobo.globo.com/mundo/mursi-escolhe-politico-pouco-conhecido-para-premier-do-egito-5567762#ixzz21aUbuqbd http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-18969742 Segunda cadena perpetua para Ben Alí, por la muerte de 43 manifestantes en 2011.Para más información: http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2012/07/19/actualidad/1342709069_490268.htmlEl Tribunal Internacional de Justicia acusa a Hissene Habré, ex presidente de Chad, de torturar y asesinar a miles de opositores.Para más información: http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2012/07/20/actualidad/1342802719_473698.html Fuertes lluvias matan a 21 personas en Nigeria. Para más información: http://edition.cnn.com/2012/07/23/world/africa/nigeria-floods/index.html?hpt=wo_c2 Estados Unidos expande su estrategia antidrogas en África. Para más información: http://www.nytimes.com/2012/07/22/world/africa/us-expands-drug-fight-in-africa.html?ref=world&gwh=C4B88A6AAA952AD486CF09DB5AD45A29 La alianza pro occidental supera a los islamistas en las elecciones de Libia.Para más información: http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2012/07/18/actualidad/1342566811_750417.html Estados Unidos levanta sanciones comerciales contra Zimbabwe. Para más información: http://usa.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2012-07/24/content_15612643.htmOTRAS "The Economist" presenta su informe semanal: "Business this week". Para más información: http://www.economist.com/node/21559395
A pocos años de superado el año 1945, ocurrió algo sin precedentes en la historia de la guerra. La introducción de la bomba nuclear a los arsenales de las grandes potencias alteró el cálculo militar. Como resultado de la famosa destrucción mutua asegurada (también conocida como MAD, por sus iniciales en inglés), el inicio de una guerra entre superpotencias constituía un suicidio. En la práctica, la guerra entre éstas desapareció por primera vez en la historia.La bomba nuclear era un arma adecuada para la Guerra Fría porque esta última era básicamente una confrontación ideológica. Como los conflictos ideológicos son absolutos, un arma absoluta como la bomba nuclear es más concebible en ese que en otro tipo de choque.El fin de la Guerra Fría terminó la era de los grandes conflictos ideológicos. La tesis de Francis Fukuyama se mantiene esencialmente correcta: no ha surgido ninguna alternativa de importancia a la democracia liberal como forma de gobierno. De hecho, este tipo de régimen político no ha hecho más que expandirse – lo cual, a su vez, reduce las ocasiones en las que pueden surgir conflictos armados.Una bomba nuclear automáticamente altera la lógica de un conflicto: aniquila por igual a militares y civiles, deja inutilizables enormes extensiones de territorio debido a la radiación y, por último, provoca una respuesta igualmente devastadora. Puesto que ya existe tecnología militar mucho más precisa y menos arrasadora de sus objetivos, las bombas nucleares han perdido su razón de ser.En este punto es conveniente una aclaración. Lo recién dicho no se aplica a aquellos países cuyos gobiernos son reductos de sistemas ideológicos violentos. Son pocos los que persisten, pero sobre todo en el caso de Irán, y en el de cualquier otro régimen totalitario o teocrático, la obstrucción de su búsqueda de la tecnología nuclear debe ser un objetivo primario y común a todas las grandes democracias. Lo mismo se aplica a grupos terroristas que, a pesar de ser de tamaño reducido comparados con estados, podrían causar un daño inmenso si obtuviesen esa tecnología. El estudio de la guerra, como todos los estudios sociales, debe procurar identificar tendencias y no reglas; la de la obsolescencia de las armas nucleares es también una de ellas.En lo que va del siglo XXI la guerra es un fenómeno más escaso que en el XX. Vastas regiones se encuentran en situaciones de paz muy extendida: el continente americano, el europeo y Asia Oriental son los principales ejemplos. Esta es una afirmación cuya validez es obligatoriamente comparativa. Sería absurdo hablar de una paz garantizada o incluso perpetua, pero sí se puede hablar de una consolidación muy profunda de la tan buscada "estabilidad".Por lo tanto –y como también sugiere el teórico Thomas Barnett-, los principales usos de la fuerza serán en las regiones inestables del mundo, que son principalmente dos: el mundo islámico y África subsahariana.En el caso del primero la cuestión del terrorismo de motivaciones religiosas es, desde los 1980s aproximadamente, el elemento más prominente en cuestiones de seguridad. Aunque tuvo dos décadas de baja intensidad, el ataque terrorista de 2001 en Estados Unidos alteró radicalmente el cálculo inicial. A partir de ese año, la jihad organizada pasó a ser un enemigo declarado de ese país y sus aliados.La amenaza terrorista islámica seguirá existiendo siempre que la realidad política y cultural que la alimenta se mantenga incambiada. Esto incluye un estancamiento durante múltiples décadas bajo gobiernos dictatoriales, una influencia desmedida de la religión organizada en la vida pública y privada y, no menos importante, una urgente necesidad de reformar las doctrinas cívico-religiosas referentes a la mujer, los no musulmanes, los derechos individuales y otros aspectos. Sin embargo, varios acontecimientos positivos la han erosionado. El régimen teocrático de Irán tiene sus días contados, ya que enormes proporciones de su población –educada, atenta a la modernización y secular hasta hacía pocas décadas- han demostrado estar dispuestas a arriesgar sus vidas para derrocarlo. Al-Qaeda se ha visto reducida a escarbar en los rincones más perdidos del planeta (en las montañas del Hindu Kush y los desiertos de Yemen) tan sólo para sobrevivir y a duras penas organizar nuevos ataques de escala pequeña. Sobre todo, la lenta aparición de un gobierno pluralista y democrático en Iraq parece augurar una nueva era en el mundo islámico en general y el árabe en particular.África como continente relegado África, en cambio, no presenta las mismas condiciones. Ese continente no ha logrado establecer niveles mínimos de estabilidad y gobernabilidad desde su independencia respecto a las potencias europeas. Cuestiones como los derechos individuales y la prosperidad económica son, en enormes porciones de la región, un sueño distante.Los males africanos van desde genocidios y guerras civiles hasta disturbios étnicos y anarquía. Casi todos los países del continente han conocido alguno de ellos: Sudán, Etiopía, Eritrea, Somalia, Chad, Uganda, Congo, Rwanda, Kenya, Costa de Marfil, Nigeria, Zimbabwe y hasta Sudáfrica, cubriendo en conjunto a cientos de millones de personas, integran este grupo.Históricamente, esto la haría una región propicia para albergar numerosas operaciones militares de parte de potencias de fuera de la región. Sin embargo, siempre que persistan dos condiciones África seguirá teniendo relativamente menos importancia que las demás regiones del mundo. La primera y más importante es que sus hechos de violencia hasta ahora no han tenido el famoso spillover effect hacia el mundo próspero – algo que sí ha tenido el mundo islámico con el caso de la jihad. En segundo lugar, mientras siga habiendo cuestiones de mayor sensibilidad en otros continentes, África no será una prioridad. Esta cruda y desafortunada realidad la demuestra el simple hecho de que, a pesar de la multiplicidad de acontecimientos nefastos en los países arriba mencionados, hasta el día de hoy no se ha registrado ahí una sola intervención militar a gran escala de parte de una gran potencia.Esta tendencia de África a permanecer en la ignominia se ve reforzada por el hecho de que el mundo del core (el "núcleo funcional del mundo" según Barnett) cada vez está logrando darse a sí mismo una mayor capacidad de depender menos de las regiones problemáticas del planeta. La explicación de este fenómeno la provee otro factor central del futuro de la guerra.Tecnología Aunque el proceso sea lento, la dirección de este proces apunta a objetivos bien conocidos, como la búsqueda de fuentes de energía alternativas. En las áreas de innovación tecnológica, comercial, financiera y virtualmente cualquier otra, los grandes centros productivos mantienen su supremacía. El futuro de la humanidad se está decidiendo en regiones como Silicon Valley, la costa atlántica de Estados Unidos, los países del Mar del Norte y Japón – no en los paquidérmicos Brasil, Rusia o India. Incluso China tiene poco para aportar en términos de innovación más allá de ser un talentoso imitador de tecnologías extranjeras. De estas supuestas "potencias emergentes", algunas se muestran incompetentes y excesivamente ambiciosas, como Brasil o Turquía. Otras, como China, tienen una conducción mucho más cuidadosa y por lo tanto exitosa. Es difícil imaginar a cualquiera de ellas como una superpotencia política o tecnológica, comparable en su nivel de liderazgo indiscutible en esos campos a las potencias del siglo XX.El campo militar, que siempre es el pionero en la incorporación de tecnologías prototipo, lidera el camino de la innovación. La próxima frontera de la tecnología militar consiste en mantener la capacidad de intervención global de los grandes países como Estados Unidos con una reducción casi total de pérdidas humanas. En las próximas décadas las intervenciones militares se volverán más conservadoras en el uso de recursos humanos y más audaces en el uso de tecnologías de monitoreo y supresión de amenazas a través de vehículos controlados de forma remota. Al ser más fácil en términos de costos, la intervención será más frecuente e, incluso, podrá privatizarse parcialmente. Esto último ya comenzó a ocurrir en la década que está terminando. Los famosos "contratistas" estadounidenses, británicos, israelíes y de otros orígenes han tenido actuaciones de enorme importancia en las campañas de Iraq y Afganistán, así como en actividades adicionales como la provisión de suministros, el entrenamiento e incluso la inteligencia estratégica.Cuando sí se usen las "botas en el suelo", algo que de ninguna manera se debe pensar que dejará de ocurrir, será con un apoyo tecnológico aún más intenso del existente actualmente. Los soldados podrán valerse de otra frontera de la tecnología: la aumentación humana. La incorporación de tecnología al propio cuerpo humano para aumentar sus capacidades físicas es un desarrollo inevitable, y que su primer uso sea militar es también casi una certeza. Esta tecnología está viendo sus primeros usos en el reemplazo de extremidades y órganos perdidos en combate. La pérdida de vidas de soldados es algo cada vez menos usual, y seguirá siendo menos frecuente.Esta separación de una parte de la humanidad a través de un salto tecnológico cualitativo ha preocupado desde hace décadas a los pensadores del tema. Para la cuestión de la guerra, lo que significa es que la hará más rápida y eficiente. Permitirá comprometer menos a las tropas de los estados - pero igual proyectar la fuerza necesaria para garantizar la seguridad, en particular ante sociedades cuyos actos de violencia se desparramen hacia los grandes centros de poder.Estas son solamente algunas consideraciones básicas. El punto es que las tendencias tecnológicas y políticas apuntan hacia un cambio en la guerra. En vez de flotas inmensas de bombarderos y vehículos blindados, fuerzas armadas de millones de personas y la consideración constante de la devastación nuclear, se observa una dispersión del fenómeno. Las campañas serán más breves, con unidades más pequeñas, con participaciones puntuales y restringidas. Se conducirán con más cautela en el uso de soldados, gracias a la protección que otorga la posibilidad de monitorear permanentemente al enemigo, al punto de reducirlo a transportar su correspondencia montado en mulas (como es el caso actual en Pakistán y Afganistán).Las grandes intervenciones como las de Iraq y Afganistán han desembocado en la adopción de la estrategia denominada "anti-insurgencia". Su funcionamiento en Iraq es considerado un éxito; el caso de Afganistán resta por resolverse. En cualquier caso, se trata de una propuesta que requiere una presencia inmensa en términos de cantidad de tropas y de tiempo en el país "anfitrión". Las pérdidas que genera son altas, porque la doctrina obliga a los soldados a mantenerse cercanos a la población y contener su fuego ante la más mínima posibilidad de dañar o incluso ofender a los civiles. Este enorme esfuerzo hace difícil imaginar que, una vez resueltas las dos campañas ya mencionadas, Estados Unidos vuelva a entablar una invasión (con ocupación) más, al menos de carácter voluntario. De ser esto así, la actual "moda" anti-insurgente será en realidad un paréntesis dentro de la tendencia hacia la reducción de las grandes campañas militares.En conclusión, el fin de la posibilidad de la guerra nuclear entre las grandes potencias ha aumentado la seguridad de aquellas regiones que son mejor gobernadas. Ya no es necesario vivir bajo el terror de la destrucción mutua asegurada. Aquellos países que generen ingobernabilidad e inestabilidad siempre tendrán abierta y sugerida la opción de integrarse a esa sociedad internacional funcionante. Sin embargo, la evolución tecnológica permitirá intervenir con aún mayor libertad en aquellos países que persistan en sus usos de la violencia contra potencias que se sientan agredidas. Por último, es meritorio notar que estas afirmaciones dependen de un mantenimiento de las tendencias actuales. Un resurgimiento de regímenes ideológicos en países de alto poder, como Rusia o China, fácilmente podría alterar este cálculo. El punto es que en el estado actual de las cosas, esos y otros países parecen conformarse con una integración -de múltiples grados de intensidad, según el país- al functioning core de Barnett.Apuntes bibliográficosThomas Barnett expone su teoría sobre el functioning core del mundo -y su contrapartida, la non-functioning gap- en su libro "The Pentagon's New Map: War and Peace in the Twenty-first Century". 2004. Penguin. New York.Un estudio similar referente a la cuestión de los países que logran integrarse al sistema político-económico mundial es "The J Curve: A New Way to Understand Why Nations Rise and Fall", de Ian Bremmer. 2006. Simon & Schuster. New York.Para una discusión extensiva sobre la lógica de la guerra nuclear -y las razones por las cuales en la práctica es una posibilidad muy remota- véase el clásico "Arms and Influence", de Thomas Schelling. 1966. Yale Universiy Press. New Haven.Para una apreciación de lo profundos que son los problemas de violencia en África, véase el reciente artículo en Foreign Policy de Jeffrey Gettleman: "Africa's Forever Wars". Edición de marzo-abril de 2010. *Licenciado en Estudios Internacionales - Universidad ORT Uruguay Estudiante en el Master of Arts in Security Studies - Georgetown University
Priorities for future sustainable development within Europe and Central Asia are formulated in visions by governments and societal actors. Integrated scenario and modelling studies enable the assessment of impacts on nature, nature's contributions to people, and a good quality of life resulting from these priorities, and help to co-design and codeliver appropriate pathways to sustainable futures (established but incomplete) (5.1.2, 5.4.2, 5.4.3, 5.5.2). Priorities for future sustainable development are captured in regional visions, which describe a future desired by society or parts of society in Europe and Central Asia. Matching these priorities to the Sustainable Development Goals and Aichi Biodiversity Targets revealed that regional priorities include sustainable economic growth in tandem with sustainable industrialization (Goal 8, Goal 9), sustainable agriculture, forestry, aquaculture and management of natural resources (Goal 15, Target 7), all promoted by sustainable consumption and production patterns (Goal 12, Target 4). Climate action and sustainable energy (Goal 13, Goal 7) are also priorities. Reduced inequalities (Goal 10), gender equality (Goal 5) and peace, justice and strong institutions (Goal 16), as well as representation of a diverse range of values, are less emphasized (established but incomplete) (5.1.2, 5.4.2, 5.4.3). Integrated assessments of future interactions between the priorities for sustainable development and nature and its contributions to people, which support proactive decisionmaking that anticipates change, mitigates undesirable trade-offs and fosters societal transformation in pursuit of a good quality of life, are rare due to the complexity of human and environment interdependencies (well established) (5.1.1, 5.3.1, 5.5.3, 5.5.4). Nevertheless, ignoring these complexities is likely to cause undesired trade-offs and to prevent the realization of synergies (5.3.1). Cross-sectoral and cross-scale integration of adaptation, mitigation and transformative actions and policies by multiple actors is key to the co-design and co-delivery of appropriate pathways to realize visions of future sustainable development (established but incomplete) (5.4.2, 5.4.3, 5.5.2, 5.5.3, 5.5.5, 5.5.6). The choices made by decision-makers and societal actors are expected to lead to large differences in future impacts on nature, nature's contributions to people, and good quality of life within Europe and Central Asia (established but incomplete) (5.2.3, 5.3.3, 5.3.4). More positive impacts are projected under futures that assume proactive decision-making on environmental issues and promote a more holistic approach to managing human and environmental systems which supports multifunctionality and multiple contributions from nature to people (established but incomplete) (5.2.3, 5.3.3, 5.3.4). Projecting historical trends into the future under a businessas- usual scenario results in stable trends in nature (e.g. reflected in biodiversity vulnerability indices), negative trends in nature's regulating contributions (e.g. regulation of climate or hazards and extreme events) and mixed trends in nature's material contributions (e.g. food production) (established but incomplete) (5.3.3, 5.6.1). Different assumptions about future trends in drivers lead to widely varying projected impacts on nature, nature's contributions to people and a good quality of life. Under economic optimism scenarios, where global developments are steered by economic growth and environmental problems are only dealt with when solutions are of economic interest, an increase in the provision of most of nature's material contributions to people (e.g. food and timber) is projected associated with a general decline in nature and its regulating contributions to people (e.g. air and water quality regulation) (established but incomplete) (5.3.3, 5.6.1). Under regional competition scenarios there is a growing gap between rich and poor, increasing problems with crime, violence and terrorism, and strong trade barriers. Consequently, its impacts are highly mixed with generally large declines in nature (e.g. habitat maintenance and creation) and the most negative impacts of all scenarios on nature's non-material contributions to people (e.g. learning and inspiration) and good quality of life indicators (e.g. health and well-being) (established but incomplete) (5.3.3, 5.6.1). Inequality scenarios, which assume increasing economic, political and social inequalities, where power becomes concentrated in a relatively small political and business elite who invest in green technology, result in negative impacts on nature's regulating contributions to people (established CHAPTER 5. CURRENT AND FUTURE INTERACTIONS BETWEEN NATURE AND SOCIETY 575 but incomplete), but mixed or unclear impacts on other indicators (inconclusive) (5.3.3, 5.6.1). Under global sustainable development scenarios, which are characterized by an increasingly proactive attitude of global policymakers towards environmental issues and a high level of regulation, positive impacts are projected for nature and its regulating contributions to people. Predominantly positive trends are also projected for nature's material contributions to people and good quality of life indicators, with some regional variation (established but incomplete) (5.3.3, 5.6.1). Under regional sustainability scenarios, which show increased concern for environmental and social sustainability and a shift toward local and regional decision-making, similar impacts are projected as for global sustainable development. Regional sustainability, however, leads to slightly fewer benefits for nature's regulating and material contributions to people (with decreases in food provision) than global sustainable development and more positive impacts on nature's non-material contributions to people and good quality of life, particularly traditional knowledge and supporting identities reflecting the local focus of the regional sustainability scenario (established but incomplete) (5.3.3, 5.6.1). Trade-offs between nature and different contributions from nature to people are projected under all plausible futures for Europe and Central Asia (established but incomplete) (5.3.3, 5.3.4). How these trade-offs are resolved depends on political and societal value judgements within each plausible future. In general, those futures where environmental issues are mainstreamed across sectors are more successful in mitigating undesirable cross-sector trade-offs, resulting in positive impacts across a broad range of indicators concerning nature, nature's contributions to people and good quality of life indicators (established but incomplete) (5.3.3, 5.6.1). Trade-offs between nature's material and regulating contributions to people are commonly projected in the economic optimism and regional competition scenarios, which tend to promote a limited number of nature's material contributions to people. For example, increases in food provision (generally associated with the expansion of agricultural land or the intensification of livestock production and fish captures) are often associated with decreases in the provision of nature's regulating contributions to people (e.g. prevention of soil erosion, regulation of water quality and quantity) and nature values. Similar trade-offs were projected between increases in timber provision and decreases in nature's regulating (e.g. carbon sequestration) and non-material (e.g. aesthetic value) contributions to people. Such trade-offs lead to strong positive effects in nature's contributions to people with market values and negative effects in nature's contributions to people without market values (established but incomplete) (5.3.3, 5.6.1). Trade-offs were also apparent under the sustainability scenario archetypes, particularly in relation to the use of land and water (e.g. effects of agricultural extensification – the opposite of agricultural intensification - or increases in bioenergy croplands on other land uses and biodiversity) (established but incomplete) (5.6.1). However, such scenarios proactively deal with such trade-offs through, for example, political choices aiming to maximize synergizes through mainstreaming and multifunctionality (global sustainable development) or through societal choices to live less resource-intensive lifestyles and, hence, reduce demand for nature's material contributions to people (regional sustainability). Impacts of plausible futures differ across the regions of Europe and Central Asia. Hence, regional and national decision-makers face different trade-offs between nature and its various contributions to people. Cooperation between countries opens up possibilities to mitigate undesirable crossscale impacts and to capitalize on opportunities (established but incomplete) (5.3.3). In Central Asia, significant water shortages are projected in the long-term. This affects farmers' choices between intensive crop production and more sustainable production with resulting impacts on nature's regulating contributions to people, such as water quality (established but incomplete) (5.3.3). Similar impacts on water stress are projected under future scenarios for Central Europe, including decreases in multiple contributions from nature to people from wetlands (established but incomplete) (5.3.3). Transboundary and integrated water management strategies that protect minimum water levels for the environment are projected to mitigate these negative impacts. In Eastern Europe, particularly Russia, trade-offs between wood extraction and carbon sequestration are projected. Sustainable forest management and reforestation of areas set aside from agricultural activities are suggested as having the potential to mitigate such trade-offs. Similarly, in mountain systems in Central and Western Europe and in marine systems in all subregions adaptive management strategies are projected to address the vulnerability of the majority of nature's contributions to people (established but incomplete) (5.3.3). In the European Union (EU), significant differences between northern and southern countries are projected. Most scenarios indicate increases in agricultural production for food, feed and bioenergy for northern European Union countries, while decreases in agricultural and timber production, as well as increases in water stress, are projected for southern European Union countries. The latter is projected to have considerable negative impacts on nature's non-material contributions to people, such as national heritage and tourism-related services dependent on local food production. Scenarios which included international coordination of adaptive measures across THE REGIONAL ASSESSMENT REPORT ON BIODIVERSITY AND ECOSYSTEM SERVICES FOR EUROPE AND CENTRAL ASIA 576 geographical areas were projected to have better capacity to cope with, or mitigate, undesirable cross-scale impacts (established but incomplete) (5.3.3). Future impacts of drivers of change on nature and its contributions to people in Europe and Central Asia are likely to be underestimated because scenario studies are dominated by a few individual drivers (e.g. climate change) and often omit other important drivers (e.g. pollution) that may adversely affect their impacts (well established) (5.2.2, 5.3.2). Scenario studies predominantly focus on single direct drivers and fail to capture interactions between drivers (well established) (5.2.2, 5.3.2). Climate change is the most represented single direct driver in scenarios of biodiversity and ecosystem change. By contrast other direct drivers, such as pollution and invasive alien species, which are known to have an adverse impact on nature and its contributions to people, are poorly represented in scenario studies (well established) (5.2.2). Single-driver scenarios fail to capture various dynamics such as feedbacks and synergies between and amongst indirect and direct drivers operating at different scales. Policy approaches that consider single drivers or single sectors are unlikely to successfully address environmental problems as they do not consider trade-offs between different drivers, impacts and responses. Integrated, multi-driver scenario studies offer a more realistic assessment of impacts to inform robust decision-making about future sustainable development pathways that avoid unintended consequences (established but incomplete) (5.2.1, 5.2.2, 5.2.4, 5.3.1, 5.3.3, 5.3.4, 5.4.4, 5.4.5, 5.5.5). Priorities for future sustainable development expressed by governments and other societal actors for Europe and Central Asia are more widely achieved under plausible futures that consider a diverse range of values (established but incomplete) (5.3.4, 5.5.4, 5.5.5, 5.6.1). Recognizing the different time frame of the scenarios of plausible futures (often 2050 or later) to those stated in the Sustainable Development Goals and Aichi Biodiversity Targets (2030 or 2020), continuing current trends under a business-as-usual scenario is estimated to lead to failure in achieving most of the Sustainable Development Goals (13 out of 17), but mixed effects on achieving the Aichi Biodiversity Targets (8 achieved). Economic optimism is estimated to have a mixed level of success in achieving the goals (8 achieved), but would fail to achieve the majority of the targets (16 out of 20), while regional competition fails to reach the majority of all goals and targets (15 and 19, respectively). The focus of these scenarios on instrumental values and individualistic perspectives, with little acknowledgement of relational or intrinsic values, means they are unlikely to offer effective sustainable solutions to environmental and social challenges (established but incomplete) (5.3.4, 5.6.1). In contrast, the sustainability scenarios (regional sustainability and global sustainable development) are estimated to achieve the majority of the Sustainable Development Goals and Aichi Biodiversity Targets. Such scenarios attempt to support nature and its multiple nature's contributions to people and aspects of a good quality of life. Thus, they represent a greater diversity of values, but often at the acceptance of lower, or more extensive, production of nature's material contributions to people (established but incomplete) (5.3.4, 5.6.1). Multiple alternative pathways exist to achieve the priorities for future sustainable development set by governments and societal actors within Europe and Central Asia and in particular for mitigating tradeoffs between nature and nature's contributions to people (established but incomplete) (5.5.2). The most promising pathways include long-term societal transformation through continuous education, knowledge sharing and participatory decisionmaking. Such pathways emphasize nature's regulating contributions to people and the importance of relational values in facilitating a holistic and systematic consideration of nature and nature´s contribution to people across sectors and scales (established but incomplete) (5.5.3, 5.5.4). Four types of pathways have been developed to address trade-offs between food, water, energy, climate and biodiversity at different scales (5.5.2). Green economy pathways focus on sustainable intensification and diversification of production activities coupled with the protection and restoration of nature. Low carbon transformation pathways focus on biofuel production, reforestation and forest management. Both types of pathways include actions related to technological innovation, land sparing or land sharing. Green economy and low carbon transformation pathways do not fully mitigate trade-offs between nature's material contributions to people, nature conservation, and nature's regulating and non-material contributions to people (established but incomplete) (5.5.2, 5.5.4). Ecotopian solutions pathways focus on radical social innovation to achieve local food and energy self-sufficiency and the production of multiple contributions from nature to people. They include actions on multifunctionality within individual land uses with connecting green infrastructure, urban design and food production (established but incomplete) (5.5.2, 5.5.4). Transition movements pathways emphasize a change towards relational values, promoting resource-sparing lifestyles, continuous education, new urban spatial structures and innovative forms of agriculture where different knowledge systems are combined with technological innovation. Transformation is achieved through local empowerment, participatory decision-making processes, community actions and voluntary agreements. As opposed to other pathways, transition movements CHAPTER 5. CURRENT AND FUTURE INTERACTIONS BETWEEN NATURE AND SOCIETY 577 pathways address all of the Sustainable Development Goals identified as being important in the Europe and Central Asia visions (5.1.2, 5.5.4), except Goal 7 (sustainable energy). The narrative offers the broadest set of actions targeting elements of nature, multiple contributions from nature to people (material, regulating and non-material) and multiple dimensions of a good quality of life (established but incomplete) (5.5.2, 5.5.4, 5.6.1). Different sets of actions and combinations of policy instruments are suggested by the different pathways. Joint instruments suggested across pathways give priority to participation, education and awareness raising, and often cross-scale integration and mainstreaming of environmental objectives across sectors (established but incomplete) (5.5.2, 5.5.3, 5.5.4, 5.5.6). The green economy and low carbon transformation pathways build towards sustainability without challenging the economic growth paradigm. They are implemented through combinations of top-down legal and regulatory instruments mixed with economic and financial instruments designed at regional (European Union) or national levels (Eastern Europe and Central Asia). Such pathways are often formulated at a sectoral level, and integration across sectoral pathways is critical. However, because green economy and low carbon transformation pathways do not fully mitigate trade-offs, they may not be sufficient alone to achieve sustainability (established but incomplete) (5.5.2, 5.5.4, 5.6.1). The trade-offs are better addressed by diverse local bottom-up transition movements or ecotopian solutions pathways (5.5.2). Such pathways reconsider fundamental values and lifestyles through sets of actions focusing on less resource-intensive lifestyles, education, knowledge sharing, good social relations and equity (e.g. food and dietary patterns, transport, energy and consumption patterns). Transition movements pathways also develop bottom-up transformative capabilities by combining rights-based instruments and customary norms (including indigenous and local knowledge) and social and information instruments (established but incomplete) (5.5.3, 5.5.4). The sets of actions proposed in the pathways are not mutually exclusive and can be combined. For example, actions from green economy and low carbon transformation pathways may pave the way towards more transformative transition movements pathways. Moreover, future transitions to sustainability may be fostered through cross-scale integration and mainstreaming of environmental issues into sectoral policies and decisions, along with nurturing diverse social, institutional and technological experiments (established but incomplete) (5.5.5). Participatory scenario, vision and pathway development is a powerful approach for knowledge co-production and has great potential for the explicit inclusion of indigenous and local knowledge (established but incomplete) (5.4.3, 5.5.1, 5.5.2, 5.5.6, 5.6.2). Many scenario, vision and pathways exercises include local stakeholders and their valuable knowledge and practices. However, the use of different knowledge systems, such as indigenous and local knowledge, was rarely explicitly mentioned in studies (5.6.2). Explicit examples that included indigenous and local knowledge (see Boxes 5.2, 5.6 and 5.10), show a clear added value from combining different forms of knowledge with technological innovations, and cultural diversity, norms and customary rights when pursuing goals of sustainable development (5.2.2, 5.5.2, 5.5.3, 5.5.6). Knowledge gaps and resulting uncertainties in exploring future interactions between nature and society are substantial because integrated assessments of future impacts on nature, nature's contributions to people and a good quality of life that take account of the complex interdependencies in human and environmental systems are rare (well established) (5.6.2). Very few studies were available for Central Asia and to a lesser extent for Eastern Europe (well established) (5.6.2). Less information was also available for marine systems than for terrestrial and freshwater systems (well established) (5.6.2). Few integrated scenario and modelling studies include indicators of nature's nonmaterial contributions to people and good quality of life (5.3.2, 5.5.1, 5.6.2) and therefore existing assessments of synergies and trade-offs are limited in the interactions and feedbacks they represent (well established) (5.3.2). No studies were found that assessed future flows of nature's contributions to people across countries, which would have been important to assess the impacts of the scenarios and pathways for Europe and Central Asia on other parts of the world (well established) (5.6.2). There is also a significant gap in the current literature in recognizing the diversity of values, with the focus being mainly on instrumental values (well established) (5.6.2). Finally, scenario and modelling studies include many uncertainties in their projections of the future resulting from input data, scenario assumptions, model structure and propagation of uncertainties across the integrated components of the systems, which should be borne in mind when interpreting their results (well established).
Consists of thesaurus used in indexing the public papers of Leonor K. Sullivan, housed in the Saint Louis University School of Law Library. ; SAINT LOUIS UNIVERSDY GE JK1323 1952 .S34 1989 c.3 THE HONORABLE Leo nor K. (Mrs. John B.) Sullivan A Guide to the Collection St. Louis University Law Library Saint Louis University Schoo( of Law 3700 Lirufeff B(vd., St. Louis, MO 63108 LEONOR K. SULLIVAN 1902-1988 A Guide to the Collection Researched and prepared by: Joanne C. Vogel Carol L. Moody Loretta Matt LAW LIBRARY ST. LOUIS UNIVERSITY 3700 LINDtLL BLVD. ST. LOUIS, MO 63108 Copyright 1989 Saint Louis University Law Library 00 ' ()) THE HONORABLE LEONOR K. SULLIVAN 1902-1988 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. Portrait of Leonor K. Sullivan II. Biography III. Sullivan Plaques and Awards IV. The Leonor K. Sullivan Collection V. List of Subject Headings LEONOR K. SULLIVAN Leonor K. Sullivan, the first woman from Missouri to serve in the United States House of Representatives, was born Leonor Alice Kretzer, August 21, 1902, in St. Louis. She attended public and private schools in St. Louis, including Washington University. Prior to her marriage, Mrs. Sullivan pursued a business career and eventually became the director of the St. Louis Comptometer School. She married Missouri Congressman John B. Sullivan on December 27, 1941, and served as his administrative assistant and campaign manager until his death in January, 1951. Following her husband's death, Mrs. Sullivan unsuccessfully attempted to win the local Democratic party's nomination to succeed Congressman Sullivan in the special election. The seat was lost to a Republican candidate. In 1952, Leonor K. Sullivan running on her own, without party support, defeated six opponents in the primary election to become the Democratic nominee for the Third Congressional District. In the general election, she defeated her Republican opponent and recaptured the seat once held by her husband. Mrs. Sullivan represented the Third Congressional District until her retirement in 1976. While in Congress, Leonor K. Sullivan was known as a champion of consumer issues and she had a key role in enacting legislation to improve the quality of food. The Poultry Inspection Law and the Food Additives Act are just two of her important triumphs. As chairman of the Subcommittee on Consumer Affairs of the House Committee on Banking and Currency, Mrs. Sullivan was responsible for the Consumer Credit Protection Act of 1968, which included the Truth in Lending Act, and the Fair Credit Reporting Act of 1970. Mrs. Sullivan also authored the original food stamp plan to distribute government surplus food to the needy and she worked to solve the housing problems in our cities. At the time of her retirement, she was the senior member of the House Committee on Banking, Currency, and Housing. She was a member of the National Commission on Food Marketing, 1964-66; the National Commission on Mortgage Interest Rates, 1969; the National Commission on Consumer Finance, 1969-72; and she helped found the Consumer Federation of America in 1966. Mrs. Sullivan served as chairman of the House Committee on Merchant Marine and Fisheries. Her support of the American Merchant Marine earned her the American Maritime Industry's Admiral of the Ocean Seas Award (AOTOS) in 1973. The men and women who served in the Coast Guard and the Merchant Marine continuously honored Mrs. Sullivan for her support, understanding, and dedication. Always active in waterways projects, she fought to allow the 51 year old DELTA QUEEN to continue as an overnight excursion vessel. Mrs. Sullivan's work as chairman of the Subcommittee on Panama was especially important as she became involved with the political, economic, and social challenges of the Canal Zone and the people who lived and worked there. Leonor K. Sullivan worked hard for St. Louis. She sponsored legislation to fund the development of the Jefferson National Expansion Memorial on the St. Louis Riverfront, to keep St. Louis a well managed port city on the Mississippi trade route, and to preserve the buildings so important to the history and heritage of St. Louis. Wharf Street has been renamed Leonor K. Sullivan Boulevard to honor her support of the Gateway Arch project and the Jefferson National Expansion Memorial. Following her retirement, Mrs. Sullivan returned to her river bluff home which overlooked the Mississippi River. She remained active in civic affairs, serving on numerous boards and committees. She became a director of Southwest Bank, chairman of the Consumer Advisory Council to the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System, a member of the Board of Directors of Downtown St. Louis, Inc., a member of the Lay Advisory Board of Mount St. Rose Hospital and Rehabilitation Center, and she sponsored a consumer award program through the Better Business Bureau. Mrs. Sullivan was always in demand as a featured speaker at business, educational, and social functions. In 1980, Mrs. Sullivan married Russell L. Archibald, a retired vice president of the American Furnace Company. Mr. Archibald died March 19, 1987. Leonor K. Sullivan died, in St. Louis, on September 1, 1988. SULLIVAN PLAQUES AND AWARDS The Sullivan Collection includes many awards, citations, plaques, letters of recogn1tlon, pictures, and other memorabilia. During her career, Mrs. Sullivan received over 200 awards, some of which are permanently displayed in the Law Library. 1. Missouri State Labor Council, AFL-CIO - a proclamation designating Leonor K. Sullivan as organized labor's First Lady. Presented September 8, 1976. 2. Robert L. Hague Merchant Marine Industries Post #1242 - Distinguished Service Citation for Mrs. Sullivan's work as Chairman of the House Merchant Marine and Fisheries Committee. 3. Oceanographer of the Navy - presented by RADM J. Edward Snyder, Jr., USN, Special Assistant to the Under Secretary or the Navy. 4. Panama Canal Gavel - made from one of the original beams of the Governor's House, the gavel was presented to Mrs. Sullivan by Governor W. E. Potter as a "token of appreciation for demonstrated interest in the Panama Canal and the Canal Zone Government." 5. Consulting Engineers Council of Missouri - expresses appreciation for Mrs. Sullivan's concern and understanding of the role of the consulting engineer. 6. St. Louis Democratic City Central Committee - Special Award recognizes Leonor K. Sullivan's "dedicated service to the people of Missouri, the United States of America, and the Democratic Party . ," presented September, 19, 1976. 7. Consumer Federation of America - CFA Distinguished Public Service Award, June 14, 1972. 8. Reserve Officers' Association, Missouri - President's Award recognizing Mrs. Sullivan's service to the nation during her 24 years in Congress. 9. American Waterway Operators, Inc. - recognizes Mrs. Sullivan's " . Instrumental Role in the Development of the Inland Waterways of the United States." I 0. American Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics, St. Louis Section - 1976 Civic A ward for Outstanding Contributions to Communities and Nation during 24 years in the House of Representatives, May 11, 1976. 11. Federal Land Banks 50th Anniversary Medal - " . awarded in 1967, to Leon or K. Sullivan for outstanding contributions to American Agriculture." 12. St. Louis Board of Aldermen - Resolution #101 (March 12,1976) honoring Mrs. Sullivan for her 24 years in Congress. 13. Human Development Corporation of Metropolitan St. Louis - Certificate of Recognition, September 29, 1978. 14. Older Adults Special Issues Society (OASIS) - Confers honorary membership upon Leonor K. Sullivan, August 22, 1974. 15. National Health Federation - Humanitarian Award, October 11, 1958 - especially recognizes Mrs. Sullivan's efforts for protective legislation against injurious additives in food and beverages. 16. U.S. Merchant Marine Academy, Kings Point, New York - an award presented to Mrs. Sullivan by the Alumni of Kings Point. 17. American Numismatic Association - a 1972 award presented to Mrs. Sullivan for her generous support. 18. Official Hull Dedication for New Steamboat - replica of the dedication plaque unveiled by Mrs. Sullivan in Jeffersonville, Indiana, November 11, 1972. Hull 2999 was the official designation of the new passenger riverboat being built for the Delta Queen Steamboat Company. The dedication also recognized Leonor K. Sullivan's successful legislative efforts on behalf of the DELTA QUEEN. 19. Jewish War Veterans of the United States, Department of Missouri - 1963 Americanism Award for "her unselfish devotion and untiring efforts on behalf of all Missourians regardless of race or creed." 20. National Marine Engineers' Beneficial Association, AFL-CIO - recognizes Mrs. Sullivan's service and support of the U.S. Merchant Marine, February 26, 1975. 21. Child Day Care Association - 1973 award for sponsoring child welfare legislation. 22. St. Louis Democratic City Central Committee - 1973 Harry S. Truman Award. 23. Seal of the Canal Zone Isthmus of Panama - a wooden copy of the Seal "presented in appreciation to Hon. Leonor K. Sullivan . " Canal Zone; Masters, Mates, and Pilots Association; National Maritime Union; Central Labor Union; Joint Labor Committee, 1969. 24. Atlantic Offshore Fish and Lobster Association - recognizes Leonor K. Sullivan's efforts to preserve and protect the Northwest Atlantic Fishing Industry, June, 1973. 25. Photographic portrait of President and Mrs. Johnson inscribed to Leonor K. Sullivan. 26. Photographic portrait of Lyndon Johnson inscribed to Leonor Sullivan. 27. Photographic portrait of Hubert H. Humphrey inscribed to Congressman (sic) Leonor K. Sullivan 28. H.R. I 0222 - Food Stamp Act of 1964 - first page of the engrossed copy of the bill, signed by John McCormack, Speaker of the House. 29. St. Louis University School of Law - Dedication of the New Law School, October 17-18, 1980 - recognizes Mrs. Sullivan's leadership gift. 30. West Side Baptist Church Meritorious Achievement Award, 1974. 31. Inaugural visit to St. Louis of the MISSISSIPPI QUEEN, July 29, 1978. 32. Gold-framed reproduction of a portrait of Mrs. Sullivan which hangs in the Longworth House Office Building. 33. Flora Place Association, November 4, 1976 - an award recognizing Mrs. Sullivan's 24 years in Congress. 34. St. Louis Police Relief Association, July 24, 1974. 35. St. Louis Argus Distinguished Citizen's Award, 1978. 36. George M. Khoury Memorial Award- "Woman of the Year," February 2, 1974. 37. Distinguished Service to the United States Coast Guard, February, 1976. 38. National Association of Mutual Insurance Agents - Federal Woman of the Year, October 12, 1974. 39. Chief Petty Officers Association, United States Coast Guard - Keynote speaker at Sixth Annual Convention, October 7-12, 1974, in St. Louis, MO. 40. Home Builders Association - Distinguished Service A ward, November 7, 1970. 41. Young Democrats of St. Louis - Distinguished Service Award, 1964. 42. Bicentennial Year Award, 1976 - a Waterford crystal bell and base presented to Mrs. Sullivan during the nation's Bicentennial. 43. Cardinal Newman College - Mrs. Sullivan's Cardinal Newman College Associates membership certificate presented during her tenure as Chairman, Board of Trustees, November 3, 1981. THE LEO NOR K. SULLIVAN COLLECTION Before her retirement, Leonor K. Sullivan made arrangements to donate her congress ional papers, correspondence, and memorabilia to St. Louis University Law Library. Mrs. Sullivan chose St. Louis University Law Library because her husband, Congressman John B. Sullivan (1897 -1951 ), was a graduate of the law school, having received his LL. B. degree in 1922, and his LL. M. degree in 1923. In 1965, Mrs. Sullivan founded a scholarship at St. Louis University for young women interested in studying political science. The collection covers Mrs. Sullivan's 24 years in the U.S. House of Representatives and is arranged according to her own subject headings. In this way, the materials provide insight into the way her office files and correspondence were organized. Mrs. Sullivan was known as one of the hardest working members of Congress and the wealth of materials in her collection attests to this. She had a tremendous concern for the average American family and much of her work dealt with their needs. Mrs. Sullivan often said the · best legislative ideas came from constituents, so she read every letter ever sent to her. Not only did she learn how the voters felt about current issues, but where there were problems which needed to be current issues. Papers from Leonor K. Sullivan's years as a member of the House Merchant Marine Committee and the Banking and Currency Committee provide background information for much of the legislation proposed during the period. Mrs. Sullivan was known as a consumer advocate long before such a position was popular and her efforts to improve the quality of food, drugs, and cosmetics are well documented. Materials are also available on Mrs. Sullivan's struggle for credit protection for the consumer, truth-in-lending, and fair credit reporting. Mrs. Sullivan was a strong supporter of the American Merchant Marine, the U.S. supervision of the Panama Canal, and the development of America's inland waterways. Her collection includes in-depth information on all these areas. Local St. Louis concerns are well represented in Leonor K. Sullivan's papers. She spent untold hours on the development of the Gateway Arch, the Jefferson National Expansion Memorial, and the port of St. Louis. She worked hard to maintain and increase the river traffic which is so important to St. Louis. After her retirement, Mrs. Sullivan continued to receive letters from former constituents and friends. She was active in civic affairs and her opinion on current issues was frequently solicited. The collection includes newspaper clippings, letters, and personal materials from this post-retirement period. Persons interested in using the Leonor K. Sullivan Collection should contact Joanne C. Vogel or Eileen H. Searls at St. Louis University Law Library, (314)658-2755. Written requests for information may be sent to: St. Louis University Law Library Leonor K. Sullivan Collection 3700 Lindell Blvd. St. Louis, MO 63108 Arthritis Research Arts Arts and Humanities see also Grants--National Endowment for the Arts Grants-- National Endowment for the Humanities Assassination of John F . Kennedy see Kennedy, John F. - -Assassination Assassinations--Select Committee to Investigate see Select Committee to Investigate Assassinations Atlantic Convention Atlantic Union Atomic Accelerator Laboratory Atomic Bomb--Fallout Shelter see a/ SO Nuclear Weapons-- Radioactive Fallout Atomic Energy see also Nuclear Energy Nuclear Weapons Auto Inspection Safety Auto Insurance Auto Insurance and Compensation Study Automotive Industry Automotive Transport Research and Development Act Aviation see a/ SO Airlines, Airport and Airway B-1 Program Development Act Airports Civil Aeronautics Board Concorde Supersonic Tra nsport Federal Aviation Administration Banking and Currency Committee Banking and Currency Committee-- Aluminum Penny Bill Banking and Currency Committee--Area Redevelopment Program Banking and Currency Committee Failures see a/so Independent Bankers Association of America Banking and Currency Committee- -Bank Holdings Company Act see a/so Banking and Currency Committee-Citicorp Banking and Currency Committee--Bank Holding Company Issues Banking and Currency Committee--Bank Lobbying Banking and Currency Committee--Bank Mergers 83nking and Currency Committee- -Bank Protection Act of 1968 Banking and Currency Committee- -Bank Safety Regulations Banking and Currency Committee--Bank Security Measures Banking and Currency Committee--Banking Act of 1965 Banking and Currency Committee -- B a nk i11~ Changes Banking and Currency Committee- Bankruptcy B:mking and Currency Committee--Taxation Banking and Currency Committee--Trust Activities Ban king and Currency Committee-- Certificates of Deposit Banking and Currency Committee--Citicorp see also Bank Holding Company Banking and Currency Committee-- Committee Business Banking and Currency Committee-Committee Notices Banking and Currency Committee-- Conferee Banking and Currency Committee-Congressional Record Entries Banking and Currency Committee-Consumer Credit see also National Commission on Consumer Finance Banking and Currency Committee-Correspondence with Boyd Ewing Banking and Currency Committee--Credit Information Ban king and Currency Committee-- Credit Union Financial Institutions Act Banking and Currency Committee--Credit Unions see also General Accounting Office- - Credit Unions Banking and Currency Committee- - Credit Unions--Insurance on Deposits Banking and Currency Committee- - Credit Unions--National Credit Union Bank Bill Banking and Currency Committee--Credit Uses Reporting Act of 1975 Banking and Currency Committee- - Debt Collection Banking and Currency Committee -- Defense Production Act see a[ so Joint Committee on Defense Production Banking and Currency Committee-Democratic Caucus Banking and Currency Committee-Disclosure Act Banking and Currency Committee-- Economic Development Act ee a[ SO Economic Development Banking and Currency Committee-- Economic Stabilization Act --Amendments B3nking and Currency Committee -- Economic Stabilization Act -- Correspondence Banking and Currency Committee-- Economic Stabilization Act--Mark-Up Session Banking and Currency Committee-- Economic Stabilization Subcommittee Banking and Currency Committee-- Emergency Financial Assistance Act see a[ so Banking and Currency Committee- lntergovermental Emergency Assistance Act Banking and Currency Committee--New York City-- Correspondence Banking and Currency Committee--New York City- -Legislation Banking and Currency Committee--Energy Conservation Legislation see also Energy Conservation Banking and Currency Committee--Export Control see a/so Export Administration Act Export Control Act International Trade Commission Banking and Currency--Export/Import Bank Banking and Currency Committee- -FINE Study (Financial Institutions and the Nation's Economy) Banking and Currency Committee- -FINE Study--Hearings Banking and Currency Committee--Farmers Home Administration- Low Interest Loans Banking and Currency Committee-- Financial Reform Act of 1976 Banking and Currency Committee--Gold Backing and Federal Reserve Notes Banking and Currency Committee- -Gold Price Banking and Currency Committee- Insurance see also Insurance Banking and Currency Committee-Interamerican Bank see also Agency for International Development Banking and Currency Committee--Interest Rates see also Interest Rates Banking and Currency Committee--Prime Interest Rate Banking and Currency Committee- -Savings and Loans- - Interest Rates Banking and Currency Committee-- Interest Rates-- Hearings Banking and Currency Committee- Intergovernmental Emergency Assistance Act see a/so Banking and Currency Committee-Emergency Financial Assistance Act Banking and Currency Committee- International Banking Act Banking and Currency Committee-- International Development Association Banking and Currency Committee-- International Monetary Policy see a/ o Banking and Currency Committee- - Monetary Policy Banking and Currency Committee--Laws of the State of Missouri Relating to Banks and Trust Companies Banking and Currency Committee-Lockheed Case Banking and Currency Committee-Monetary Policy see also Banking and Currency Committee-International Monetary Policy Banking and Currency Committee-Subcommittee on Domestic Monetary Policy Banking and Currency Committee-- Mortgage Interest Rates see also Federal National Mortgage Association Banking and Currency Committee-Mortgage Interest Rates--District of Columbia Banking and Currency Committee-Mortgage Interest Rates--Hearings Banking and Currency Committee--Mutual Savings Banks Banking and Currency Committee--National Commission on Productivity and Work Quality Banking and Currency Committee--National Consumer Cooperative Bank Act see also Consumer Interest--Miscellaneous Banking and Currency Committee--National Consumer Cooperative Bank Act see a/so Consumer Interest--Miscellaneous Banking and Currency Committee--New York City-Correspondence see also Banking and Currency Committee- Emergency Financial Assistance Banking and Currency Committee--New York City- - Legislation see also Banking and Currency Committee-Emergency Financial Assistance Banking and Currency Committee--NOW Account Banking and Currency Committee--One Bank Holding Company Bill Banking and Currency Committee--One Bank Holding Company Bill- -Clippings Banking and Currency Committee--One Bank Holding Company Bill- - Committee Information Banking and Currency Committee--One Bank Holding Company Bill--Letters Banking and Currency Committee--One Bank Holding Company Bill--Reports from Interested Groups Banking and Currency Committee--One Dank ll nlclinR c: . np:111y Bill-- Reports from Other Agencies Banking and Currency Committee--Penn Central see a/so Railroad Legislation Banking and Currency Committee--Prime Interest Rates see a/so Interest Rates Banking and Currency Committee--Record Maintenance in Banking Institutions Banking and Currency Committee-- Recurring Monetary and Credit Crisis Banking and Currency Committee-- Reven ue Bonds Banking and Currency Committee--Safe Banking Act Banking and Currency Committee- - St. Louis Banking Banking and Currency Committee-- Savings and Loan Companies see a/so Housing-- Savings and Loans Housing--Savings and Loans Bill Housing--Loans Banking and Currency Committee- -Savings and Loan Companies-Holding Companies Banking and Currency - - Savings and Loan Companies-- Interest Rates see a/so Interest Rates Banking and Currency Committee--Interest Rates Banking and Currency Committee-- Savings and Loan Companies-Investigation Banking and Currency Committee--Silver Banking and Currency Committee--Small Business see a/so Sma ll Business Administration Poverty Program-- St . Louis Small Business Development Center St . Louis--Small Business Administration Banking and Currency Committee- - Steering Committee Banking and Currency Committee-Subcommittee on Domestic Monetary Policy ,,,.,. also Banking and Currency Committee- Monetary Policy Banking and urrt!ncy Committee--Swiss Bank Accounts Uanking and Currency Committee--Taxing of National Banks Banking and Currency Committee- - Variable Interest Rate Mortgage Loans Bankrupt see Banking and Currency Committee -Bankruptcy Barge Lines see also Federal Barge Lines Dccf Research and Information Act n ct•J" Ucllcr Communities Ad see Housing--Better Communities Act Bicentennial Civic Improvement Association see a/ SO American Revolution Bicentennial Bicentennial Civic Improvement Bicentennial Coinage see also Coinage Bicentennial Material Billboards Association-- Clippings see Highways-- Beautification- - Billboards Birth Control see also Family Planning Illegitimacy Population Growth Sex Education Black Lung Act see also Coal Black Militants see Militants Mine Safety Act see also Negroes--Black Militants Bl ackman's Development Center Blind see also Handicapped Blood ::,ee Health -- Blood Banks Blumeyer P roject see Housing-- Blumeyer Project Boating see also Coast Guard Boggs , Hale Bookmobile National Safe Boating Week Recreation see Education --Bookmobile Books Sent to Libraries and Schools see also Lib raries Bowlin Project see Housing -- Bowlin Project for the Elderly Braceros see National Commission on Food Marketing Bracero Study Brazil see Foreign Affairs- - Brazil Bretton Woods Agreement Bride's Packet see Publications --Packets for the Bride Bridges see Martin Luther King Bridge Buchanan, Mrs. Vera Budget see also Management and Budget, Office of Budget and Impoundment Control Act Budget Material Building Sciences Act see Housi ng-- Building Sciences Act Bur"r'u of Standards see Food and Drug Administration--Bureau of Standards Bus Service see also Transi t -- Bi- State Business and Professional Women's Clubs see also Women's Organizations Busing see Education- - Busing Buy American Act Care see Foreign Affairs--Care Cabanne Turnkey Project see Housing--Cabanne Turnkey Project Calley, William L. Cambodia see Foreign Affairs - -Cambodia Campaign Conference for Democratic Women see a/so Women in Politics Campaigns Campus Riots see also Education--Campus Unrest Cancer see a/ SO Medical Insurance for Radiation Treatment Cannon Dam see Conservation--Cannon Dam Capital Punishment Capitol- - United States Carpentry see Housing--Building Sciences Act Catalog of Federal Assistance Programs Cattle see Food and Drug Administration- -Cattle Cemeteries see National Cemeteries Census see also Population Growth Central Intelligence Agency Century Electric Company see National Labor Relations Board-Century Electric Company Chain Stores see National Commission on Food Chamber of Commerce Cha rities Marketing- -Chain Stores Child Abuse and Neglect Child and Family Services Act see a/so Comprehensive Child Development Act Child Care see Poverty Program--Day Care Centers see also Poverty Program--Head Start Centers Poverty Program- -St. Louis Day Care St. Louis Day Care Child Protection Act Children , Youth , Maternal, and Infant Health Care Programs Chile see Foreign Aff:1irs--Chile Chirm sec Foreign Affairs--Red China China's Art Exhibit Cigarette Advertising Cities see Urban Affairs see a/so Housing--Urban Renewal Revenue Sharing Citizenship see Immigration -- Naturalized Citizens City Planning see a/ 0 Urban Affairs Civil Aeronautics Board see a/so Federal Aviation Administration Aviation Civil Air Patrol Civil Defense see also Emergency Preparedness Missouri--Disaster Area Civil Rights- -Clippings see also Integration Militants Negroes--Black Militants Negroes--National Assocation for the Advancement of Colored People Civil Rights- -Discharge Petition Civil Rights-- Equal Employment Opportunity see a/so Equal Employment Opportunity Equal Opportunity Civil Rights- -Equality for Women see a/so Women- -Equal Rights Amendment Civil Rights-- Housing see a/so Housing--Fair Housing Housing--Open Negroes--Housing Civil Rights- -Ireland's Roman Catholics Civil Rights--Legislation Civil Rights--Mississippi Seating Civil Rights --Pro Civil Rights-- Webster Groves Incident Civil Service Health Benefits Civil Service Legislation see also Federal Employees Civil Service Retirement Clara Barton House Clean Air Act see also Air Pollution Pollution Coal see a/ SO Black Lung Act Energy Crisis Mine Safety Act Mineral Resources Coal Mine Surface Area Protection Act see a/ so Mining Coal Slurry Pipeline Act Coal Tar Products see Food and Drug Administration- - Hair Dye Coast Guard see also Boating National Safe Boating Week Coastal Areas see a/so Outer Continental Shelf Lands Coca-Cola Bottling Company Cochran Apartments see Housing--Public Housing-Cochran Apartments Coinage Sl!l' a/ SO Bicentennial Coinage National Stamping Act Colleges and Universities see Education- - College Loan Program see a/so Schools--College Debate Color Additives see Food and Drug Administration--Color Additives Commemorative Postage Stamp for Jeannette Rankin Commemorative Stamps see a/so Kennedy, John F . First Day Cover Issues see Food and Drug Administration-Cranberries Creating a Joint Committee to Investigate Crime Credit Unions see Banking and Currency Committee- Credit Unions see a/so General Accounting Office- - Credit Unions Crime--Bail Reform Act Crime--General see a/so J oint Committe to Investigate Crime Juvenile Delinquency Law Enforcement Assistance Administration Prisons Crime--Gun Control Crime--Riots see a/so Housing--Insurance--Riots Crime--Riots- - Clippings Crime- - Switch - -Blades Cruelty to Animals Current River see Conservation--Current River Power Line Customs Bureau Cyprus see Foreign Affairs - -Cyprus Czechoslovakia see Foreign Affairs--Czechoslovakia Daily Digest see Panama Canal--Daily Digest Dairy Products see Milk see a/so Food and Drug Administration-Milk Dams see Lock and Dam 26 Conservation- - Cannon Dam Danforth Foundation see a/ 0 Foundations Darst- -Webbe Public Housing see Housing- - Public Housing--Darst-Web be Davis- -Bacon Act see Labor- - Davis-Bacon Day Care Centers see Poverty Program--Day Care Center see a/ 0 Poverty Program--St. Louis Day Care St. Louis Day Care Daylight Savings Time Deafness see Hearing Aids Death with Dignity Debt Ceiling Bill See a/so Goverment Debt National Debt Decontrol of Certain Domestic Crude Oil see a/so Oil Leases Defense ee a/ 0 Nation:1l Defense Defense Appropriations see a/ SO Military Construction Appropriation Bill Military Expenditures Military Pay Military Procurement Defense Contracts See a/so Federal Government Contract Legislation Military Procurement Defense Mapping Agency Sl!£' n/so Aeronautical Chart and Information Center Defense Production Act see Banking and Currency Committee-Defense Production Act .\Ce a/ so Joint Committee on Defense Production Defense Production, Joint Committee see Joint Committee on Defense Production Delta Queen Delta Queen-- Clippings Delta Queen--Correspondence Delta Queen- -Extend Exemption Delta Queen/Mississippi Queen--Clippings Delta Queen/Mississippi Queen-- Correspondence Democratic City Central Committee Democratic Clubs Democratic Coalition Party Democratic Convention--1972 Democratic Convention--1976 Democratic National Committees Democratic Organizations Democratic Party see a/so Banking and Currency Committee-Democratic Caucus Campaign Conference for Democratic Women Democratic State Committees Democratic Cities see Housing- - Democratic Cities Dental Health see Health--Dental Deodorant see Food and Drug Administration-Deodorant Department of Housing and Urban Development see Housing- -HUD Department of Labor see Grants--Department of Labor--St . Louis Department of Peace see Peace, Dept. of Department of the Interior see Grants--Department of the Interior-- St. Louis Department of Transportation see Grants--Department of Transportation-- St. Louis Desoto-- Carr Project see Housing- - Desoto-Carr Project Detention see Emergency Detention Act Development Bank ·ce Housing--Na tional Development Bank Diabetes Research see a/so National Diabetes Advisory Board Diet Foods see Food and Drug Administration--Diet Foods Digestive Diseases :,ee National Digestive Disease Act of 1976 Direct Popular Election of the President Disabled American Veterans see Veteran's Organizations Disarmament see also Arms Control Postal Boutique Commission of Consumer Finance see National Commission on Consumer Finance Commission on Federal Paperwork Commission on Food Marketing sec National Commission on Food Marketing Commission on History and Culture :see Negroes-- Commission on History and Culture Commission on Neighborhoods see National Commission on Neighborhoods Committee on Political Education see Political Education, Committee On Committee on P opulation Crisis see Population Crisis Committee Committee on Standards of Official Conduct Committee Reform Commodity Exchange Act see also Re- Pricing Commodities Commodity Futures see a/so Re- Pricing Commodities Common Cause Communications see also Federal Communications Commission Communism Radio Telecommunications Television Community Development Act Community Services Administration Comprehensive Child Development Act see a/so Child and Family Services Act Comprehensive Employment and Training Act see also Employment Compton--Grand Association see Housing Compton-Grand Association Comptroller General of the United States Concorde Supersonic Transport see also Aviation Concentrated Industries Anti - Inflation Act see also Inflation Congress- - 91st Congress--9lst--Senate Subcommittees Congress- -92nd Congress- -93rd Congress--94th Congress--94th--Majority Rpt . Congress--94th--Member's Pay Raise see a/ so Congressional and Civil Service P ay Raise Congress- -Committee on House Administration Congress-- Economic Committee see J oint Economic Committee Congress-- House Beauty Shoppe Congress--House Budget Committee Congress- - House Unamerican Activities Committee see a/ so Internal Security Congress- - Redistricting SC'(' Missou ri - - Redistricting Congress--Rules of Congressional and Congress--Scandals see a/ 0 Powell, Adam Clayton Congressional and Civil Service Pay Raise see a/ o Congress- - 94th- -Member Pay Raise Federal Pay Raise Congressional Fellowship Congressional Office--Payroll Congressional Pay Raise Congressional Record Inserts see a/so Jefferson National Expansion Memorial Congressional Record Inserts Congressional Reorganization see a/ 0 Legislative Reorganization Act of 1970 Congressional Travel Conservation --Cannon Dam see a/so National Park Service Parks Conservation --Current River Power Line Conservation --Eleven Point River Conservation-- Harry Truman Dam Conservation- -Lock Dam 26 see Lock and Dam 26 Conservation--Meramec Basin Conservation--Meramac Park Reservoir Conservation- -Meramac Recreation Area Conservation- -Mineral Resources see Mineral Resources Conservation --Miscellaneous see a/so Recycling Waste Conservation- - Recreation Area Conservation--Redwood National Park Conservation--Upper Mississippi River National Recreation Area see a/so Upper Mississippi River Basin Commission Conservation-- Water Resources see a/so Water Resources Planning Act Conservation-- Wild Rivers Conservation - - Wilderness Conservation -- Wildlife .\ee a/ :so Lacey Act Constitutional Changes Consumer Credit see Banking and Currency Committee--Consumer Credit see also National Commission on Consumer Finance Right to Financial Privacy Act Consumer In terest Miscellaneous see a/so Banking and Currency Committee- National Consumer Cooperative Bank Act National Commission on Food Marketing-- Consumer Information Publications-- Packet for the Bride Consumer Prod uct Information Bulletin see a/so Publications- -Consumer Product Information Copyright Legislation Copyrights Cosmetics see Food and Drug Administration- - entries Cosmetologists see National Hairdressers and Cosmetologists Cost of Living Council Cost of Living Task Force Council of Catholic Women see a/so St. Louis Archdiocesan Council of Catholic Women Women-- Organizations Cranberries Diseased Pets District of Columbia see also Home Rule-- District of Columbia Doctors see Immigration--Foreign Doctors see a/so Education--Nurses and Medical Students/Medical Schools Health Manpower Bill Douglas, William 0 . see Impeachment (Justice Douglas) Draft Dru'g Abuse see a/so Alcoholism, Narcotics Drug Abuse Office and Treatment Act Drug Advertising Drug Cases Drug Cost Drug Legislation Drug Regulation Drug Testing and New Drugs Drugs, Baby Asprin Drugs, Chemical Names Drugs, Factory Inspection Drugs, Habit- Forming Drugs, Interstate Traffic Drugs, Krebior:en see a/so Krebiozen Drugs, Strontium 90 see a/so Strontium 90 Drugs, Thalidomide see also Thalidomide Earthquakes East - West Gateway Coordinating Council see a/so St. Louis--East West Gateway Coordinating Council East St. Louis Convention Center Ecology see also Environmental Education Act Economic Committee see Joint Economic Committee Economic Development see a/so Banking and Currency-- Economic Development Act Economic Development Administration see a/so Grants--Economic Development Administration Economic Program Economic Summit Conference Economics--Joint Economic Committee see Joint Economic Committee Editorials--KMOX-TV see Radio and T elevision --Editorials Education see a/ so Schools Ed ucntion --Adult see a/ SO Adult Education Missouri - -Adult Education Act Education--Aid to Parochial Schools see a/so Aid to P arochial Schools Education --Federal Aid to Education Parochial Schools Education- - Aid to Private Schools See a/ 0 Aid to Private Schools Education --Federal Aid to Education Private Schools Education--Appropriations Education -- Bookmobile see a/ 0 Bookmobile Libraries Education--Busing see also Busing Integration Education--Campus unrest see also Campus riots Militants Education -- Clippings see ah;o Schools - - Clippings Education--College Loan Program see a/so Colleges and Universities Education--Higher Education Education--St udent Aid Bill Loans- - Student Student Loans Education- -Elementary and Secondary see also Schools Education--Federal Aid to Education see a/so Education--Aid to Parochial Schools Education-- Student Aid Bill Federal Aid to Education Education-- F ederal Charter for Insurance and Annuity Association see ah;o Insurance Education -- Food and Nutrition Program see a/ SO School Lunch Program School Milk Program Education--HEW Appropriations see also Health , Education and Welfare Education--Higher Education see also Education-- College Loan Program Education --Student Aid Bill Higher Education Missouri -- University Education- - Miscellaneous see also Quality Education Study Education--National Defense Education Act see a/so National Defense Education Act Education- - Nurses and Medical Students see also Doctors Heal t h Manpower Bill Medical Education Medical Schools Nurse Training Act Nurses Education-- Residential Vocational Education see also Education- - Vocational Education Vocational Education Education--Student Aid Bill see also Education- - College Loan Program Education--Higher Education Education --Federal Aid to Education Loan-- Student Student Loans Education --Tax Deductions for Education see a/ SO Taxes- - Deduction for Education of Dependents Education- - T eachers Corps see a/ ·o Teachers Corps Education-- Upward Bound Branch see also Upward Bound Education--Vocational Education see also Vocational Education Educational Grants Grants - - Educational Grants--HEW-- Public Schools Egypt see Foreign Affairs--Egypt Eisenhower, Dwight David Eisenhower College Elderly see also Aging National Institute on Aging Older Americans Act Elderly-- Employment Opportunities see also Employment Opportunities for the Elderly Older Americans Act Elderly - - Housing see Housing--Bowlin Project for the Elderly see also Housing--Elderly Election Laws see Missouri--Election Laws Election Reform see also Voting Rights Act Election Reform--Post Card Registration see alSO Post Card Registration Voter Registration Elections Commission Electoral College see also Direct Popular Election of the President Electric and Hybrid Research, Development and Demonstration Act of 1976 ee also Energy Conservation and Electric Power Electricity see Lifeline Rate Act Conversion Act of 1976 Elementray and Secondary Education Eleven Point River see Conservation- -Eleven Point River Elk Hills Oil Reserve see also Oil Leases Emergency Detention Act see also Detention Emergency Employment see also Employment Emergency Livestock Credit Act See a/so Agriculture Emergency Rail Transportation Improvement and Employment Act See Railroads--Emergency Rail Transportation Improvement and Employment Act Emergency Rooms see Medical Emergency Transportation and Services Act Emergency Security Assistance Act Emergency Telephone Number see a/ 0 Nine One One Emergency Unemployment Compensation Assistance ·ee a/so Unemployment Compensation Emergency Utility Loans and Grants for Witerizing Homes see a/ o Utility Loans Employment See a/ 0 Comprehensive Employment and Training Act Immigration Labor entries Manpower Minimum Wage Unemployment Employment- - Equal Opportunity Employment of the Handicapped see also Handicapped Labor--Handicapped Workers Employment Opportunities for the Elderly see Elderly --Employment Opportunities Endowment for the Arts see Grants--National Endowment for the Arts Endowment for the Humanities see National Endowment for the Humanities Energy-- Correspondence Energy Conservation see also Banking and Currency Commission--Energy Conservation Federal Power Commission Natural Gas Act Protection of Independent Energy Conservation and Conversion Act of 1976 see also Electric & Hybrid Research, Development & Demonstration Act of 1976 Energy Crisis SC'e also Coal Fuel for Cars Gas and Gasoline and Oil Allocations Oil Imports Oil Leases Energy Crisis-- Correspondence Energy Crisis--Material Energy Excerpts Energy Independence Act of 1975 Energy- - Information & Material see also Arctic Gas Project Energy Research and Development Environmental Education Act see also Ecology Environmental Pesticide Control Act of 1976 see alSO Pesticides Environmental Policy Act Environmental Protection Agency see also Grants--Environmental Protection Agency-- St. Louis Equal Employment see a/so Civil Rights- -Equal Employment Opportunity Minority Groups Women--Employment Opportunities Equal Employment Opportunity Commission Equal Opportunity see a/so Civil Rights-- Equal Employment Opportunity Equal Pay for Equal Work !:>Cl! also Women--Employment Opportunities Equal Rights- - Clippings Equ al Rights for Women see a/so Women--Equal Rights--Material Equal Time ee a/ ·o Federal Communications Commission Euclid Piau Radio Television see Housing--Euclid Plaza Excess Property see Missouri - - Excess Property see Federal Excess Property Executive Reorgan ization Export Administration Act see a/so Banking and Currency--Export entries Export Control Act see a/so Banking and Currency Committee -Export Control FBI see Federal Bureau of Investigation FCC see Federal Communications Commission FDIC see B & C Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation Fair Labor Standards Act see Labor--Fair Labor Standards Fair Plan see Insurance --Fair P lan Fair Trade see also Trade--Expor ts and Imports Fallout Shelters see Atomic Bomb--Fallout Shelters see Nuclear Weapons--Radioactive Fallout Family Assistance Act see also Welfare Welfare--Family Support Family Assistance Material and Clippings See a/so Welfare--Clippings Family Assistance Plan Family Fare see Publications--Family Fare Family Planning see a/ so Birth Control Illegitimacy P opulation Growth Sex Education Family Planning Services Act Family Week see National Family Week Farm Bill see Agriculture--Farm Bill Farm Workers see also Agriculture National Commission on Food Marketing--Bracero Study Federal Advisory Committee Act Federal Aid to Education see Education --Federal Aid to Education Federal Aviation Administ ration see also Aviation Civil Aeronautics Board Federal Barge Lines see a/ so Barge Lines Federal Buildi ngs see a/ so Public Buildings Federal Bureau of Investigation Federal Communications Commission see also Communications Equal Time Radio and Television Television Federal Deposit Insurance Corp see also FDIC Federal Employees See a/ SO Civil Service Legislation Federal Excess Property see a/so Excess Property Missouri --Excess Property Fede ral Government Contract Legislation see a/so Defense Contracts Federal Home Loan Bank Board Federal Housing Administration see Housing-- Federal Housing Administration Federal Judical Center see also J udiciary Federal Land Bank of St. Louis see also Land Bank Federal National Mortgage Association see a/so Banking and Currency--Mortgage Interest Rates Mortgages and Interest Rates Federal Pay Raise see a/so Congressional and Civil Service Pay Raise Federal Power Commission see a/so Energy Conservation Fuel and Energy Resources Commission Lifeline Rate Act Federal Reserve System Federal Trade Commission Federal Voting Assistance Program see a/so Voter Registration Federation of Independent Business see National Federation of Independent Business Feed Grain see a/so Agriculture Food and Drug Administration-- Grain Grain Purchases Fetal Experimentation see Health , Education and Welfare--Fetal Experimentation Fi nancial Disclosure see a/so Right to Financial Privacy Act Financial Institutions Act Fire Protection see a/so National Academy for Fire Prevention & Central Site Selection Board Fish and Fish Products see a/so Food and Drug Administration-Fish Fish Inspection Food and Drug Administration-- Trout Trout see a/so Inspection , Food Fl ag Day Flood Control Meat Inspection Poultry Inspection see a/so St. Louis- - U.S. Army Corps of Engineers Flood, Daniel J. Upper Mississippi River Basin Commission see P anama Canal--Correspondence- - Flood, Daniel J . Flood Insurance Program see a/so Insurance--Flood National Flood Insurance Program Flood Protection Project see also St. Louis--U.S. Army Corps of Engineers Floods see a/so Missouri - - Disaster Area Missouri- - Flood National Flood Insurance Program Rivers Fluoridation of Water Fonda, Jane Food see also Agriculture National Commission of Food Marketing P oultry Food and Drug Administration Index Code Food and Drug Administration Appropriations Food and Drug Administration-- Botulism Food and Drug Administration--Bread Prices Food and Drug Administration--Bureau of Standards Food and Drug Administration --Cattle-General Food and Drug Administration- -Cattle-Legislation Food and Drug Administration--Color Additives Food and Drug Administ ration-Confectionery Food and Drug Administration - -Copy of Bill Food and Drug Administ ration - -Cranberri•·> Food and Drug Administ ration -- DeodorauL Food and Drug Administration -- Diet Foods see a/ o Nut rition Food and Drug Administration --Eye Make-up Food and Drug Administration--Facial Creams Food and Drug Administration-- Fish Flour Food and Drug Administ ration--Food Additives Cases See a/ 0 Addi tives Food and Drug Administration -- Food Additives -- General ee also Nutrition Food and Drug Administration- - Food Additives-- Legislation Food and Drug Amdinistration-- Freezone Food and Drug Administration-- General Commentary Food and Drug Administration-- General Information Food and Drug Administration -- General Letters Food and Drug Administration-- Grain see a/ 0 Feed Grain Food and Drug Administration--Hair Dye Food and Drug Administration -- Hair Preparations Food and Drug Administration -- Hai r Remover Food and Drug Administration- - Hair Sprays Food and Drug Administration -- Ice Cream Food and Drug Administration -- Investigation Food and Drug Administration-- Legislation Food and Drug Administration- - Lipsticks Food and Drug Administration--Medical Devices see Medical Device Amendments Food and Drug Administration--Milk Food and Drug Administration-- Miscellaneous Food and Drug Administration- - Nail Polish Food and Drug Administration--Packaging Food and Drug Administration--Packaging (Wax) Food and Drug Administration--Pesticide Cases Food and Drug Administration--Pesticide Legislation and General Information Food and Drug Administration--Pesticides Food and Drug Administration-Preservatives Food and Drug Administration--Pre- testing Food and Drug Administration-- Request for Copy of Research Food and Drug Administration--Soap Food and Drug Administration--Special Dietary Foods see also Nutrition Food and Drug Administration--Sun-tan Lotion Food and Drug Administration--Trout Food and Drug Administration--Vaporizers Food and Drug Administration--Varnish Food and Drug Administration--Vitamin Supplements see a/so Nutrition Food and Drug Administration- - Water see also Water Food Assistance Act see Foreign Aid- -Food Assistance Act Food Crisis see a/ SO Agriculture Food for Peace Hunger and Malnutrition Nutrition Population Crisis Committee Population Growth Right to Food Resolution see also Agriculture Food Prices see also Agriculture Food Stamp Plan 1954--Bills see a/ SV Agriculture Hunger and Malnutrition Food Stamp Plan 1954--Comments and Criticism Food Stamp Plan 1954-- Correspondence Food Stamp Plan 1954--Food Surplus Food Stamp Plan 1954--St. Louis Food Stamp Plan 1954--Speeches and Testimony Food Stamp Plan 1955--Correspondence and Legislation Food Stamp Plan 1955--Food Surplus Food Stamp Plan 1956--Bills and Hearings Food St amp Plan 1956--Commodity Credit Corp. Food St amp Plan 1956- - Correapondence, Speeches, Testimony Food Stamp Plan 1956- - Food Surplus Distribution Food Stamp Plan 1956--Personal Letters Food Stamp Plan 1957-- Bills Food Stamp Plan 1957--Correspondence Food Stamp Plan 1957--Food Surplus and Food Stamp Plan Food Stamp Plan 1957--Hearings Food Stamp Plan 1957--Speeches Food Stamp Plan 1957--Testimony Food Stamp Plan 1958--Activities Carried on Under PL 63 -4RO Food Stamp Plan 1958--Bills Food Stamp Plan 1958--Comments and Criticism Food Stamp Plan 1958--Correspondence Food Stamp Plan 1958--Hearings and Reports Food Stamp Plan 1958--Personal Letters Food Stamp Plan 1958- - Speeches and Testimony Food Stamp Plan 1958--Study and Procedure Food Stamp Plan 1959- - Bills Food Stamp Plan 1959--Comments and Criticism Food Stamp Plan 1959--Congressional Record Entry Food Stamp Plan 1959--Correspondence Food Stamp Plan 1959-- Hearings and Reports Food Stamp Plan 1959--Personal Letters Food Stamp Plan 1959--Releases Food Stamp P lan 1959-- Speeches and Testimony Food Stamp Plan 1959- -Studies and Procedure Food Stamp Plan 1960- -Activities Carried on Under PL-480 Food Stamp Plan 1960-- Bills, Hearings, Reports Food Stamp Plan 1960-- Correspondence Food Stamp Plan 1960-- Personal Letters Food Stamp Plan 1961-- Correspondence and Clippings Food Stamp Plan 1961--Personal Letters Food Stamp Plan 1962--Bills, Correspondence, Testimony Food Stamp Plan 1962-- Clippings Food Stamp Plan 1962--Personal Letters Food Stamp Plan 1963--Bills Food Stamp Plan 1963--Comments and Criticism Food Stamp Plan 1963--Correspondence Food Stamp Plan 1963- - Hearings Food Stamp Plan 1963-- Releases Food Stamp Plan 1963--Speeches Food Stamp Plan 1963--Studies and Procedures Food Stamp Plan 1964--Appropriations Food Stamp Plan 1964--Bills Food Stamp Plan 1964--Comments and Criticism Food Stamp Plan 1964--Correspondence Food Stamp Plan 196-t -- Hearings Food Stamp Plan Hl64 --Minority Views Food Stamp Plan 1964--Releases Food Stamp Plan 196-t -- Speeches Food Stamp Plan 196-t -- Studies and Procedures Food Stamp Plan 1965 --Appropriations Cut Food Stamp Plan 1965- - Correspondence Food Stamp Plan 1965 - -District of Columbia Food Stamp Plan 1965--Expansion Food Stamp Plan 1965--Kinlock MO Food Stamp Plan 1965 --Missouri Food Stamp Plan 1965--Personal Letters Food Stamp Plan 1965--St. Louis MO Food Stamp Plan--Legislative History Food Stamp Plan--Miscellaneous Statistics Food Stamp Plan--Petition 1967 Food Stores see National Commission on Food Ford Foundation see also Foundations Ford, Gerald Marketing- -Chain Stores see Nixon, Richard M.-- Pardon Foreign Affairs--Amnesty Foreign Affairs--Angola Foreign Affairs- -Brazil Foreign Affairs--CARE Foreign Affairs--Cambodia see a/so Moratorium War Protest Foreign Affairs--Chile Foreign Affairs-- Cyprus Foreign Affairs- - Czechoslovakia Foreign Affairs-- Egypt see also Foreign Affairs - -Middle East Foreign Affai rs - - General Countries Foreign Affairs-- Genocide Treaty Foreign Affairs- - Indochina Foreign Affairs -- Israel see a/ 0 Foreign Affiars --Middle East Foreign Affairs-- Israel-Arab War see a/so Foreign Affairs- -Middle East Foreign Affairs - -Jordan see also Foreign Affairs--Middle East Foreign Affairs --Lebanon see a/so Foreign Affairs--Middle East Foreign Affairs --Middle East see also Foreign Affairs- - Egypt Foreign Affairs -- Israel Foreign Affairs -- Israel Arab War Foreign Affairs --Jordan Foreign Affairs--Lebanon Oil Imports Foreign Affairs- -Mid-East Sinai Pact Foreign Affairs --Non-Proliferation Treaty Foreign Affai rs --Peru Foreign Affairs- - Pueblo Foreign Affaris- -Puerto Rico see a/ SO Puerto Rico Foreign Affairs--Red China Foreign Affairs--Republic of China see Republic of China Foreign Affairs -- Rhodesia Foreign Affairs - - Soviet Union Foreign Affairs--Turkey Foreign Affai rs --United Nations Foreign Affairs -- United Nations Development Program Foreign Affairs -- Vietnam ee a/ SO Missing in Action Prisoners of War Select Committee to Investigate Missing in Action Foreign Affairs -- Vietnam- - Mrs. Sullivan 's Voting Record (as of 1972) see a/so Sullivan, L.K. Voting Record Foreign Affairs Legislation Foreign Aid Foreign Aid- - Food Assistance Acl Foreign Policy Foreign Visitors Forest Park Blvd. Turnkey Project see Housing--Forest Park Blvd. Turnkey Project Forestry Legislation see also Lumber Fort San Carica see Jefferson National Expansion Memorial--Building a Replica of Fort San Carlos Foster Grandparents see Poverty Program--Foster Grandparents Foundations see also Ford Foundation Danforth Foundation Grants Grants--National Science Foundation National Science Foundation Four Freedoms Study Group Franchises Franchising Practice Reform Act Freedom of Information Act see also Sunshine Bill Freedom of the Press see also Newspapers Radio Television Fuel and Energy Resources Commission see a/so Energy Conservation Federal Power Commissron Fuel for Cars see also Energy Crisis Gas and Gasoline and Oil Allocation Fur see also Laclede Fur Co. GAO see General Accounting Office GPO see Government Printing Office GSA see General Services Administration Gambling see also Lotteries Gas--Laclede Gas see also Natural Gas Gas--Natural Gas and Gasoline and Oil Allocation see also Energy Crisis Fuel for Cars Gateway Arch see Jefferson National Expansion Memorial General Accounting Office General Accounting Office--Credit Unions see also Banking and Currency--Credit General Electric General Motors Unions General Services Administration see also Grants--General Services Administration- - St . Louis Genocide Treaty see Foreign Affairs--Genocide Treaty Georgetown University Gerontology Cold Star Wives Goldenrod Showboat see Jefferson National Expansion Memorial- -Showboat Goldenrod Government Debt see also Debt Ceiling Bill National Debt Government Insurance Government Operations Government Printing Office Government Regional Offices Government Reorgani~:ation Program see Reorganiution Program Grace Hill Area see Housing--Grace Hill Grading, Meat see Meat Grading Grain Purchases ee also Agriculture Feed Grain Grand Canyon see Conservation--Grand Canyon Grandparents, Foster see Poverty Program--Foster Grandparents Grants see also Foundations National Science Foundation Grants- - Clippings Grants-- Dept. of Housing and Urban Development see Housing- - St . Louis--Grants from HUD Grants-- Department of Labor--St . Louis Grants-- Department of the Interior- -St. Louis and MO Grants-- Department of Transportation--St. Louis see also Transportation Grants - -Economic Development Administration- - St. Louis see also Economic Development Administration Grants-- Educational see also Educational Grants Learning Business Centers Grants- -Environmental Protection Agency-St. Louis Grants--General Services Administration -St. Louis Grants- - Health, Education and Welfare-- Miss& uri Grants--HEW--Public Schools Grants--HEW--St. Louis Grants--HEW--St. Louis University Grants--HEW-- Washington University see also Washington University Grants to Hospitals G r·an ts- - Housing see Housing-- St. Louis- - Grants from HUD Grants--Law Enforcement Assistance Administration -Missouri ee also Law Enforcement Assistance Administration Grants--Law Enforcement Assistance Administratiou - - SL . Louis see also Law Enforcement Assistance Administration Gran ta--M any Sou rcea-- Colleges Grants--Many Sources- -Missouri Grants--Many Sources--St. Louis University Grants--Many Sources--Universities Grants--Many Sources- -University of Missouri Grants--Many Sources- - Washington University see also Washington University Grants- - Miscellaneous Grants--National Endowment for the Arts see also Arts and Humanities Grants--National Endowment for the Humanities see also Arts and Humanities Grants--National Science Foundation see also National Science Foundation Foundations G ranta--OEO- - Missouri Poverty Program--Office of Equal Opportunity Grants- -Post Office--St. Louis see also Postal Service St . Louis - -Post Office -Operations Grants--Roth Study Grocery Stores see National Commission on Food Marketing--Chain Stores Guam Guatemalan Earthquake Gun Control see Crime--Gun Control HUAC See Congress-- House Unamerican Activities Committee Hair Car Products see Food and Drug Administration H ai rd ressers see National Haridressers and Cosmetologists Halpern, Seymour see Resignations Handicapped see also Blind Herman, Philip Employment of the Handicapped Labor--Handicapped Workers see Panama Canal--Correspondence-Harry Flannery Herman, Philip See Radio and Television- -Harry Flannery Harry Truman Dam See Conservation--Harry Truman Dam Hatardous Material see a/so Transportation -- Dept. of Proposed Regulations Hazardous Occupational Safety and Health Act see a/ 0 Mine Safety Act Occupational Safety and Health Administration Head Start Center See Poverty Program--Head Start Centers Health -- Blood Banks Sl!<' (1/ SO Medical Care Health--Dental Health and Welfare Council of Greater St. Louis see a/ SO Welfare Health Education and Welfare see also Grants--Health Education and Welfare- -Missouri Housing--Public--HEW Task Force Health, Education and Welfare--Fetal Experimentation see also Human Experimentation Health Insurance see a/so Medical Insurance for Radiation Treatment National Health Insurance Health Insurance for the Unemployed see a/so Unemployment Health Legislation see a/so National Health Care Act Health Manpower Bill see also Education--Nurses and Medical Health, Mental Students Immigration--Foreign Doctors Manpower Nurse Training Act !!JI!<' Mental Health Health Program Health- - Polio Vaccine Health Security Act Hearing Aids Higher Education see a/so Education -- Higher Education Higher Education Act Highway Beautification see a/so Anti--Billboard Law High way-- Clippings Highway Patrol ee Missouri- -Highway Patrol Highway Safety see a/so National Bicentennial Highway Safety Year Highway Through St. Louis see a/so St . Louis Highways Highway Trust Fund Highways see a/so Martin Luther King Bridge High ways- - Beautification-- Billboards The Hill see Housing--The Hill Hill-Burton Act see Hospitals--Hill-Burton Historic Preservation see a/so National Historic Preservation Act HolidaJ.s see a SO Kennedy, John F, Holiday Home Owners Mortgage Loan Corp see Housing--Home Owners Mortgage Loan Corp Home Rule--D.C. see a/ SO Distict of Columbia Hospitals- - Closing ·ee a/ so Public Health Services Hospi tals Hospitals--Emergency Rooms ee Medical Emergency Transportation and Services Act Hospitals--General Hospitals--General MAST Program Hospitals- - Grants see Grants--Hospitals Hospitals- -Hill-Burton Hospitals- -Non-profit House Administration, Committee on House Beauty Shoppe see Congress. House Beauty Shoppe House Budget Committee House Un - American Activities Committee see also Congress. House Un-American Acitivities Comm1 Ll ee Household P ets Housing Housing and Community Development Act of 1974 Housing and Urban Development Act of 1968 see also Housing--HUD Housing--Anonymous letters Housing--Arson-- Clippings Housing--Better Communities Act Housing Bills Housing Bills- - Letters Housing--Bingham's Bill Housing--Blumeyer Project Housing- - Blumeyer Project--Clippings Housing-- Bowlin Project for the Elderly Housing- - Building Sciences Act see also Lumber Housing--Cabanne Turnkey see also Housing--Forest Park Blvd Turnkey Project Housing--Turnkey Projects Housing- -College Loan Programs Housing- - Community Development Block Grants Housing--Compton Grand Association Housing--CR Excerpts Housing- -Correspondence- -Out of State Housing-- Demonstration Cities Housing- - Dept. of Community Developmt!IIL Housing--DeSoto- Carr Housing-- Elderly see also Nursing Homes Housing--Emergency Housing--Energy Conservation see also Energy Conservation Housing- - Euclid Plan Housin~r - -Fair Housing see also Civil Rights--Housing Housing- - Open Housing- - Fair House Enforcement in Missouri Housing- -Federal Housing Administration Housing--Forest Park Blvd .--Turnkey Project see also Housing- -Cabanne Turnkey Project Housing- -Turnkey P rojects Housing-- General Housing- -Grace Hill Housing- -The Hill Housing- -Home Owners Mortgage Loan Housing- -HUD Corps. see also Housing and Urban Development Housing and Urban Development Act of 1968 Houiang--St. Louis -Applications to Jill f) Housing- -St. Louis - -Grants from HUD Housing--Missouri-- Grants from HUD Housing--HUD- - Consolidated Supply Program Housing--HUD --Housing Material Housing- -Housing Authoriution Act Housing-- Inspection Housing-- Insurance--Riots see also Crime- -Riots Insurance Housing-- Jeff- Vander-Lou Housing--KMOX Editorials see also Radio and Television Editorials Housing--Laclede Town Housing--Laclede Town-- Clippings Housing-- LaFayette Square Housing- - LaSalle Park Housing-- Lead Paint Housing-- Lead Poisoning see also P oisons Housing-- Loans see also Banking and Currency- -Savings and Loan Entries Interest Rates Housing--Low Income see also Housing-- President's Task Force on Low Income Housing Poverty Program- -General Housing--Mansion House Housing--Maryville Housing--Mill Creek Valley Housing--Miscellaneous Clippings Housing--Miscellaneous Letters Housing--Missouri Housing--Mobile Homes Housing- -Model Cities Housing- -Model Cit ies- - Clippings Housing--Mullanphy Project Housing--National Development Bank Housing--National Housing Act Housing-- National Tenants Organir;ation Housi ng--Negro see also Civil Rights--Housing Housing--Open Negroes- - General Housing- - Neighborhood F acilities Grant Housing- -Newcastle Project Housing- -O'Fallon Housi ng- -Ombudsman Housi ng- -Open see also Civil Rights--Housing Housing--Fair Housing Negroes- -Housing Housing--Open- -Against (District) Housing-- Open- -For (District) Housing- -Open--Against (Out of District) Housing--Open--For (Out of Dist rict) Housing- -Open- -Clippings Housing- -Operation Breakthrough Housing--Operation Breakthrough-- Clippings Housing--Operation Rehab ee also Housing-- Rehabilitation Housing--Rock Springs Rehabilitation Association Housing Panel Housing- - Para Quad Housing--Peabody- -Clippings Housing--President's T ask Force on Low Income Housing see also Housing--Low Income Housing Program Cute Housing--Public Housing Bills Proposed Housing-- Public Housing--Cochran Apts.-- Clippings Housing--Public Housing-- Darst-W ebbe Public Housing Housing- -Public Housing- -Darst- Web be Clippings Housing- - Public Housing-- General- - Clippings Housing--Public Housing--General Letters Housing--Public--HEW Task Force see also Health, Education,&: Welfare Housing--Public Housing--Kosciuksko St. Housing- - Public Housing- -Mailing List Housing--Public Housing- - Neighborhood Gardens Housing- - Public Housing- -Pruitt- lgoe Housing--Public Housing- - Pruitt - Igoe-Clippings Housing- - Public Housing-- Pruitt- lgoe-Proposals Housing- - Public Housing-- Rent Strike-see also Strikes Clippings Housing--Public Housing- -Rent Strike-- Reports Housing--Public Housing--Reports Housing--Red Tape Housing- -Rehabilitation see also Housing-- Operation Rehab Housing--Rock Springs Rehabilitation Association Housing-- Rent Supplements Housing-- Reports and Materials Housing-- Rock Springs Rehabilitation Association see also Housing--Operation Rehab Housing-- Rehabilitation Housing- - St. Louis Housing--St. Louis-- Applications to HUD see also Housing--HUD Housing- -St. Louis--Area Expeditar Housing--St. Louis--Code Enforcement Housing--St. Louis- -Code Enforcement-- Clippings Housing-- St. Louis--Grants from HUD see also Housing--HUD Housing- -St . Louis Housing and Land Clearance Authority Housing- - St. Louis Housing Plan Housing-- St. Louis Meeting Housing-- St. Louis-- Workable Program Housing -- Savings and Loans See a/ 0 Banking and Currency Committee- Savings and Loan Companies Housing- - Savings and Loan Bill see also Banking and Currency Committee-Savings and Loan entries Housing- - Section 8 Housing-- Section 22l(d)(2) Housing- - Section 221(d)(3) Housing-- Section 221(h) Housing- - Section 235 Housing- - Section 236 Housing- -Section 701 Housing- -Soulard Area see a/so National Historic Preservation Act Housing--South Broadway Housing-- South Side Housing- - State of Missouri Housing-- State of Missouri- - Grants from HUD see also Housing--HUD Housing--Subcommittee Notices Housing - -Ten Park Improvement Association Housing- -Town House Project Clippings Housing-- Turnkey Projects see a/so Housing- - Cabanne Turnkey Project Housing- - Forest Park Blvd Turnkey Project Housing- -Turnkey Projects--Clippings Housing--Twelfth and Park Housing-- Union--Sarah Housing-- Urban Reports Housing-- Urban Renewal Housing-- Urban Renewal- - Clippings Housing-- Urban Renewal-- Letters Housing- -Urban Renewal--Material Housing-- Vaughn Area- - Clippings Housing-- Villa de Ville Housing- -Washington University Medical Housing-- Wellston Housing--West End Center Housing--West End- - Clippings Housing- - West Pine Apartments Human Development Corporation see Poverty Program- - Human Development Corporation see also Poverty Program- - St. Louis Human Development Corporation Human Experimentation see also Health, Education and Welfare-- Fetal Experimentation Humanities see National Endowment for the Humanities Hunger and Malnutrition see a/so Food Crisis ICC Food Stamp Plan entries Right to Food Resolution see Interstate Commerce Commission Ice Cream see Food and Drug Administration--Ice Cream Ill egitimacy see also Birth Control Immigration Family Planning Sex Education ee a/so P opulation Growth Employment Immigration and Naturalir.ation Service Immigration-- Foreign Doctors Immigration- -Material Immigration--N aturalir.ed Citizens Immunity (Nixon) Against see also Nixon, Richard Milhouse Immunity (Nixon) For Immunity (Nixon) Out of State Impeachment (Justice Douglas) see also Supreme Court Judiciary Impeachment see also Nix on , Rich ard M Impeachment- -Against Impeachment Bill Impeachment-- Clippings Impeachment-- For Impeachment --Not Answered Impoundment Control/ Spending Ceiling Independent Bankers Association of America see also Banking and Cu rrency Committee-Bank-- Entries Independent Business Federation see Nation al Federation of Independent Business Independent Meat P ackers see also Meat P ackers Indians see also Minority Groups Indochina see Foreign Affai rs-- Indochina Industry Funds Inflation see also Concentrated Industries Anti- Infl ation Act Inflation--House Resolution Inspection--Food see F ish Inspection see also Meat Inspection Poultry Inspection Institute of Psychiatry see Missouri-- Instit ute of Psychiatry Insurance see also Banking and Currency Committee- Insurance Education- - Federal Charter for Insu rance and Amminty Association Goverment Insurance Housing--Insurance- -Riots Insurance Coverage for Women see also Women Insurance--Fair Plan Insurance - -Floods see National Flood Insurance P rogram Insurance, Health see Health Insurance Insurance--No Fault Insurance--Shoppers Guide Integration see also Civil Rights entries Education --Busing Negroes - - entries Interest Rates ee also Banking and Currency Commitr.·c Interest Rates Banking and Currency Committee--Prime Interest Rate Banking and Currency Committe--Savings and Loan Interior (Dept. Of} Interior (Dept . of}--Oil Shale Program see also Energy Crisis Oil Leases Intelligence, Select Committee See Select Committee on Intelligence Internal Security see also Congress--House Unamerican Activities Committee Wire Tapping and Bugging Intern ational Development Association see Banking and Currency Committee-International Development Association International Security Assistance and Arms Export Control Act see also Arms Control Internation al Trade Commission see also T rade--Exports and Imports In ternat ional T rade Subcommittee Not ices In te rstate Commerce Commission see also Movers of Household Goods Interstate Horseracing Act In terviews see also News Releases--Radio Press Comments Press and News Reporters Intra-Ut erine Devices see Medical Device Amendments Invi tations Israel see Foreign Affairs--Israel Jeanette Rankin see Commemorative Postage Stamp for Jeanette Rankin J efferson Barracks J efferson Barracks- - Landmark Status J efferson Barracks--National Cemetery Memorial Chapel J effe rson Barracks Park J efferson Nation al Expansion Memorial see also Lewis and Clark National Park Services St. Louis- -Arch St . Louis--Jefferson Nation al Expansion Memorial Jefferson National Expansion Memorial- - Bills J efferson Nat ional Expansion Memorial- Brochure J efferson Nat ional Expansion Memorial-Budget Material Jefferson National Expansion Memor ial-Building a Replica of Fort San Carlos J efferson Nat ional Expansion Memorial-Clippings J efferson Nat ional Expansion Memorial-Congressional Record Inserts J effe rson National Expa nsion Memorial-Dedication Jefferson National Expansion Memorial-File for Hearing J effe rson Nat ional Expansion Memorial-Ground Breaking Ceremonies Jefferson National Expansion Memorial-Releues, etc. J efferson National Expansion Memorial-River Music Barge J efferson National Expansion Memori al-Showboa t Goldenrod J effe rson National Expansion Memorial-Testimony of Mrs. Sullivan Jefferson National Expansion Memorial - Visitors Center Jeff-- Vander-Lou see Housing--Jeff- Vander-Lou Jewish War Veterans see also Veterans' Administration Job Training Program see also Labor- -Manpower Development and Training Poverty Program- - St. Louis Job Corps Center St. Louis Job Corps Center Johnson, Lyndon Baines Joint Committee on Defense Production See also Banking and Currency Committee-- Defense Production Act Joint Committee to Investigate Crime see also Crime- - General Joint Economic Committee Jordan see Foreign Affairs--Jordan Judge Oliver see Oliver, Judge Judiciary see also Federal Judicial Center Impeachment (Justice Douglas) Supreme Court Justice Department Junior Village Juvenile Delinquency see also Crime--General Prisons KMOX see Radio and Television entries see also Housing KMOX Editorials News Releases--Radio KWK, Radio Station see Radio Station KWK Kansas-Texas RR see Missouri-Kansas-Texas RR Kennedy, John F . Kennedy, John F .--Assasination Kennedy, Jonn F .- -Eulogies Kennedy, John F .- -Holiday see a/ so Holidays Kennedy, John F .--Inaugural Address Kennedy, John F .--First Day Cover Issues see a/so Commemorative Stamps Kissinger, Henry see also State, Dept. of Kluxzynski Federal Office Building Korea see Foreign Affairs --Korea Koscuisko St. see Housing--Public--Kosciusko St. Krebiozen see Drugs, Krebiozen Labor see a/ 0 Employment Entries National Labor Relations Board -- Century Electric Company Postal Union Recognition Railroads - -Shopcraft Unions Strikes Unions Labor- - Davis-Bacon Labor-- Fair Labor Standards Labor-- Farm Labor See also Agriculture Labor--Handicapped W orkera see also Employment of the Handicapped Handicapped Labor Legislation see also Right to Work Labor--Manpower Development Training see also Job Training Corps Center Poverty Program--St. Louis Jobs Corps Center St. Louis Job Corps Center Labor Organizations--AFL-CIO Labor Orgnaizations--Misc. Labor- -Railroads see Railroads--Shopcraft Unions Labor- - Situs P icketing Labor Unions--Homes for the Aged Labor-- Workmen's Compensation Laws Lacey Act see also Conservation--Wildlife Laclede Fur Company Laclede Gas see Gas--Laclede Gas Laclede Town see Housing- - Laclede Town Lafayette Square see Housing--Lafayette Square Land Bank see Federal Land Bank of St . Louis Land Clearance see Housing--St. Louis Housing and Land Clearance Authority Land Management Organic Act Land Use Bill--Against Land Use Bill- - For LaSalle Park see Housing--LaSalle Park Lead Poisoning see Housing-- Lead Poisoning Law Enforcement Assistance Administratiom see also Crime--General Grants--Law Enforcement Assistance Administration Missouri--Highway Patrol League of Women Voters see also Voters Women Learning Business Centers see also Grants--Educational Unemployment Lebanon see Foreign Affairs- - Lebanon Legal Aid Society see also Crime--General Legal Services Corporation Legislative Activities Disclosure Act Legislative Proposals Legislative Reorganization Act of 1970 see also Congressional Reorganization Lettuce see National Commission on Food Marketing--Lettuce Study Lewis and Clark see also Jefferson National Expansion Memorial Libraries see also Bookmobile Books sent to Libraries and Schools Education--Bookmobile Libraries--Depository Library Extension, Congressional Library of Congress Library Services Lifeline Rate Act see a/so Energy Conservation Federal Power Commission Union Electric Company Lincoln Sesquicentennial Commission Loans--Student see Education- - College Loan Program see a/so Education--Student Aid Bill Lobby Groups Lobbying Local Public Works Capital Development and Investment Act see a/so Public Works Lock and Dam 26 at Alton, Ill. Lock and Dam 26--Clippings Lockheed Corp. see Banking and Currency Committee-Lockheed Case Lotteries see also Gambling Low Income Housing see Housing--President 's Task Force on Low Income Housing Lumber see a/ 0 Forestry Legislation Housing--Building Sciences Timber Supply Lumber Preservation Legislation see a/so T imber Supply Harry Lundeberg School see a/so Maritime Academies MAST Program MIA see Missing in Action See a/ SO Foreign Affairs -- Vietnam Magna Carta Select Committee to Investigate Missing in Action see a/so American Revolution Bicentennial Malpractice see Medical Malpractice Claims Settlement Assistance Act Management and Budget, Office of see also Budget Manpower see also Employment Labor- -Manpower Development and Training Health Manpower Bill Poverty Program-- Office of Economic Opportunity Mansion House Maritime Academies see a/ so Harry Lundeberg School Martin Luther King Bridge see a/ 0 Highways St. Louis- -Highways Maryville see Housing--Maryville Meals on Wheels see also Aging Meat Grading ee Grading, Meat Meat Imports see a/so Trade--Imports and Exports Meat Inspection see also Fish Inspection Inspection, Food Poultry Inspection Meat Inspection Bill Meat Inspection--St. Louis Independent Packing Company Meat Packers see a/so Independent Meat Packers Medical Care see a/so Health entries National Health Care Act Medical Device Amendments Medical Education see Education--Nurses and Medical Students see a/so Medical Schools Military Medical Schools Medical Emergency Transportation and Services Act Medical Insurance for Radiation Treatment see also Cancer Health Insurance Medical Malpractice Claims Set tlement Assistance Act Medical Schools see also Education--Nurses and Medical Students Mental Health Health Manpower Bill Nurse Training Act see also Health- -Mental Meramec Basin News Stories see also Conservation Meramec Basin or River see Conservation--Meramec Entries Merchant Marine see Harry Lundeberg School see also Coast Guard Maritime Academics Metric System Metropolitan Youth Commission see a/so Youth Affairs Middle East see Foreign Affairs- - Middle East Militants see also Civil Rights-- Clippings Education--Campus Unrest Negroes--Black Militants Military Construction Appropriation Bill see also Defense Appropriations Military Expenditures see a/so Defense Appropriations Military Medical School Military Pay see alSO Armed Forces Defense Appropriations Military Procurement see a/so Defense Appropriations Defense Contracts Military Retirement Milk see a/so Agriculture FDA--Milk Mill Creek Valley see Housing--Mill Creek Valley Mine Safety Act see a/so Black Lung Act Coal Hazardous Occupational Safety and Health Act Mining Mine Safety and Health Act Mineral Resources see also Coal Minimum Wage see a/so Employment Wage and Price Controls Mining see a/so Coal Mine Surface Area Protection Act Mine Safety Act Missouri Bureau of Mines Mink Ranchers Minority Groups see also Equal Employment Indians Negroes--Minority Groups Women Miscellaneous Organintions see a/so National Organintions Questionable Organizations Missiles see Nike Base Aeronautics and Space Arms Control Missini in Action ee also Foreign Affairs --Vietnam Missing in Action, Select Committee to Investigate ee Select Committee to Investigate Missing in Action Mississippi Queen see Delta Queen/Mississippi Queen Missouri, State of Missouri --Adult Education Act see a/ 0 Education--Adult Missouri--Area Redevelopment Missouri, Bureau of Mines see also Mining Missouri --Disaster Area see also Civil Defense Floods Missouri - - Election Laws see a/so Missouri-- Redistricting Missouri --Excess Property see a/so Federal Excess Property Missou ri - - Flood see also Floods National Flood Insurance Program Missouri -- Grants see Grants entries Missouri --Highway Patrol see a/ 0 Law Enforcement Assistance Administration Missouri--Housing see Housing--Missouri Missouri - - Institute of Psychiatry Missouri --Kansas-Texas RR see a/ o Railroad entries Missouri --Motor Vehicles Missouri -- Ozarks Regional Commission Missouri - - Redistricting ee al o Missouri --Election Laws Redistricting Missouri - - Sesquicentennial Miaaouri - - State Politics see a/ SO St. Louia-- Politica Women in Politics Missou ri State Society Missouri-- University see also Education- -Higher Education Grants--Many Sources-University of Missouri Missouri-- Missouri A Missouri B Missouri C-Com Missouri Con-Dept. of D Missouri Dept. of EMissouri Dept of F-G Missouri H Missouri 1-N Missouri 0-P Missouri 0 -Z Mobil Homes see Housing- - Mobil Homes Model Cities see Housing--Model Cities Moratorium see a/so Foreign Affairs--Cambodia Foreign Affairs-- Vietnam Mortgages and Interest Rates see a/so Banking and Currency Committee-Variable Interest Mortgage Rates Federal National Mortgage Association Movers of Household Goods see also Interstate Commerce Commission Mullanphy Project see Housing- -Mullanphy Project NAACP see Negroes - - National Association for the Advancement of Colored People NLRB ee National Labor Relations Board- Century Electric Company National A-National H see also Miscellaneous Organiroations National !- National Q National R-National Z National Academy for Fire Prevention and Central Site Selection Board see a/ SO Fire Prevention National Aeronautics and Space Act see also Aeronautics and Space--Space Program National Air Guard Employment see a/so National Guard National Association for the Advancement of Colored People see Negroes--National Association for the Advancement of Colored People National Bicentennial Highway Safety Year see also American Revolution Bicentennial Highway Safety National Cemeteries (Jefferson Barracks) National Cemeteries . ee Jefferson Barracks National Cemetery Memorial Chapel National Center for Women ee also Women National Commission of Consumer Finance Appendices ee al 0 Banking and Currency Committee-Consumer Credit National Commission on Consumer Finance Chapter I National Commission on Consumer Finance Chapter II National Commission on Consumer Finance Chapter Ill National Commission on Consumer Finance Chapter IV National Commission on Consumer Finance Chapter VI National Commission on Consumer Finance Chapter VIII National Commission on Consumer Finance Chapter IX National Commission on Consumer Finance Chapter X National Commission on Consumer Finance Chapter XI National Commiaaion on Consumer Finance Chapter XII National Commission on Consumer Finance--Clippings National Commission on Consumer Finance-Correspondence National Commission on Consumer Finance--Press Kat National Commission on Consumer Finance-- Speeches National Commission on Consumer Finance- -Studies National Commission on Food Marketing see also Agriculture National Commission on Food Marketing -Attempt to Form Commission see also National Commission on Food Marketing- - Creation of the Commission National Commission on Food Marketing-Background Material National Commission on Food Marketing-Congratulatory Notes to Mrs. Sullivan National Commission on Food Marketing-- Hearings National Commission on Food Marketing-Bracero Study see also Farm Workers National Commission on Food Marketing-Chain Stores National Commission on Food Marketing-Clippings National Commission on Food Marketing-Commission Meetings National Commission on Food Marketing · Consumer lnformata on see a/ SO Consumer Interest - - Miscellaneous National Commission on Food Marketing- Correspondence National Commission on Food Marketing-Creation of the Commission See al;o,o Batuibak Commission on Food Marketing- -Attempts to Form the Commission National Commission on Food Marketing- Formal Interviews National Commission on Food Marketing-General Info National Commission of Food Marketing-Individual Views of the Report National Commission on Food Marketing-Lettuce Study National Commission on Food Marketing-Press Releases National Commission on Food Marketing-Questionaire Correspondence National Commission on Food Marketing-Report Status National Commission on Food Marketing-Speeches National Commission on Food Marketing-Staff Changes National Commission on Food Marketing-Staff Selection National Commission on Food Marketing National Commission on Food Marketing-Chapter 13 of Final Report National Commission on Neighborhoods National Commission on Productivity see also Banking and Currency entries National Consumer Cooperative Bank Act see Banking and Currency Commission-- National Debt National Consumer Cooperative Bank Act see also Debt Ceiling Bill Government Debt National Defense see a/ SO Armed Services Defense National Defense Education Act see Education- -National Defense Education Act National Development Bank see Housing--National Development Bank National Diabetes Advisory Board see also Diabetes Research National Digestive Disease Act of 1976 National Endowment for the Arts see Grants--National Endowment for the Arts National Endowment for the Humanities see Grants--National Endowment for the Humanities National Energy and Conservation Corporation see also Energy Conservation National Family Week National Federation of Independent Business see also Small Business Administration National Flood Insurance Co see also Flood Insurance Program Floods Missouri--Flood National Good Neighbor Day National Guard see also Air Guard Armed Services National Air Guard Employment National Hairdressers and Cosmetologists National Health Care Act see also Health Legislation Medical Care National Health Insurance Health Insurance National Historic Preservation Act Historic Preservation Housing--Operation Rehab Housing- - Soulard Area National Housing Act see Housing--National Housing Act National Institute on Aging see also Aging Elderly Older Americans Act Select Committee on Aging National Labor Relations Board- - Century Electric Company see also Labor National Opportunity Camps National Park Service see a/so Conservation entries Jefferson National Expansion Memorial Parks National Safe Boating Week see also Boating Coast Guard National Saint Elizabeth Seton Day National Service Corps see a/so Peace Corps National Science Foundation see a/so Foundations Grants--National Science Foundation National Stamping Act see also Coinage National Summer Youth Program see Poverty Program- - National Summer Youth Program National Tennants Organization see Housing--National Tenants Organization Natural Gas see a/so Energy Conservation Laclede Gas Natural Gas Act see a/so Energy Conservation Natural Gas Act--Amendments Naturalized Citir.ens See Immigration --Naturalir.ed Citizens Negroes --Black Militants see also Civil Rights--Clippings Militants Negroes--Commission on History and Culture Negroes - - General see a/so Housing--Negroes-- Integration Negroes--Minority Group see a/so Minority Groups Negroes-- National Association for the Advancement of Colored People ee a[ SO Civil Rights entries Neighborhood Facilities Grant see Housing- -Neighborhood Facilities Grant Neighborhoods ee National Commission on Neighborhoods See a/so National Good Neighbor Day National Historic Preservation Act Nerve Gas see a/so Arms Control New York City Financial Crisis See Banking and Currency Committee-- Emergency Financial Assistance Act Newcastle Project see Housing-- Newcastle Project News Releases --Radio see a/so Interviews Press and News Reporters Presa Comments Radio Radio and Television--Press Releases and Interviews Sullivan, Leonor K., Press Releases Sullivan, Leonor K., Publicity Newspaper Preservation Act Newspapers see a/so Pulitr;er, Joseph Freedom of the Press Nike Base see a/so Arms Control Nine One One see Emergency Telephone Number Nixon, Richard M see also Agnew, Spiro T . Immunity (Nixon) Impeachment Vice President Watergate Nixon, Richard M.- -Pardon, Against Nixon, Richard M.--Pardon, For Nixon, Richard M.--Transition Allowance No-Fault Insurance see Insurance--No- Fault Noise Control Act Nuclear Energy see a/so Atomic Energy Energy Crisis entries Panama Canal- - Nuclear Technology Nuclear Non- Proliferation Treaty see Foreign Affain-- Non- Proliferation Treaty Nuclear Weapons see a/su Arms Control Atomic Bomb--Fallout Shelters Atomic Energy Weapons Nuclear W capons--Radioactive Fallout see a/so Atomic Bombs--Fallout Shelters Nuclear Weapons- -Testing Nurse Training Ad see a/so Education--Nurses Medical Students Health Manpower Medical Schools Nurses see a/so Education--Nurses and Medical Students Nursin!{ Homes see also Housing--Elderly Aging Nut rition see a/so FDA--Diet Foods OEO FDA--Special Dietary Foods FDA--Vitamin Supplements Food Crisis ee Grants--OEO-- Missouri see also Poverty Program entries OSHA see Hazardous Occupational SafeLy and Health Act see a/so Occupational Safety and Health Administration Obscene Literature Obscenity Occupational Safety and Health Administration see a/ SO Hazardous Occupational Safety and Health Act O'Fallon Area see Housing--O'Fallon Office of Economic Opportunity see Granta--OEO--Miuouri see a/so Poverty ProiJ'am--Office of Economic Opportunity Office of Management and Budget see Management and Budget, Office of Office of Technology Alleaament see a/so Technology Aaaeasment Office Official Gazette-- List Oil lmporta see also Energy Crisis Oil Leases Foreign Affairs--Middle East Trade--Imports and Exports ee a/ 0 Elk Hills Oil Reserve En rgy Crisis Interior (Dept. of) - - Oil Shale Program Older Americans Act ee a/ o Aging Oliver, Judge Olympic Games Olympics Ombudsman Elderly- -Employment Opportunitiea Nation I Institute on Aging Select Committee on Aging see Housing--Ombudsman Omnibus Operation Breakthrough see Housing- - Operation Breakthrough Opportunity Camps see National Opportunity Campa Outer Continental Shelf Landa see a/ o Coaat Coa~tal Area~ Overseaa Private Investment Corporation Onrk Lead Company Onrka Regional Commisaion Ozone Protection Act Pow·. ee Foreign Affaira-- Vietnam P cemakers See Medical Device Amendments Pacific Air Routes ee a/ 0 Airlines Panama Canal- - Clipping• Panama Canal--Congressional Record Jnaerta Panama Canai--Corr apondence-Armatrong, Anthony Pan am a Canal--Correspondence--Flood, Daniel J Panama Canal--Correspondence--General Panama Canal Correspondence--Harman, Philip Panama Canal Correspondence- - Raymond , David Panama Canal--Daily Digest Panama Canal--Finance Panama Canal--Hearings Panama Canal--Inspection Visit Panama Canal-- Legislation Panama Canal--Legislative Correspondence Panama Canal--Living Conditions Panama Canal --Military Penonnel Panama Canal--Miscellaneous and Reports Panama Canal--Nuclear Technology see also Nuclear Energy Panama Canal- -Operations Panama Canal--Panama and Treaty Panama Canal--Sea Level Canal Study Commission-Correspondence Panama Canal--Sea Level Canal Study Commission--Legislation Panama Canal--Sea Level Canal Study Commission--Reports P anama Canal Tolla Pam- medica see Medical Emergency Transportation and Services Act P ara-quad Housing see Housing- -Para-quad P ardon of Richard Nixon see Nixon, Richard M. --Pardon Parks see a/so Conservation entries National Park Service P arochial Schools see Education- -Aid to Parochial Schools Passports Patents Peabody Area see Housing--Peabody--Clippings Peace Corpa see also National Service Corps Peace, Dept. of Penn Central Railroad ee Banking and Currency Committee--Penn Central P ension Plan Pension Reform Peru see Foreign Affain--Peru Pesticides see Environmental Pesticide Control Act of 1976 ee a/so FDA--Pesticide entries Pets see Household Peta Photograph Request see Sullivan, Leonor K.--Photograph Request Physicians--Malpractice ee Medical Malpractice Claims Settlement Assistance Act Poelker, J ohn H see also St. Louis--Mayor Poisons see a/ so- -Housing--Lead Poisoning Polio Vaccine see Health --P olio Vaccine Political Education, Committee On Politics see Missouri --State Politica see also St. Louis--Politics Women in Politics Pollution Sl!£' a/so Air Pollution Clean Air Act Solid Waste P ollution Water Pollution Pollution--Noise see Noise Control Act Pollution--Solid Waste see Solid Waste Pollution see also Air Pollution Water Pollution Poor People 's Campaign Pope John XX:IIl Population Crisis Committee see also Food Crisis Population Growth see also Birth Control Census Family Planning Food Crisis Immigration Sex Education Portraits--Presidents see Presidents' P ortraits Post Card Registration see a/so Election Reform--Post Card Registration Voter Registration Post-Dispatch see Pulitzer, Joseph Newspapers Post Office Closings Post Office Department Post Office Regulations Postage Increase Postal Boutiuqea see also Commemorative Stamps Postal Clippings Postal Legislation Postal Pay Raise Postal Rate Commission Postal Rates Postal Rates --REA Postal Reform Legislation Postal Reform Material Postal Reorganization and Salary Postal Service Adjustment Act see a/so Grants--Post Office-- St . Loui£ Postal Strike see also Strikes Postal Union Recognition see a/ so Labor Unions Potato Bill Poultry- - Application to Make St. Louis see a/ o Food Poultry Indemnity Bill Poultrr Inspection see a/. 0 Fish Inspection Meat Inspection Poverty Program- -Clippings Poverty Program--Day Care Center see also Poverty Program-- Head Start Centers Poverty Program- -St. Louis-Daycare St. Louis Day Care Poverty Program- - Foster Grandparents Poverty Program--General see also Housing--Low Income Poverty Program--Head Start Centers see a/so Poverty Program--Day Care Centers Poverty Program--St. Louis -Day Care Centers St. Louis Day Care Poverty Program--Human Development Corporation see also Poverty Program--St. Louis-Human Development Corp Poverty Program--Material Poverty Program--Micellaneous Poverty Program--National Summer Youth Program see also Poverty Program--Summer Youth Program Summer Youth Employment and Recreation Poverty Program--Office of Economic Opportunity see also Grants--OEO--Missouri Labor--Manpower Development and Training Manpower Poverty Program--Office of Economic Opportunity-Amendments Poverty Program--Office of Economic Opportunity--Cuts Poverty Program--St. Louis--Day Care see also Poverty Program--Day Care Centers Poverty Program- - Head Start Centers St. Louis Day Care Poverty Program--St. Louis Human Development Corporation see a/so St. Louis Human Development Corp. Poverty Program--St. Louis Job Corps Center see also Job Training Program Labor--Manpower Development and Training St. Louis Job Corps Center Poverty Program--St. Louis Small Business Development Center see also Banking and Currency-- Small Business Administration St. Louis--Small Business Administration Small Business Administration Poverty Program--St. Louis Workers Poverty Program--Summer Youth Programs see also Poverty Program--National Summer Youth Program Summer Youth Employment and Recreation Poverty Program--Total Bay Project Poverty Program- - VISTA Powell , Adam Clayton see also Congress--Scandala Prayer in School see Religion- - Prayer in School Preservatives see Food and Drug Adminislralion-- Preserv atives President Ford see Nixon, Richard M.--Pardon President Johnson see Johnson, Lyndon Baines President Kennedy see Kennedy, John Fihgerald President Nixon see Nixon, Richard M Presidential Pardon see Nixon, Richard M.,--Pardon Presidents' Portraits President.' Task Force on Low Income Housing see Housing--President'• Taak Force on Low Income Housing "Presidio 27" see also Armed Service• Press Comments see a/so Interviews News Releaaes --Radio Preas and News Reporters Sullivan, Leonor K.--Press Releases Sullivan, Leonor K.-- Reaction to Presidenti al Statements Press and News Reporters see a/ SO Interviews Price Freeze News Releases--Radio Press Comments Sullivan, Leonor K.-- Press Releases Sullivan, Leonor K.--Reaction to Presidental Statements see also Wage and Price Controls Prisoners of War See Foreign Affaire --Vietnam Prisons ee also Crime- - General Juvenile Deliquency Privacy See a/so Right to Financial Privacy Act Private Schools See Education--Aid to Private Schools Productivity See Banking and Currency Committee-National Commission on Productivity Protection of Independent Service Station Operators see also Energy entries Pruitt - Igoe See Housing--Public Housing-- Pruitt - lgoe Public Buildings see alSO Federal Buildings Public Health Service Hospitals see also Hospitals --Closing Public Housing See Housing--Public Housing Public Relations See also FDA--Cranberries Public Works see a/ 0 Local Public Works Capital Development and lnveatment Act Publications--Consumer Product Info See al 0 Consumer Product Information Bulletin Publications-- Family Fare Publications-- Packet for the Bride see a/so Consumer Interest --Miscellaneous Publications Request Publications Request for Seal Plaques Pueblo Affair see Foreign Affairs--Pueblo Puerto Rico see a/so Foreign Affaire--Puerto Rico Pulitzer, Joseph see also Newspapere Quality Education Study see also Education--Miscellaneous Queen Isabella Questionable Organizations see also Miscellaneous Organizations REA see Postal Rates--REA ROTC see Reserve Officere Training Program Radiation Treatment see Medical Insurance for Radiation Treatment Radio see a/ SO Communications Equal Time Federal Communications Commission Freedom of the Press News Releases- -Radio Sullivan, Leonor K.--Publicity Radio and Television--Clippings Radio and Television Correspondence Radio and Television Editorials see a/so Housing--KMOX Editorials Radio and Television--Harry Flannery Radio and Television--Press Releases and Interviews see also Sullivan, Leonor K.--Press Releases News Releases--Radio Radio and Television--Broadcasts which Demean Radio Station KWK Radioactive Fallout see Nuclear Weapons-- Radioactive Fallout Rail pax Railpax--Material and Information Railroad Brotherhoods and Organizations see a/ SO Railroad Strikes Railroads--Shopcraft Unions Strikes Unions Railroad Legislation see also Banking and Currency Committee-Penn Central Missouri-Kansas and Texas RR Railroad Passenger Service ee a/so Railroads--Discontinuance of Passenger Trains Railroads-- Rail fax/ Amtrak Railroad Retirement Legislation Railroad Safety Railroad Strikes see a/so Railroad Brotherhoods and Organizations Railroads- -Strikes Strikes Railroads see Miuouri-Kanau Texas RR see also Bankinc and Currency CommiLLee-Penn Central Rock Island Railroad Railroads--Discontinuance of Paasanger Tram Serv1ce see also Railroad P aaaencer Service Railroad•-- Rail pax/ Amtrak Railroads--Emercency Rail T ransportation Improvement and Employment Act Railroada--Railpax/ Amtrak see also Railpax Railroad P aaaenger Service Railroada--Discontinuance of Passenger T rain Service Railroads- - Strikea see also Railroad Brotherhoods and Organir.ations Railroad Strikes Strikes Unions Railroads - -Sbopcraft Unions see also Labor Rat Cont rol R ilroad Brotherhoods and Organir.ations Uniona Strike• see a/ 0 St. Louis Rat Control Raymond, David see Panama Canal - - Correspondence -Raymond, David Recipes Recreat ion ee a/ SO Boating Recycling Waste ee also Conservation --Misc. Red China Energy Conservation Solid Wute Pollution See Foreicn Affai re -- Red China Redistricting See a/so Missouri --Redist ricting Redwood National Parka see Conservation Redwood Nat ional P ark Referrals Regulat ion Q see Banking and Currency Commission -Citicorp Rehabilit ation See Housing- - Rehabilitation See a/so Housinc- -Operation Rehab Housing- - Rock Springs Rehabilitation Association Religion Religion -- Prayer in School Renegotiation Act of 1951 Rent Strikes see Housing--P ublic Housing--Rent Strike Rent Supplements See Housing--Rent Supplements Reorganir.ation P rogram Re-- Pricing Commodities ee a/so Commodity Exchange Act Commodity Futures Republic of China See For ign Affairs-- Republic of China Republican National Convention Reserve Officers Training Program Resignations Retirement :;ee Military Retirement see a/so Railroad Retirement Legislation Revenue Sharing see a/so Urban Affairs Revenue Sharing Information Rhodesia see Foreign Affairs- - Rhodesia Richards- -Gebaur Air Force Base see a/ SO Air Force Re.location to Scott AFB Rice see Agriculture--Rice Bill Right to Food Resolut ion see a/so Food Crisis Hunger and Malnutrition Right to Financial Privacy Act see a/so Consumer Credit Financial Disclosure Privacy Right to Work ee a/ ·o Labor Legislation Riots see Crime- -Riots ee a/so Housing--Insurance --Riots Rivers ee Floods Missouri--Flood National Flood Insurance Program Robinson- -Patman Act see a/ 0 Anti--Trust Laws Rock Island Railroad Rock Spring Rehabilitation Association see Housing--Rock Springs Rehabilitation Association Roth Study see Grants- -Roth Study Rural Development Act Rural Electr ification Administration Russia ·ee Foreign Affairs- - Soviet Union SALT Safe Drinking Water Act Safety - -Highway see Highway Safety Safety- -Railroad see Rai lroad Safety Sailors see Harry Lundeberg School see a/so Maritime Academies Saint Elizabeth Seton see National Saint Elir.abeth Seton Day St . Joesph 's Hospital St . Louis A-Me St . Louis My-Z Saint Louis St . Louis - -Airport see a/ 0 Airports St . Louis - -Arch see J effe rson National Expansion Memorial St. Louis- -Aldermanic Affairs St. Louis Archdiocesan Council of Catholic Women see Council of Catholic Women St. Louis Area Council of Governments St . Louis--Banking see Banking and Currency--St. Louia Banking St . Louis Beautification Commia1ion St. Louis Bicentennial St. Louis--Bi-State Development Agency St. Louis--Bi-State Re(ional Medical Program St. Louis Board of Aldermen St. Louis Board of Education St. Louis- -Board of Education- -Property at 4100 Forest Park Ave St. Louis- -Board of Election Commiasioners St. Louis--Boards of Directors of Local St. Louis Bridges St. Louis Cardinal• Companies St. Louis - -Challenge of the 70's St. Louis - -City- County Consolidation St. Louis- -City Employees St. Louia--Civil Defenae St. Louis- - Clippings St. Louis--Comptroller's Report St. Louis- -Consumer Affairs Board see also Conaumer St. Louis Consumer Federation St . Louis Convention Center St. Louis Convention Piasa Land St. Louis - - Coroner St . Louis County St. Louis County- - Clippings St. Louis Courthouse St. Louis Day Care ee a/ 0 Poverty Program- -Day Care Centers Poverty Program- -Head Start Center Poverty Program--St. Louis Day Care St. Louis - -Dea Perea Project St. Louis--Downtown St . Louis - -East - West Gateway Coordinating Council see East - West Gateway Coordinating Council St. Louis--Federal Building St. Louis-- Federal Building- -Clippings St . Louis --Gateway Army Ammunition St. Louis--Grants see Grants- - Entries Plant St. Louis--Health & Welfare Council see Health & Welfare Council of Greater St. Louia St. Louis--Highwaya See a/so Highway through St. Louis Martin Luther King Bridge St . Louis Housing see Housing- - St . Louis entries St. Louis Housing and Land Clearance Authroity ·ee Housing-- St. Louis and Land Clearance Authority St . Lou1s Housing Code Enforcement See Housing--St . Louis Code Enforcement St . Louis Housing Plan see Housing- -St . Louis Housing Plan St. Louis Human Development Corporation see Poverty Program--St . Louis Human Development Corp. ee a/ 0 Poverty Program- -Human Development Corp. St. Louis Independent Packing Company see Meat Inspection--St . Louis Independent Packing Company St. Louis- - Indian Cultural Center St. Louis--Jefferson National Expansion Memorial see Jefferson National Expansion Memorial St. Louis Jobs Corps Center see also Job Training Program Labor--Manpower Development and Training Poverty Program--St. Louis Jobs Corps Center St. Louis--Labor Relations--St. Louis Plan St. Louis Layoffs St. Louis Levee St. Louis- -Mansion House see Mansion House St. Louis--Mayor see also Poelker, John H St. Louis- -Mayor- -Clippings St. Louis--Mayor's Council on Youth St. Louis --Municipal Opera St . Louis--National Museum St. Louis--National Park System St . Louis- -Old Post Office Building see a/so St. Louis Federal Building St. Louis Ordinance Plant see a/so St. Louis--Gateway Army Ammunition St. Louis--Parks St . Louis--Police St . Louis--Politics see a/so Missouri- -State Politics Women in Politics St . Louis --Port St. Louis--Port--Clippings St. Louis - -Port--Correspondence St. Louis Post- -Dispatch see Pulitr;er, Joseph Newspaper St . Louis Post Office--Curtailment of Service St . Louis--Post Office Discontinuance of Railway Post Office Service St . Louis Post Office--Operations see also Grants--Post Office--St. Louis St. Louis Post Office--Postal Data Center St . Louis --Poverty Program see Poverty Program--St. Louis entries St. Louis Public Service Employment St . Louis Rat Control see also Rat Control St. Louis Regional Industrial Development Corp. St . Louis Residential Manpower Center St . Louis--Revenue Sharing ee a/so Reven'ue Sharing St. Louis- -Savings and Loan Associations ee a/ so Banking and Currency Committee-Savings and Loan St. Louis School Lists St. Louis School Tax St . Louis Senior Citizens see also Elderly St . Louis -- Small Business Administration see a/so Banking and Currency--Small Business Administration Poverty Program--St. Louis Small Business Development Center Small Business Administr:oL1on St. Louis--Solomon Rooks St. Louis--Symphony St. Louis- - Union Station St. Louis--U.S. Army St. Louis--U.S. Army--Automates Logistics Management Agency St. Louis--U.S. Army Aviation Research Center St. Louis--U.S. Army Aviation Systems Command St. Louis--U.S. Army Corps of Engineers see also Flood Control Flood Protection Project St. Louis U.S. Army Corps of Engineers-Correspondence St. Louis U.S. Army Corps of Engineers- Newsletters St. Louis--U.S. Army Corps of Engineers-North St. Louis Harbor St. Louis--U.S. Army Corps of Engineers-Installations St. Louis--U.S. Army Corps of Engineers-Material Command St. Louis- - U.S. Army Mobility Equipment Center St. Louis--U.S. Army Publications Center St. Louis--U.S. Army Reserve St. Louis- - U.S. Army Support Center St. Louis- - U.S. Department of Agriculture Laboratory St. Louis--U.S. Medical Laboratory St. Louis--U.S. Military Installations St. Louis--U.S. Military Personnel Record Center St. Louis Records Center St. Louis University St. Louis University--Agency for International Development St. Louis University--Commemorative Stamp St. Louis University--Fordyce Conference St. Louis University--Grants see Grants- -HEW- - St. Louis University see al 0 Grants--Many Sources--St. Louis University St. Louis University Medical School St. Louis University--One Hundred Fiftieth Anniverary of Its Founding- -Resolution St. Louis University - - Scott Shipe Case St. Louis Witholding Tax Sales Representative Protection Act Salk Vaccine see Health--Polio--Vaccine Savings and Loan Companies see Banking and Currency Committee-Savings and Loan ee a/so Housing--Savings and Loan Scholarships and Fellowships School Lunch Program see also Education--Food and Nutrition Program School Milk Program see a/so Education--Food and Nutrition School Students Schools Program see a/ o Education entries Schools--Chrisiian Brothers ROTC Program Schools--Clippings see also Education--Clippings Schools--College Debate Topic Schools--Exchange Students Schools- -Grants see Grants--HEW- -Public Schools--High School Debate Topic Schools- - Integration see Integration Schools--Junior College District School Prayer see Religion --Prayer in Schools Schoir Investigation Scullin Steel Sea Level Canal see P anama Canal--Sea Level Canal Study Commission Seals see Publications Request for Seal Plaques Secret Service Securities Securities and Exchange Commission Security Assistance and Arms Export Control Act Security Contract Guards Select Committee on Aging see also National Institute on Aging Older Americana Act Select Committee on Intelligence Select Committee to Investigate Assaainations Select Committee to Investigate Missing in Action see also Foreign Affairs--Vietnam Select Committee to Reform Congress see also Congress Selective Service Separation of Presidential Powers Series E Bonds Sesquicentennial of Missouri see Missouri--Sesquicentennial Seaton, Elizabeth see National Saint Elizabeth Seton Day Seven Day War see Foreign Affairs--Israel-Arab War Sex Education see also Birth Control Family Planning Illegitimacy Population Growth Shoe Imports Shoe Workers Silver . see Banking and Currency Committee- Silver Situs Picketing Against Situs Picketing For "Slug" Law see a/so Banking and Currency Coins Small Boat Owners see a/ so Boats Small Business Administration . see also Banking and Currency ~ommlttee-Small Buamess National Federation of Independent Business Poverty Program--St. Louis Small Business Devl. Center St. Louis- -Small Busm h Administration Smnll Businese Growth and Job Creation Act Smithsonian Snoapers Sonp see Food and Drug Admini1tration--Soap Soccer Team Social & Rehabilitation Services Social Security--ADC Social Security--Amendments Social Security--Benefits at Age 72 Social Security--Deduction for Education Social Security--Dis bility Social Security--Divorced Widows Social Security--Earning Limitations Social Security- - Equipment Rental & Purchase Social Security--General Social Security- - Health Insurance Social Security--Hospitallnaurance see also Social Security--Medicaid Social Security- - Include Qualified Drugs Social Security- - Increased Benefits Social Security-- Derr--Milla Social Security- -King/ Anderson Social Security- - Legislation Social Security Legislation--ADC Social Security-- Limitations on Earnings Social Security--Material and Reports Social Security--Medicaid see also Socinl Security- - Hospital Insurance Social Security--Medicare Social Security- - Medicare- -Clippings Social Security- -Medicare- -Coverage of Cancer Test Social Security- - Medicare for Physicians Social Security--Medicare-- Independent Laboratoriea Social Security- - Medicare- -Newaletter from HEW Social Security- - Medicare--Nursing Homes see a/so Nursing Homes Social Security--Medic re--Optometric and Medical Vision Care Soci al Security- -Medicare- -Profeseional Standards Review Organization Social Security- -Medicare- - Prescription Drugs Social Security--Medicare Reform Act Social Security- -Miniaters Social Security--Old Age Assistance Social Security--Old Age Insurance Social Security--Petitions Social Security Programs Social Security -- Proof of Age Social Security--Public As1istance see a/so Welfare Social Security --Reader'• Digest Soci al Security --Reducing Age Limit Social Security--Retirement at 62 Social Security--Supplementary Benefits Social Security--Widow'a Benefit• Social Service Regulations Soft Drink lnduatry Solar Energy Information Solar Heating Legislation Solid Waate Pollution see also Air Pollution Soula.rd Area Pollution Recycling Wute Water Pollution ee Housing-- Soulard Area South St. Louis see Housing--South Broadway see a/so Housing--South Side Soviet Jews--Foreign Affairs Soviet Union see Foreign Affairs--Soviet Union Space--Apollo 11 Space- - Apollo 13 Space Program see a/so Aeronautics and Space National Aeronautics and Space Act Space Program-- Russian Spanish Pavilion Special Prosecutor Spending Ceiling Sports Stamps ee Commemorative Stamps Postage lncreaae Postal Boutique Stamps, Food see Food Stamp Plan State, Dept. of ee also Kissinger, Henry State Department Authorization Bill State Dept.--Danny the Red's . . . Stockpile Strikes see also Housing-- Public Housing- - Rent Stip Mining Strontium 90 Strikes Labor Entries Postal Strike Railroad Brotherhoods and Organizations Railroads- -Strikes Taft-Hartley Billa see Drugs, Strontium 90 Student Loans see Education -- College Loan Program see a/ so Education- -Student Aid Bill Student Militants see Militants Subsidy Programs Sugar Act Sullivan, Leonor K.--Appointmenta Sullivan, Leonor K.--Billa Sullivan, Leonor K.--Conferee Appointments Sullivan, Leonor K.--Congressional Record Items Sullivan, Leonor K.- -Dura Letter Sullivan, Leonor K.--Election Material Sullivan, Leonor K.--House Subcommittees Sullivan, Leonor K.--lnterviews Sullivan, Leonor K.--lnvitations see Invitations Sullivan, Leonor K. - -Letters Sent in Multiple Copies Sullivan, Leonor K. --Letters to Other Members of Congress Sullivan, Leonor K.-- &en Sullivan, Leonor K.--Oftlce AdmiaiHra&ioa Sulliv n, Leonor K.--P Req t SullivM, Leonor K - -Por&raU Sullivan, Leonor K.- -P ~ Jg(IU see also Praa and • lleponen PreMCommeau Radio aad Televiaion --P . a.~a . aad lntervie a Sulliv n, Leonor K.--P.- Rele UNil-66 Sullivan, Leonor K.--P.- lUI•- Ul67-72 Sullivan, Leonor K -- P.- 1•- UI73- Sullivan, Leonor K.--PubllcitJ see also e • Rele --Radio Radio Sullivan, Leonor K.--Qu.UOnn.U. Sullivan, Leonor K.--R.edpee see Recipea Sulliv n, Leonor K.--Rerernb see Referrala Sullivan, Leonor K.--Scholanhip A arcl Sullivan, Leonor K.--Reaction ~ Presidential St tementa see a/ 0 Praa Commenta Preu and e 1 Reporters Sulhv n, Leonor K --Speech Inform tion R.equ . t Sullivan, Leonor K --Speech., Sulliv n, Leonor K --Speech., on the Floor ol the House Sullivan, Leonor K.--Speech., to Outaide Groupa Sullivan, Leonor K.--Tatimony Before CommiuSuJUvan, Leonor K.--Tributa Upon Retirement Sullivan, Leonor K.--Votinc Record See a/ 0 Foreicn Afrain--Vietnam- -Mn. Sullivan'• Voting Record Sullivllll, Leonor K.--Workinc Woman of the Year Award Summer Youth Employment and Recre tton see a/ 0 Poverty Program--National Summer Sun T n Lotion Youth Procram ee Food and Drug Adminiatration--Sun Sunshine Bill Tan Lotion See a/so Freedom of Information Act Superaonic Tranaport Supplemental Security Income Supreme Court see a/ o Impeachment (J uatice Douglu) Judiciary Surplua Property Swiss B nk Account. .see Banking and Currency- -Swiu Bank Account• Synthettc Fuela Loan Guarantee Bill Tart-Hartly Ad Taft -Hartly Billa see Strikea Tariffa Tariffa -- Canadian Tar~ffa -- Koken Comp niea, Inc. Tanff•--Reciprocal Trade Tariffa- -Shoe Import. Tariffa- -Shoe lmporta Congreaaion I Record lnHrtl and Background M teriala Tax IUbate ee a/ o Internal Revenue Service Tax a.duction Ad Tax Reform T:.x nerorm Correapondence Tax IUform- -Material Tax Study Legialation Taxa- -Airline Taxa--Airport Taxa--City Eaminp Tax Taxa- -Clippinp Taxa--Deduction for Dependent. Taxa--Deduction of Education of Dependents .)ee a/so Education--Tax Deduction for Education Taxea--Dividenda Taxea--Eatate Taxea--Exciae Taxea--Excise Can Taxes-- Excise Handbap Taxea- -Exise- -Truckl Taxe•·-Gu Taxea--Gu and Oil Depletion TI\Xet--Home Owners Tax Deductions Taxn-- lncome Taxa- -Single Persons Taxes-- Income Taxa Taxes-- Inspection of Tax Returns Taxes- - lnve•tment Tax Credit Taxn- -Mi•cellaneou• Taxes- -Municipal Bonds Taxes--Prnidential Election Campaign Taxn- -Self-Employed Person Taxe1--State Taxation of Interstate Commerce Taxes- -Surtax Taxes--Transportation of Household Goods Teachera Corps ee Education--Teacher'• Corps Teacher '• Ret irement Teamsters Teamsters- -Monitorship Teamsters - -Strike• Technology Asseament Office see a/ SO Office of Technology Aueasment Telecommunication• ee a/ o Communication• Telephone Rates Television ee a/ so Communications Equal Time Federal Communications Commi1sion Freedom of the Preas Televiaion and Radio Programa Television--CBS-- Selling of the Pentagon Televi1ion-- Education Television --Educational Television--KTVI Ten Park• Improvement Auociation see Housing--Ten Park Improvement Aaaociation Tennants' Organization see Hou•ing-- National Tennenta' Organization Thailidomide see Drugs, Thalidomide Thanks Youa Thomas J efreraon Day Till, Emmet Timber Supply see a/ o Lumber Lumber PreaervaLion Le(ialalion Total Boy Project see Poverty Program--Total Boy Program Tourism-- Legislation Town House Project see Housing- -T own Houae Project-Clipping Toxic Substances Control Act Trade--Imports and Exports ee a/ 0 Fair Trade Trade Bill International Trade Commiuion Oillmporta Trade- - Import/Export Clippinp Trade--Import/Export Rhodnian Chrome Trade Reform Act Trade--Shoe Import Trading Stamps Transit- - Bi- State ee a/ SO Bus Services Transit- - Bi-State Meeting Transit --Mass Transit- -Maaa- - St. Louis Transition Allowance for Rich rd Nixon see Nixon, Rich rd M.--Transition Allowance Transportation see a/so Grants-- Dept. of Transportation-St. Louis Transportation, Dept. of-- Proposed Regulations see a/ 0 Har;ardous Material Transportation Trust Fund Transportation- -Miscellaneous Treasury Treasury Bonds Troublemakers Truck Bill Trout See Food and Drug Administration--Trout Truman , Harry S.--Medal of Honor Truman, Harry S.--Memorial Scholarship Fund Turkey See Foreign Affai rs--T urkey Turnkey Projects see Housing--Cabanne T urnkey Project see also Housing--Forest Park Blvd Turnkey Project Housing--Turnkey Projects Twelfth and Park Area see Housing--Twel fth and P ark Unemployment 1.'1! also Employment Health Insurance for the Unemployed Learning Business Centers • Unemployment Compenaation see a[ 0 Emerg ncy Unemployment Compenaation Aesistance Unemployment Compensation Form Letter and Material Unidentified Flyinc Objecta Union Electric Company See a/ 0 Lifeline Rate Act Union - Sarah Area see Housing- - Union- Sarah Unions ~l'e a/so Labor Entriee United Nations Poetal Union Recognition Railroad Brotherhoods and Organisations Railroads- -Strikes Railroads--Shopcrart Unions see Foreign Affairs- - United Nations United Nations--Reception United States- - Dept. of Agriculture U.S. Forces Oversea& United States Information Agency United Steel Workers of America University of Missouri see Missouri- - University Upper Missippi River Baain Commission see a/so Conservation--Upper Missisaippi River National Recreation Area Flood Control Upward Bound see Education-- Upward Bound Urban Affairs see a/ 0 City Planning Revenue Sharing Urban Coalition Urban League Training Program Urban Renewal ee Housing- -Urban Renewal see also Housing--Rehabilitation USS Pueblo see Foreign Affairs--Pueblo Utility Regulation ee Lifeline Rate Act Utility Loans see Emergency Utility Loans VISTA see Poverty Program--VISTA Vaporir;ers see Food and Drug Administration-- Vaporir;ers Varnish see Food and Drug Administration--Varnish Vaughn Area see Housing--Vaughn Area Veteran 's Administration see also Jewish War Vetrans Veterans ' Administration- - St. Louis Regional Office Veterans ' Benefits--Miscellaneous Veterans' Day Veterans' Employment Legislation Veterans--GI Bill Veterans --General Veterans Hospitals Veterans Hospitals --Closing Veterans Hospital-- Cochran Veterans Hospital- - Cochran--Admissions Waiting List Veterans Hospitals- - Consolidation of Outpatient Clinic Veterans of Foreign Wars see Veterans ' Organisations Veterans Hospitala--Harry S. Truman Memorial Hospital Veterans Hospitals--Jefferson Barracks Veterans Hospitala--Jeffenon Barracks- Admissions Waiting List Ve ~erana Hoapitala- -Miacellaneoua Veterana' Hoapitali- - Nunin& Horne Care for V eteran• Veterans--St. Louia Conaolidation Veterana' - - Houainc Ve ~erans '-- Lecialation Veteran• - -Military Retirement Veterans-- National Cemeteriea see also Jefferaon Barraclu Veterans-- National Life lnauranee Service Veterans Orcanir.ationa Veterana Penaiona Veterans P naiona- - Miacellaneoua Veterans Pensiona- -Spaniah American War Widowa Veterans Penaiona--War Widowa Veterans Pensiona- -World War I Vice President see a/ SO Agnew, Spiro Nixon, Richard M. Vietnam see Foreign Affain- -Vietnam Vietnam--Miaaing in Action Vietnam--Prisionen of War see also Foreign Mfain Villa de Ville see Houaing-- Villa de Ville Vitamin Supplement• see Food and Drug Adminiatration -- Vitamin Supplement• Vocational Education see also Education--Residential Vocational Education Education- - Vocational Education Vocational Rehabilitation Voter Registration see also Election Reform--Post Card Voters Registration Federal Voting Assistance Program See also League of Women Voters Voting Age Voting Rights Act see also Election Reform Wage and Price Controls see also Minimun Wage Price Freer:e War Claims War Claims--Foreign War Insurance War Powers War Protest see Foreign Mfain--Vietnam see a/so F oreign Affaira--Cambodia Washington D.C. see District of Columbia Washington University see also Grants--HEW--Washington D.C. Grants--Many Sources-Washington University Washington University Medical Center see Housing--Washington University Medical Center Water see also Food and Drug Administration -Water Water Diveraion of the Misaiuippi River to Texas Water Flouridation :,ee Flouridation of Water Water Pollution see a/so Air Pollution Pollution Solid Waste Pollution Water Pollution Laboratory Water Resources Planning Act see Conservation--Water Resources Water,ate ee at so Nixon, Richard M Waterway User Changes see a/so Lock and Dam 26 Weapons see Arms Control see also Disarmament Nerve Gas Nuclear Weapons Nuclear Weapons--Testing Weather Weatherir.ation Assistance Act Welfare see also F amily Assistance Health and Welfare Council of Greater St . Louis Welfare-- Clippings ee also Family Assistance Material and Clippings Welfare--Family Support see also Family Assistance Act Wellston, MO see Housing--Wellston West End see Housing- -West End West Pine Apartments see Housing--West Pine Apartments Wheat Research and Promotion White House Conference on Aging White House Conference on Children White House Releases by President Wild Rivers Bill see Conservation--Wild Riven Wilderness see Conservation-- Wilderness Wire T apping and Bugging see also Internal Security Women see also Advisory Council on Women's Educational Programs Anthony, Susan B. Insurance Coverage for Women League of Women Voters Minority Groups National Center for Women Women--Clippings Women- - Commissions on the Status of Women Women- -Employment Opportunities see also Equal Employment Equal Pay for Equal Work Women--Equal Rights Amendment see also Civil Rights--Equality for Women Women--Equal Rights--Clippings Women- - Equal Rights- - Congressional Material Women- - Equal Rights--Correspondence Women - - Equal Rights--Material Women--Higher Education Women in Military Academies Women in Politics see also Campaign Conference for Democn&ic Women Miaouri- -Sta&e Poli\ica St. Louia--Politica Women in Politica--Requ.ta for Jnfonnation Women in Public Service Women--Jnaurance see Jnaurance Covenc• for Women Women--International Women'• Year Women--Media Editorall and Repli• Women--Neweletten Women--Orcaniaatione see also Bueineu and Prof-ional Women'• Club Council of Catholic Women Workmen'• Compeneation Lawa see Labor- - Workmen'• Compeneation Lawa World Affaire Council World Federation Y oun1 Adult Coneervation Corpe Youn, American• for Freedom Youn& Democrat. of St. Louia Youth Affain see a/so Metropolitan Youth Commiuion Youth Appreciation Week Youth Camp Safety Act Youth Opportunity Unlimited 220-002738559 sro
In: Spajić-Vrkaš, Vedrana and Ilišin, Vlasta (2005) Youth in Croatia. Faculty of Humanites and Social Sciences University of Zagreb, Research and Training Centre for Human Rights and Democratic Citizenship, Zagreb. ISBN 953-175-242-7
The results of the research described above were obtained on a representative sample of Croatian youth from 15-24 years of age in the second half of 2002. The research was carried on in the context of a regional research project on youth under the auspices of the PRONI institute from Sweden. The main objective of the project was to provide empirical data on life, needs, attitudes and aspirations of young people as a means of assisting the process of youth policy review. The process was initiated by the Council of Europe with a view to strengthen youth participation in democratic changes of the countries in the region. This report is the most recent one in a long and well-established tradition of studying youth issues in Croatia. Therefore, it often includes comments and references to earlier research findings for the purpose of determining the changes in youth trends, as well as for the purpose of validity testing of our data. On the other side, the data presented in this report may, together with earlier studies, be used as a reference point in the process of reviewing the National Programme of Action for Youth, as well as in developing a comprehensive, efficient and youth-centred national youth policy. The core of the findings is probably that the criteria for determining the upper age-level of youth period should be reviewed and extended to include those who are 30 years of age. The fact that more and more young people remain longer in education, that they decide to marry and have children later in their life, that they consider changing their job and probably, if possible, enroll in re-training programmes for that purpose, as well as that they desire to reach full independence by relying on their own abilities and endeavour, speaks in favour of the need to redesign our traditional approaches to youth upper age-limits. Other findings that help us understand some important dimensions and trends of contemporary life of Croatian youth are summarised below. The most basic socio-demographic data demonstrate that very few young people from our research who are 24 and below are married and few think of having children before the age of 25. About half of them live in a two-child nuclear family in a house/apartment of their own that, averagely, comprises more than two rooms. Very few have an opportunity to live in an apartment of their own, although four fifths express desire to live separately. The aspiration towards such independence is mainly motivated by socio-economic and maturity factors: it is a prominent feature of young people who are university students, whose fathers have more education, and who are over 20. Since the chances of having their own apartment in a reasonable period of time are rather minimal, not only due to the difficulties in finding a job but due to extremely high prices in the housing sector, such prolonged co-habitation and dependency on parents and/or relatives is a frequent cause of young people' s frustrations and is probably related to, together with other factors such as poverty and limited capacity of pre-school child-care institutions, a constant decrease in the average number of children per family. On average, young people are satisfied with their present life and expect no change in the future. Despite a high unemployment rate especially among them, approximately three quarters assess their own present and future life, the life of their closest friends and their peers in Western Europe as good or excellent. Their optimism is somewhat even higher than it was found in the end of 1990s. When asked to imagine their life in 10 years ahead majority see it as a success, either in general terms or in specific terms of their professional advancement or family happiness. Dissatisfaction with present life grows with age and with opportunities to enter the world of work and become fully independent, since the young between 20-24 years of age, both employed and unemployed are more inclined to perceive their present life as unsatisfactory. Interestingly enough, the age does not have influence on the assessment of future, which means, in the context of this research, that young people in general, irrespective of age, equally believe that future brings better opportunities. In reference to their professional and educational aspirations, almost two thirds of the young want to continue education, while one fourth of them think of finding a job. The differences are mainly determined by residential, social, and age factors. Thus, a primary aspiration of pupils and university students, as well as of those who live in Zagreb or in families of higher socio-economic status, is to continue their education. Contrary to them, rural young people, those who live in low-income families, as well as those who are over 20 are more inclined to seek for a job or to continuing the job they currently hold. Over two fifths of young people plan to leave their present place of residence so as to be able to meet their professional and educational aspirations. Almost half of this group prefer to move somewhere inside the country, most often to a bigger city which is perceived as the place that offers better opportunities for career and social positioning, while other half think of going abroad. The percentage of the young planning to leave the country for good rose from 11% in 1986 and 18% in 1999 to 19% in 2002. Their migratory plans are connected to their residential status, i.e. to the conditions in the place or region where the young actually live. Young people from Zagreb are less willing to go somewhere else; rural youth and youth from Eastern Croatia wish to migrate to another place inside Croatia more than any other group, while all groups (except youth from Middle and Northern Croatia who want that somewhat more than others) equally (do not) want to settle abroad. Data on a desired place for living are quite similar to those on migratory plans. The number of youth preferring to remain in their present place of residence and the number of those having no migratory plans are almost identical. When compared to earlier studies, we see an increase in the number of young people preferring to live in large cities. In addition, almost one quarter express their preference for living abroad, majority of which opt for a Western European country. The fact that almost one fifth of all has plans and almost one fourth prefer to live abroad indicate the existence of two closely related but, nevertheless, separate dimensions of youth migratory thinking. While the preference for other counties may mean only an inclination, having plans on migrating abroad most certainly includes active search for such a possibility. In light of our findings it means that at least one fifth of Croatian youth not only dream of leaving the country but actually make plans how to make it a reality. Employed youth is far from being satisfied with their jobs. Every second confirms his or her disappointment. Approximately one fifth of both them and those that are still in the process of education desire jobs in the service or business sector; little less in number think of entering more creative and/or dynamic professions or professions related to education, health care and social services. This means that their professional aspirations are somehow higher that those of their parents, majority of whom have secondary school completed and are mainly employed as industrial, service and shop workers or clerks. Nevertheless, if their choices are compared to the structure of the employed force in Croatia and if we add to it a rapidly changing labour market in all transitional countries, their professional preferences seem rather realistic. This is probably why almost half of the young hold that their chances for getting a preferred job are high or very high. The data also confirm that their estimations are related to age and socio-professional status since pessimism increases with age (except for the university students) and is tightly linked to unemployment status. In any case, optimism prevails among the young and it, as well, may be linked to their strong motivation to succeed in life by relying on their own abilities despite unfavourable social and economic context in which they live. It is also possible, at least partly, that self-assurance of young people comes from positive educational experience. Over half of the young state they feel happy and satisfied when thinking of their schools or universities. However, it is not clear whether their satisfaction should be understood in terms of acquiring subject-matter knowledge and skills or in terms of developing certain personal qualities through participating in school life. Earlier studies on youth have proven that the young have complex relations towards education which are the outcomes of both institutional tasks and personal expectations. Moreover, our results document that feelings about school are correlated with sex and socio-professional status.Girls and university students, in general, are more satisfied with their education, while the unemployed are among the least satisfied. It is also possible that positive feelings about education also relate to school grades. Earlier studies have shown that female pupils receive somewhat better average scores than their male schoolmates, which may explain why girls have more positive feelings about school than boys. • On the other hand, it is clear that school is by no means a source of information about the events in the country and the world for young people since a great majority of them actually receive news through ordinary media (TV, radio, newspapers and magazines). Moreover, Internet has become an important source of information about the country and the world for approximately one fifth and over one fourth of them, respectively. This shift has to do with the fact that over two thirds of the young from our study are computer users and that more than half of them already have computer at home. It is, therefore, obvious that new information and communication technologies are becoming part and parcel of young people' s daily life what needs to be taken into account when policies and programmes of action for promoting their wellbeing are designed, especially in reference to underprivileged youth. Namely, our research confirms that the use of computer correlates with residence (urban environment), family background (parents with higher education and higher socio-economic status), age, and education factors (younger population and students). Nevertheless, young people are not enslaved by new information communication technologies. Most of them spend their free time associating with friends, engaging in sport activities, going to disco-clubs, watching TV or performing outdoor activities, while far less enjoy music, reading books or art exhibitions. In addition, many young people have no daily obligations, except in relation to school and spend their free time idling or sleeping. This means that the majority of youth either do nothing or engage almost solely in the so called passive and/or receptive activities for self-entertainment. Despite that fact, almost three fourths of them claim they are more or less satisfied with how they spend their free time what brings us to the conclusion that the main problem is not the quality of their free time activities but their lack of awareness that the quality itself is being at stake. However, it should be pointed out that their opinions are related to age and socio-professional status. Young people who belong to an upper age-cohort and who are unemployed exhibit far more dissatisfaction with their free time than the youngest. Overpronounced dissatisfaction among the unemployed seems to be an indicator of an overall discontent with one' s own life. For the unemployed, free time becomes a burden not only because they cannot perceive it in terms of an offduty activity but because they can not afford it financially. In reference to the use of psychoactive substances, it seems that tobacco smoking and alcohol consumption are the most widespread types of risk behaviour among the youth. Approximately one third of them smoke cigarettes or drink alcohol daily or weekly ; three fifths are non-smokers and one fifth never drink alcohol. Smoking increases with age and employment. Alcohol, on the other hand, is solely related to gender in a way that young women drink less than their male peers. Such trend may be the sign of a subtle male initiation rite de passage that has outlived its traditional context. Since the data on smoking are more favourable than those from earlier research it may be presumed that an anti-smoking media campaign, which has been going on rather aggressively throughout the country, has brought positive effect, whereas non-existence of similar anti-alcohol campaign may be the sign of a relatively high level of a social tolerance for alcohol consumption. As far as drug are concerned, Croatian youth is more inclined to the so-called 'soft' drugs. Over one third of the young have tried or used twice or more only marijuana ; hashish and ecstasy is mentioned by less than one tenth of them, whereas other 'hard' drugs have been only tried or are consumed by 1-3% of them. The consumption of marijuana is associated with a recognizable youth group, what confirms earlier studies. A group of highest risk is made of young people between 20 and 24, male, university students, the residents of Zagreb, Istria, Croatian Littoral and Dalmatia, and whose fathers have higher education level. A great majority of young people tend to see themselves in rather positive terms: they are self-assured, think they have a good number of personal qualities; believe in their capabilities when compared to other people and have no doubts that most people they know like them. This may be related to feeling of security they experience in the context of their immediate environment since a great majority of the young claim that they can almost always get warmth, care and support from their parents and support from their friends. On the other hand, only every second of them feel the same about their teachers. It seems that most Croatian families are characterised by an exercise of indirect and flexible control over their children in the course of their growing up. In over half of the cases parents or relatives hardly ever determine rules for their children' s behaviour although they do control the choice of their friends, as well as their evening outdoor activities. Moreover, young people claim that their parents are especially keen of their school progress since they almost regularly keep records on their children school situation. • When asked about the most serious problems of their generation, the majority of young people in Croatia mention socially unacceptable behaviour, such as drug abuse, alcohol consumption and violence, unemployment, low standard of living, the lack of life chances and mass migration of young experts abroad. Since unemployment was repeatedly displayed as the major problem of young generation in earlier studies, their present preoccupation with socially unacceptable behaviour may be related either to the sample structure (majority of them are students) or to a general social climate which is, due to predominance of media campaigns mainly geared against smoking and drug abuse (but not against alcohol consumption, except for safe driving), inducing an over-sensitisation to behavioural issues causing, on the other side, the lack of awareness of existentially important issues of young people that are of an utmost importance for their independence and self-satisfaction. Young people are inclined to attribute responsibility for solving these problems primarily to themselves, their parents and public authorities, i.e. firstly to those actors that function at the private level (personal and parents' responsibility), than to public sector (government, education system) and, finally, to the civil society (nongovernmental organizations, youth associations and religious institutions). This means that youth principally count on their personal strength and family support, as well as that they have explicit expectations of state institutions, whereas they think of receiving the assistance from the civil sector only exceptionally. Notwithstanding, since half of the young studied have failed to mention personal responsibility, it clearly demonstrates that both strong sense of self-responsibility and its avoidance stand side by side as two features of Croatian youth. Among the measures that Croatian youth see as the most efficient for solving their problems two are underlined: equal education and career opportunities, on the one hand, and strict punishment of drug dealers and restrictions on alcohol selling, on the other hand. Since the majority of youth consider socially unacceptable behaviour, including drug-addiction, to be the gravest problem of their generation, it is understandable that they see the way out in strict punishing of drug dealers, (rather than consumers), what is still inadequately determined by Croatian law. Other most frequently mentioned measure has to do with the youth quest for developing society of equal chances which is in line with their perception of unemployment as the second most frequently mentioned youth problem in Croatia. Although lesser in number, the young refer to their under-representation and require their participation in decision-making to be ensured at all levels. They also require better adapting of secondary and higher education to the needs of contemporary life, as well as better quality of education, in general; some speak in favour of establishing a ministry for youth affairs, developing national strategy for promoting youth well-being, setting up of funds for youth initiatives, better legal regulations of the places of youth entertainment, i.e., the issues majority of which have already been integrated into the recently adopted National Programme of Action for Youth that is seen as an initial step in developing a national youth policy. The values that the majority of young people hold personally important or very important are healthy environment, peace in the world, gender equality, and rights and freedoms of the individual. Second group of the most personally preferable values encompasses solidarity among people, social justice, economic security, respect for differences, rule of law, inalienability of property, civil society, free market, freedom of the media, protection of minorities, religion and democratic system. The bottom of the scale is occupied by social power, national sentiment, European integration, and high economic standard. The review of their preferences demonstrates a relatively respectable level of democratic potential of young people in Croatia. They are more oriented towards comfortable life based on key principles of democracy and civil society, which is in correspondence with earlier research that have documented the shift to a more individualistic value system, including youth' s preference for independence and their focus on self-realisation and material security. However, their relative devaluation of the importance of European integration may be, on the one hand, the sign of either their dissatisfaction with, or their criticism of the way new European order has been established, partly due to the fact that Croatia has been somehow unjustly left behind. On the other hand it may be the consequence of their perceiving the integration merely in terms of a political objective of which very little they experience in everyday life. This is not to say that they devaluate the importance of European integration for Croatia as such. It would be more accurate to say that Croatian young people are becoming more and more pragmatic in their social positioning of which many think not only in the context of Croatia but in the context of Europe and the world. Having in mind a long tradition of Croatian youth emigration to Europe and the fact that almost 20% of contemporary youth plan to leave the country for good (mostly for a European country), their relation toward European integration may mean that they see it only as an added value to an already established youth migratory pattern in Croatia. of young people about the determinants of upward social mobility in Croatia reflect their accurate perception of social anomalies that, if left unquestioned, threaten to deepen social inequalities and diminish democratic potential of the society. Namely, a great majority of the young see as important or highly important for social promotion in Croatia a combination of the following variables: adaptive behaviour, personal endeavour, knowledge and skills, and connections and acquaintances. University degree, money and wealth, and the obedience and submissiveness to the 'boss', are identified less but, nevertheless, reflect a combination of appropriate and inappropriate means of social promotion. Somehow more troublesome is the finding that one third to one half of the young consider belonging to certain nation or political party, as well as bribing and corruption as important determinants of one' s success in Croatia. These data present an index of youth's perception of Croatian society as the society of unequal chances since it, by allowing nondemocratic practice to play an important role in social promotion, actually discriminates against those who in this matter believe in, and rely on their own abilities and efforts. When compared to earlier studies, it is highly troublesome that almost the same factors of social promotion are estimated as important by both socialist and ' transitional' young people in Croatia. Overall examination of the above results may be seen as an indicator of a process of relative homogenisation of young people in today' s Croatia – certainly, within the issues here examined and at the present level of analysis. There is no doubt that young people here described have many characteristic in common, especially in reference to their marital status, family pattern, housing conditions, parent' s educational background, attitudes towards present and future life, professional and educational aspirations, desired accommodation, sources of information, satisfaction with free time, positive feelings about themselves, feeling of security in relation to their parents and friends, as well as in reference to their abuse of psychoactive substances. They also share their desire for autonomy and independence, and for the recognition by the society at large, as well as their dreams of a more just society in which life opportunities would match individual abilities and endeavour. When they differ, it is mostly due to their varied socio-professional status and age. Residential status, father' s educational background, gender, and regional background are less important. The tendencies that have been documented suggest that youth are divided primarily by their actual social status and stage of attained maturity, and only secondarily by socialization factors, such as social origin in a narrow and broad sense of the term, and a gender socialization patterns. However, further analysis of data should disclose youth dominating trends with more accuracy.
Issue 2.5 of the Review for Religious, 1943. ; A. M. D. G. Review for Religious SEPTE/xlBER 15, 1943 Prayer to Christ the King . Thomas A. O'Conno'r" Progress in Prayer. . Robert B. Eiten ,Sacred Vessels and Linens . ~ . James E. Risk Leadership in Catholic At÷ion ¯ ¯ ¯ . , ¯ Vouree Watson Devotlonto the Holy Name Gerald Ellard Sfimmer School in the Spiritual Life . Patrick M. ,Regan '~ Book Reviews Communica÷ions Questions Answered Decisions of the Holy See VOLUME II NUMBER 5 RF.VII::W FOR. RELIGIOUS VOLUME 11 SEPTEMBER 15. 1943 . NUMBER CONTENTS THE PRAYER TO CHRIgT THE KING--Thomas A. O'Connor, S.J2.81 PROGRESS IN PRt~YER--Robert B. Eiten. S.d .2.9.7 THE STORY OF CARMEL . 306 THE HANDLING OF SACRED VESSELS AND LINENS---~ James E. Risk. S.d. .~ . 307 PAMPHLET NOTICES . 311 THE PRINCIPLE OF LEADERSHIP IN CATHOLIC ACTION-- Youree Watson. S.J . 312 D.EVOTION TO THE HOLY NAME OF JESUS--Gerald Ellard, S.J.327 A SUMMER SCHOOL IN THE SPIRITUAL LIFE'--- Patrick M. Regan. S.J . 329 COMMUNICATIONS (On Vocation) . 333 BOOK REVI-EWS (Edited by Clement DeMuth. S.J.)m THE MASS PRESENTED TO NON-CATHOLICS-- By the Reverend John P. McGuire . 336 . A HANDY GUIDE FOR WRITERS--. By the Reverend Newton B. Thompson, S.T.D. 336 AN OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE CHURCH BY CENTURIES-- ¯ By the Reverend Joseph McSorley . 337 THE ONE GOD. By the Reverend Reginald Garrigou-LaGrange, O.P.337 HANDBOOK OF MEDICAL ETHICS. By the Reverend S. A. La Rochelle, O.M.I. and the Reverend C. T. Pink, M.D., C.M. ' 338 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS-- 32. Meaning of "Constitutions" . . 339 33. Blessing of Subjects by Superigress . 339 34. Legislation on Benediction of Blessed Sacrament . 339 35. Moment when Dispensation from Vows takes Effect .~ . 340 36. Diocese of Origin for a Convert . 341 37. Abstinence Imposed by Rule and by Church . 341 38. Presence Required for Mass of Obligation . 342 39. Intention Required for Gaining Indulgences . - 342 DECISIONS OF THE HOLY SEE OF INTEREST TO RELIGIOUS343 REVIEW~ FOR RELIGIOUS, September 1943. Vol. II. No. 5. 'Published bi-monthly : January, March. May, July. September, and November at the College Press. 606 Harrison Street, Topeka, Kansas. by St. Mary's College. St. Marys, Kansas, with ecclesiastical approbation. Entered as second class matter ,January 15, 1942. at the Post Office, Topek.a, Kansas, under the act of March 3, 1879. Editorial Board: Adam C. Ellis, S.3. G. Augustine Ellard. S.3. Gerald Kelly. Copyright, 1943, by Adam C. Ellis. Permission is hereby granted for quotations of reasonable length, provided due credit be given this review and the author., Subscription price: 2 dollars a year. Printed in U. S. A. The Prayer Ch ris : !:h e,King,- Thomas A. O'Connor, S.3. 44 lONG live Christ theKing!" The shout rose to a roar.Up from the streets below, this battle cry of the persecuted Mexican Catholics floated through the open windows of the presi-dential palace. Calles heard it and knew that somehow his triumph .was being turned into defeat. Only a day before he was sure that he had conquered. The scene of his imagined triumph was an enclosed courtyard, with powder-blackened Walls, pockmarked.by bullet holes, before which jutted up a protecting log barri~ cade with flat, human-sized wooden dummies before it. This was where the firing squad did its bloody work. The political prisoner, whose death Calles had unjustly decreed, showed not even, the slightest trace of hatred or surliness in his manner, as he stood there'in his dark suit with a checkered vest sweater showing through his unbuttoned coat. "Have you any last request?" barked the captain of the firing squad. "Permit me to pray," he calmly replied; and he knelt down on the sand and gravel, turning slightly away from the crowd. Reverently he made the sign of' the cross, prayed devoutly for a few moments with joined hands, then, kissing fervently the little crucifix he held in his hand, he rose and faced his executioners. Crucifix in hand, he made the sign of the cross over the soldiers and officers there. "May God have mercy on you all." 281 THOMAS A. O'~CONNOR Then with his rosary twined about his left hand, he extended his arms in the form of a cross. "I forgive my enemies from the bottom of my heart." Saying this, he lifted his eyes to the clear, blue heavens. A moment's pause: then slowly, r~verently, firmly came the beautiful words: "Long live Christ the King!" Th~ rifles cracked. The prison~er slumped heavily to the ground. An awful silence. A sergeant stepped up, and fireda bullet through the victim's head. It was 10:30 a. m. November 23, 1927. Two years before, on December 11, 1925, Pope Plus XI had issued his encyclical on Jesus Christ King. Father Pro arid hisloyal Mexican Catholics had heard this call to a more valiant service of Christ the King. In trying to win their country to the Kingdom of-Christ, the)~ had sealed their lives with their blood. Father Pro's last words, "Longlive Christ the King," had been the spark which detonated the thunderous roar that Calles heard the next day, as six thousand marchers and five hundred cars escorted the body of Father Pro to Dolores Hill for burial. The Feast or: Christ Our King In his encyclical, Quas Primas, establishing the Feast of Christ the King, Pope Plus XI said: "When we command that Christ Our King be venerated by Catholics throughout the world, We are providing for the special needs of our own day a very effective remedy against the pests which pervade human socie.ty." In other parts, of the same encyclical, the Pope further explained these special needs of our time: "Evil has spread throughout the world because the greater part of mankind has banished Jesus Christ ~nd His holy law from their lives, their families, and from public 282 PRAYER TO CHRIST THE KING affairs . There will never arise a sure ho]ae of lasting peace between the peoples oi~ the world as long as individ-uals and nations continue to deny or refuse to acknowledge the rule of Christ, Our Savior. It is necessary for all men to seek 'the peace of Christ in the Kingdom of Christ' . "Today.we grieve., over the seeds of discord apparently sown everywhere, the rekindling of hatreds and-rivalries between .pe0ples which prevent the re-establish-ment of peace. In spite of :this we are sustained by the holy hdpe that the Feast of Christ Our King, wbich will be ' :celebrated hereafter every year, will at last lead society to our Blessed Savior . It appears to us that an annual cele-bration of the F~ast of Christ Our King will greatly assist all nations . In fact, the more the dear name of Our Redeemer is passed over in shameful silence, be it in inter-national meetings, be it in parliaments, so much the more nec?ssary is it to acclaim Him as King ~ind announce every-where the rights of His royal dignity and power. "All indeed can see that since the. end of the last century, the way Was being prepared for the long desired institution of this new feast day . The supremacy of the Kingdom of Christ w'as also recognized iri thi~ pious practice of all those who dedicated, even co.nsecrated, their families to the Sacred Heart of Jestis." Then he referred to Leo XIII's cons.ecration of the whole human race to the Sacred Heart. Announcing his intention to do this, Pope Leo XIII had said: ."I am about to perform the gr~eatest act 6f my pontificate." .In his encyclical on "The ConSecration of all Mankind to the Sacred Heart," given on May 25, 1899, he added: ",lust as, When the newly born Church lay helpless under l~he yoke of the Caesars, there appeared in the'heavens a cross,, at once the sign and the cause of the marvelous vict0~y that was soon to follow, so today before our very eyes there appears 283 THOMAS A. O'CONNOR another most happy and holy sign~ the Most Sacred Heart of Jesus, crowned by a brilliant cross set amid raging flames. In this Sacred Heart we shall place all our hopes; from it, too, we ask and await salvation." "In virtu~ of Our Apostolic authority," said Pope Pius XI, "We institute the Feast of Our Lord Jesus Christ King, and decree that it be celebrated everywhere on the last Sun-day of October . Likewise We decree that on this very same day, annually, there is to be renewed the consecration of all mankind to the. Sacred Heart of Jesus." Pra~ter t~ ~Christ the King On February 21, 1923, through the Sacred Peniten-tiary, Plus XI approved the Prager to Christ the King, and to its recital he attached a plenary indulgence, once a day, under the usual conditions (Preces et Pia Opera,. 1938, n. 254). Undoubtedly it was the Pontiff's wish that every loyal follower of Christ would daily recite this act Of per-sonal loyalty to Christ the King. In the remainder of this article we are developing the various phrases of the Prayer to Christ the King, somewhat after the. manner .of the second method of prayer, by quoting generously from Pius XI's encyclicals on "Christ the King" ~Quas Primas), and "Reparation to the Sacred Heart" fMiserentissimus Redemptor), and from Leo XIII's "Consecration of all Mankind to the Sacred Heart" (Annum Saqrum). "'0 Christ Jesus" "Whose name is above every name . who though by nature God . made (himself) like unto men . appearingin the form of man" (Philippians 2:6). In the words of the Athanasian Creed, "He is God begotten before all ages from the substance of His Father, 284 PRAYER .TO CHRIST THE KING and He is Man born in time from th~ substance of. His Mother." The Second Person of the Blessed Trinity, assuming human nature, united it to the Divine Nature under His single Personality in a union which is called the Hypostatic Union. Hence "not only is Christ to be adored as God by angels and men, but also angels and men must be subject to His empire as Man." He is perfect Man as He is perfect God. "Thou art beautiful above the sons of men," says the Psalmist, "grace-is poured abroad in thy lips, therefore hath God blessed Thee forever and ever." In Him, flowering forth in all its fullness, is ever~ virtue and perfection: kindness, sympathy, patience, strength, courage, wisdom, loyalty, self-sacrifice, love. He is also God with full power and kingly majesty: all-wise, all-holy, all-powerful, all-merciful. Christ .Jesus, at whose name "every knee should bend of those ifi heaven, on earth and under the.earth, and every tongue should.confess that the Lord Jesus.Christ is in the glor~ of God the Father" (Philippians 2: 10). '~I Acknowledge Thee King of the Universe" "We assert that it is necessary to vindicate for the Christ-Man both the name and power of a King in the full meaning of that term." (Quas Primas) "Christ reigns as King in the minds of men not only because of the keenness of His mind or the vastness of His knowledge, but also because He is the Truth. It is there-fore necessary that all men seek and receive the truth from Him in full obedience. "Christ reigns as King in the wills of men either because there was in Him a complete submission of the human will to the Divine, or because He influences our free will in such 285 THOMAS A. O'CONNOR an efficacious way by His holy inspiration that we are led to desire only the noblest things. "Finally Christ is recognized as the King of Our. Hearts because of that love of His which surpasses all understand-ing and because of the supreme attraction we have for His divine meekness and kindness. No man, in fact, ever was so much loved as Jesus Christ, or ever will be." (Quas Primas) "The. Empire of Christ extends not only over Catholic peoples, and over those who, reborn in the font of Baptism, belong by right to the Church; it embraces even those who do not enjoy the Christian faith, so that all mankind is un-der the power of Christ." (Annum Sacrum) The doctrine of Christ the King is amply vindicated in the words of the New Testament. The Archangel Gabriel announced to the Virgin Mary that she was to bear a Son. "He shall be great, and shall be called the Son of the Most High; and the Lord God will give Him the throne of David His father, and He shall be king over the house of Jacob forever; and of his kingdom there shall be no end" (Luke 1:32). Christ took every opportunity to call Himself King and publicly affirmed His Kingship in the court of the Roman governor (John 18:37). "Thou art then a King?" asked Pilate. "Thou sayest it," Jesus answered, "I am a King. This is why I was born, and why I have come into the world, to bear witness to the truth." In the Apocalypse (1:5) St. John calls Him "the ruler of the Kings of the earth" and again (19:6) "King of Kings, and Lord of Lords." Of His kingship Christ said: "All power in heavena.nd on earth has been given to me. Behold I am with you all days even to the consummation of the world." 286 PRAYER TO CHRIST THE'KING "Could He possibly have meant anything else by these: words than that His regal power was absolute and that His kingdom extended over all th~ earth?" (Quas Primas) "He announced before .the Roman consul that His kingdom 'was not of this earth'," yet, "since Christ has received from His Father an absolute right over all created things, so that all are subject to His will, they would err grievously, who would take from the Christ-man power over all temporal things . " (Quas Prirnas) "'All That Has Been Created Has Been Made for Thee" "All things were made through him, and without him was made nothing that was made" (John 1:3). "As God, Christ possessed full and absolute sway over all created things. As Man, it can be said-that He has received 'power, honor, and a. kingdom' from the Father." In the book of Daniel (7:13) we read: "I beheld a vis-ion of the night, one like the son of man came with the clouds of heaven., and he gave him power, and glory, and a.kingdom; and all peoples, tribes and tongues shall serve him; his power is an everlasting power that shall not be taken away; and his kingdom that shall not be destroyed." The prophet Isaias tells us of the future coming of the King, who will be no less than God Himself, appearing up-on earth in the lowly and endearing form of a human babe. "Achild is born to us and a son is given to us, and the government is upon his shoulder; and his name shall.be called Wonderfu!, Counsellor, God the Mighty, the Father of the world to come, the Prince of Peace. His empire shall. be multiplied, and there shall be no end of peace: he shall sit upon the throne of David, and upon his kingdom; to es-tablish it and strengthen it with judgment and with justice, from henceforth and for ever" (Isaias 9:6-7). "The Lord hath made all things for Himself," saysPro- 287 THOMAS A. O'CONNOR verbs (16:4). God brought into being from nothingness all things that are. Being Infinite Wisdom He could not act without some definite purpose in mind. Since nothing had existed previously but Himself, and since nothing but Him self could be an end worthy of His action, He created all things for Himself. Not that He needed these. No. For, being Infinite, nothing was wanting to Him. Nor cou!d these add to His perfections since, being All-Perfect, He pos-sessed all things in their fullness. But being Infinite Goodness He longed to communicate His gifts to others; and "from His fullness we have all re-ceived" (John 1:16). By His omnipotent fiat all things were made. Every-thing called into existence is a copy, even though necessarily imperfect and limited, of some aspect of His infinite perfec-tion. Each reflects something of His nature and attributes. "The heavens show forth the glory of God and the firma-ment declareth the work of his hands" (Psalms 18:2). "If any one Shall say that the world was not created for the glory of God, .let him be anathema" (Vatican Council). "'Exercise upon Me All Tby Rights'" "Christ rules over us by right o1: birth." He was born a King. "He has dominion over every one of us by His very essence and nature. "But Christ rules over us not only by right of birth, but also by right of conquest," by His redemption of mankind. "You know that you were redeemed., not with perishable things, with silver or gold, but with the precious blood of Christ" (2 Peter 1 : 18). "We therefore no longer belong to ourselves alone, for Christ has bought us with a 'great price'." (Quas Primas) "Do you not know . . . that you are not your own? For you have been bought at a great price. Glorify God and 288 PRAYER "~O CHRIST.THE KING bear. Him in your body" (I Corinthians 6:20). "Do you not know that your bodies are members of Christ?" (1 Corinthians 6: 15). "Your members are the temple of the Holy'Ghost" (1 Corinthians 6:.19). Christ rules over men also by His right of law-glver. "For the Holy Gospels not only tell us that Christ promul-gated laws, but they also present Him in the very act of making them." (Quas Primas) Again Christ rules over men b.y His right of judge. "For neither doth the Father judge any man, but hath given, all judgment to the Son" (3ohn 5:22). lzastly, "executive power must equally be attributed to Christ, since it is necessary for all to obey His commands," and no one violates them without meeting the punishments He has established. "I Renew Mg Baptismal Promises Renouncing Satan and All His Works and Pomps" The Kingdom of Satan and the powers of darkness.are opposed to the Kingdom of Christ. In his Epistle to the Ephe~ians (6:11) St. Paul urges us to "Put on the armor of God that you may be able to stand against the. wiles of the devil. For our wrestling i~ not with flesh and blood, bu~ against the Principalities and the Powers, against the world-rulers of this darkness, against the spiritual forces of wickedness on high." We renew the promises we made at Baptism. "Do you renounce Satan and all his work~ and pomps?" the priest asks at Baptism. And the one being baptized or the sponsor answers: "I do renounce them." "'I Promise to Lead a Good Christian Life'" The Kingdom of Christ "requires from its subjects not only that their souls be deta, ched from riches and worldly things, that they rule their lives, and that .they hunger and 289 THOMAS A. O'CONNOR thirst after justice, but also that they renounce themselves and take up tl~eir cross." (Quas Primas) Before Christ can reign over the whole world, He'must reign over the hearts of individuals. Before world-conquest'for Christi we must think of self-conquest. With a complete surrender of ourselves there will follow quickly an entire dedication of our energies and ability to His Divine service and to doing Our part in conquering the world for Christ. Christ the King must rule over our minds, over our ¯ wil!s, over our hearts, over our bodies. Listen to the~vords df Pope PiusXI: "It is necessa~ythat Our Lord should rule over the mind of man, who by his intellectual submission shall firmly and at all times assent to the revealed truth and doctrines of Christ; that He rule over the will, which shall obey the divine law and com-mands; that He rule .over our hearts, which despising mere natural love shall love God above all things and be united to Him alone; that He rule over our bodies which as instru-ments . will promote the sanctity of the soul." (Quas Primas) By leading a good Chris;an life we not only horror God, but we bring great peace and happiness to ourselves: For, truly; to serve Him is to reign. He alone is deservng of our whole-hearted attention, and to serve Him devotedly i~ to reign in a peace and happiness which the world cannot give. To serve Him and not the world; to serve Him and not the flesh, to serve Him and not ourselves; is to reign over the deceitful allurements of the world, is to reign over the imperious demands of our traitorous fl~sh, is to reign over the fretful importunings of our self-love with all its yearn-ings for prominence and vain display. To serve Him is to reign over our fickle feelings, our wild, intemperate impulses, and all the chaotic twists of our sin-disrupted 290 PRAYER TO CHRIST THE KING nature: our outbursts of impatience and irritability, our fits of moodiness, our haughty airs and domineering ways, our quick, sarcastic tongues, our instinctive shunnings of little hardships, our selfish seeking of comforts and the good things of life, our petty quarrelings, and our puerile nursing of work-a-day bruises as serious, intentionally- .inflicted wounds. Only by serving Him and forgetting ourselves, do we rise to that greatness of soul whereby we reign over self, over the vicissitudes of life and over the. creatures of time. .~ t//"And to Do Ail in M~! Power to P~ocure the Triumph of the Rights of God and That Church" "The rule of Christ over mankind'has been denied, the Church has been refused the right which comes from th~ very law of Jesus Christ to teach all peoples, to make her own laws for. the sp!ritual government of her subjects in. order to bring them to eternal happiness. Little by little the Christian religion has been made. the equal of other.and false religions . The Catholic religion was made subject to the civil power and was practically abandoned to the control of rulers. . There were not wanting governments which imagined they could do without God and ~over up their lack of religion by irreligion and disrespect for God Himself." (Quas Primas) How are we to meet this modern apostasy from God and bring back Christ to the modern wbrld? We must do all in our power to bring about the ]:eign of Christ. We must use every legitimate means to restore His. rule over the individual, the family, the nation, and the whole, world. For this "purpose the Feast of Christ the King w.as instituted. It is a clarion call to a "more virile, more militant, more 29i THOMAS A. O'CONNOR aggressive Catholicism." Every Catholic is called upon to serve in this campaign. "To hasten this return to Christ by means of good works and organized social actions is a duty incumbent on every Catholic, of many of whom it can be said truthfully, that neither positions nor authority in civic life have been accorded as would be fitting to those who tarry before them the torch of Truth. "This condition perhaps is due to the a.pathy or timidity of the good who abstain from strife and are apt to resist only too weakly. From our weakness the enemies of the Church are emboldened to greater and more fearless acts of audacity. "But w.hen the Faithful clearly understand that they must fight with courage, always under the banner Of Christ Our King,. they will then sttidy with the zeal of Apostles how best to lead rebellious and ignorant people back "to God. At the same time they will themselves acquire strength to keep inviolate God's holy laws." (Quas ¯ Primas) Last Christmas Eve Pope Plus XII, b.roadcast[ng t6 ~he whole world, called upon "all men of good will to unite in a holy crusade . . . Sad as is the condition of the world today, it is not a time for lamentation. Now is the time for action . ¯ Be ready to serve and sacrifice yourselves like the crusaders of old. Then the issue was the liberation of a land hallowed by the life of the Incarnate Word of God. Today the call is to set free the holy land of the spirit, that, liberated from all the evils and errors to which it is subject, there may arise thereon a new social order of lastingpeace and justice . Thesewords are meant as a rall_ying cry to the magnanimous and brave of heart." They are a call'to them "to unite in a solemn vow" whereby they pledge themselves "not to rest until in all peoples and in all nations 292 PRAYER TO CHRIST THE KING on earth there shall be formed a vast legion who are bent on bringing back man to God." "'Divine Heart o~: Jesus, I Offer Thee M~t Poor Actions" Young and 01d, weak and strong, learned and unlet-tered-- Leach one can do much to hasten the reign of Christ over man. ¯ Made a soldier of Christ by Confirmation, each of us must "labor as a.good.soldi~r of Christ" (II Timothy 2:4). .- Insignificant as our actions seem, they yet have great efficacy for good. "A wondrous bond joins all the Faithful to Christ, the same bond which unites the head with the other members of the body, namely, the communion of saints, a bond full of mystery which we believe in as Catholics, and by virtue of which individuals and nations are not only united, to one another but likewise with the he~d itself, 'who is Christ. For from him the whole body (being closely joined and knit together through every joint of the system according to thefunctioning in due measure of each single part) derives its increase to the- building up of itself in love' " (Ephesians 4:15-1 6). (Miserentissimus) "W.e are held to the duty of making reparation by the most powerful motives of justice and love; of justice, in order to expiate the injury done to God by .our sins and to re-establish by means of penance the Divine Order which has been violated; and of love, in order to suffer together with Christ. so that we may bring Him, in so far as our human weakness permits, some comfort in His sufferings." ( M iserentissimus ) "At the present ,time we in a marvellous manner may ¯ and ought to console that Sacred Heart which is be.ing wounded continually by the sins of thoughtless men, since Christ Himself grieved over the fact that He was abandoned 293 THOMAS A. O°CONN~R by His friends. For He said, in the words of the Psalmist, 'My heart has expected reproach and misery. And I looked for one that would grieve together with Me, but there was none; and for one that would comfort me, and I found none. "Anyone who has been considering in a spirit of love all that has beefl recalled [namely about the sufferings Christ endures from men]., if he has impressed these thoughts, as it were, upon the fleshy tablets of his heart, such a one assuredly cannot but abhor and flee all sin as the greatest of evils. "He will also offer himself whole and entire to the will of God, and will strive to repair the injured Majesty of God by constant prayer, by voluntary penances, by patient suf-fering of all those ills which shall befall him; in a word be will so organize his life that in all things it will be inspired bythe spirit of reparation . "We order . a solemn act of reparation in order that we may, by this act, make reparation for our own sins and may repair the rights which have been violated of Christ, the King of Kings and our most loving Master." (Mis-erentissimus) "'That All Hearts Mag Acknowledge Thg Sacred Rogaltg'" "The annual celebration of this feast [o~ Christ the King] ~will also become a means of recalling to the nations their duty of publicly worshipping Christ, that to render Him obedience is not only .the duty of private individuals but of rulers and governments as well . His royal dig-nity demands that. Society as a whole should conform itself to the commandments of God and to the principles of the Christian life, first by the stablizati0n of its laws, then in the administration of justice, and above all things in pre-paring the souls of our young people for the acceptance of 294 PRAYER TO CHRIST THE KING sound doctrine and the leading-of holy lives." (Quas Primas) "If the heads of nations wish the safety of their govern-ments and the growth and progress of their country,, they must not refuse to give, together with the people, public testimony of reverence and obedience to the Empire~of Christ." (Quas Primas) "'And That Thus the Reign ot: Th~ Peace Mar Be Established throughout the Universe. Amen." If men, both privately and publicly, will recognize the ~overeign power of Christ, the signal benefits Of a just free-dom of calm order and of harmony and peacewill pervade . the whole human race. Just as the royal rights of our Lord" render the hflman authority of princes and heads of states sacred to a certain degree, so too they ennoble the duties imposed by obedience on the citizen. "If princes and legitimate rulers will be convinced that. they 'rule notso much in theii own right as through a man-date from the Divine King; it is easy to see what holy and wise use they will make of their power, and with what zeal for the common good and the dignity of their subjects they will be inflamed both in the making and the enforcing of laws. When. this happens every reason for sedition is removed and order and tranquility flourish and grow strong. When citizens see that their rulers and the heads of their states are men like themselves, or are for some rea-son. unworthy or culpable, they will continue even then to o.bey their commands because they Will recognize in them the image of the authority of Christ, the God-m~in. "As for the effect of all this upon concord and peace, manifestly the vaster this Kingdom is and the more widely it embraces mankind, so much the more will men become conscious of the bond of brotherhood that unites them. 295 THOMAS A. O'CONNOR Just as this consdousness of their brotherhood 'banishes conflicts so too it weakens bitterness and turns 'them into, love. If the Kingdom of Christ, which rightly embraces all men, should in fact embrace them, could we then despair of that peace which the King. of Peace brought to earth, that King, We say, who came 'to reconcile all things, who did not come to be served but to serve others' and who, though the Lord of all, made Himself an example of humility and charity as His chief law? 'My. yoke is easy and my burden light' (Matthew 11:30). "Oh, what happiness might we enjoy if individual families and states would only allow themselves tobe 'ruled by Christ! 'Then indeed,' to use the words of Our Prede-cessor, Leo XIII, addressed twenty'-five years ago to all the Bishops of the Catholic world, 'would many wounds be cured, and every right would r.egain its ancient force and the blessings of peace would return, and swords and weapons would fall to the ground, when all would will-ingly accept tl6e Empire of Christ and obey Him and when every tongue would proclaim that Our .Lord Jesus Christ is in the glory, of His Father'." (Quas Primas and Annum Sacrum) To serve Him is to reign, now and forever. Thy Kingdom come. Thy will be done. Long live Christ the King! [NOTE: The ~ompl~te text of the Prager to ChriSt the King reads as follows: 0 Christ Jesus, I acknowledge Thee King of the universe. All that has been cre-ated has been made for Thee. Exercise upon me all Thy rights. I renew my bap-tismal promises renouncing Satan and all his works and pomps. I promise to, live a good Christian llfe and to do all in my power to procure the triumph of the rights~ of Go'd and Thy Church. Divine Heart of Jesus, I c.ffer Thee my poor actions.in order~to obtain that all hearts mag acknowledge Thy sacred Royalty and that thus the reign of Tb~l peace may be established throughout the universe. Amen.] 296 Progress In Prayer Robert B, Eiten, S.J. 44=I"o PRAY well is to live .well"--this is an old saying | famiiiar to us all. In modern scientific dress and as applied to religious, the first part, "to pray well," might be paraphrased by "progress in prayer"; and the last, "to live well," by "spiritual progress." Thus complete, our new title would be: "Progress in .Prayer is Spiritual, Progress." We religious are-all certainly-interested in spiritual progress5 for we have often heard of the obligation of tending to perfection or of making spiritual progress. We must then be interested in progress in prager since it is a very important factor in our spiritual growth. Note the title reads: "Progress in Prayer," not "Prog-ress through Prayer." Here we are not concerned with showing how prayer helps us to grow spiritually. We have taken that for granted. With this in mind our whole attention is rather focussed on progress in prayer. Besides--to make a brief important digression=-if we had been told in our early novitiate days that we should always make our prayer in the same way and that there was no hope of progress in our prayer-life, I believe that we should have been much discouraged and not very ambi-tious. That is only natural, for all life-activity seeks im-provement and development. Thus, prayer, being an activ-ity of our supernatural life, naturally.should develop, or, t6 come back to our title;there should be "Progress in Prayer." Progress in prayer carl refer either to the intensity, that is, the deep fervor of our prayer., or to. its continuity and frequency, or to both at the same time. We shall limit our- 297 ROBERT B. EITEN selves here.to its continuity, for through this approach a mode of intensified prayer-life will also be found. Perhaps there are some souls who never have the proper attitude towards prayer. These really need a few ¯ simple and correct notions on prayer so that in their minds prayer vcill not be a stilted and formalistic affair or some-thing which only the learned can do well. Quite the con-trary, Learning can be a great hindrance to successful prayer if it is not joined with the great Simplicity of soul which prayer~ r~quires. While it is true that prayer should correspond to all our relations with God, still there is one relation that we have with God which should brdinarily be emphasized more than the others. God is not our taskmaster and merely a severe Judge, and we his slaves and servants. No, He" and We are more than .that. No~ is God merely our friend, He is still more than that~ RatherGod is oui: Father and we are His dear children, as God Himself tells us: ". And I. will be a Father to you, and you shall be my sons and daughters" (II Corint~aians 6: 18). But God is even more than our Father; he is our tooing Father, for St. John defines God as Love (I John 4:16).' Yes, God is Love, purest and infinite Love; He is~ our Lover, our Divine Lover, the mightiest and purest of all lovers. Hence, while ¯ we realize the fact that God is our Judge, we must espe- Cially stress the fact that He is the most loving of fathers. ¯ Ordinarily our attitude towards God ought to be that of a simple and loving child towards its father.or that of a lover towards his beloved. How simply; spontaneously, and lovingly a child converses with its father and. tells him how much it loves him and what it wants! . Or again, how simple and direct is the language of tho~e in love! . Prayer is but a familia'r and childlike conversation with God. It is a heart-to-heart communing or chat between God, our 298 ~ PROGRESS IN PRAYER loving Father, and ourselves, His children. In the intimate associations between a loving child and its dear parent, as .weli as between lovers, ~usually there is no set form ~f words or speech. Words a, nd forms of speech come spon-taneously. "Heart speaks to heart.". We may use fix.ed forms of prayer, such as the Ogice, the Our Father, the Hai! Mar~t, and giveoutward expression to them. This is called vocal prayer, an excellent fo~m of prayer and necessary for all public Church services. The Church by its wide use Of vocal prayer gives it very high approval. ~ Nevertheless, when we are alone, other things being equal, it is preferable for most of us to express to God, our Father and Divine Lover, the intimate feelings of our souls in our own words without always resorting to fixed expres, sions, although mental prayer may be made up of the latter also. Mental prayer is. the inner expression to God of the interior sentiments of ourseFces, His dear children. The Church, realizing ~he importance of mental prayer, req.uires religious superiors to see to it that their subjects devote some time daily to mental prayer (canon 595). Let the foregoing jottings suffice to show the utter free-d, orh of prayer from intricacy, as well as point out our ordi-nary attitude towards God in prayer. Such a proper atti-tude, I believe, is all-important for progress in prayer and,- perhal~s, some souls never have it. And now to return more directly to our theme: Prog, resgIn Pra~/er, From the remarks on our attitude.towards God i~ prayer, we must be even further convinced of the necessity of our progress in prayer. Does not a perfect intimacy or nearness between two souls require a.mutual interchange or communication of their ideas; longings, and projects as often as possible? And should there not be between God and us an intimacy and nearness which far surpass all other intimacies of any and all people, seeing 299 , ROBERT B. EITEN that God is the most loving of all fathers, and the .mightiest and purest of all lovers, a Lover Divine? We' all surely realize that We carry on and further this intimacy with God through pra~jer. Thus it is a question of trying to pray as well and as much as possible within the limits of prudence. In heaven a constant uniori with God will be our normal lot and one of the big factors of our happiness. In view of this future, too, it would seem that here below we ought to aspire to make this constant union with God or a pro-gressive prayer-life our Chief quest. But can this be realized? Is it possible to reach this without c~ausing violence to our souls or, as they say, "cracking our headS?". ¯ Certainly it is impossible for us to be.'praying uocatly all the time. Because of the fatigue involved, one of the greatest spiritual writers of the last three centuries recom-mended that a priest avoid saying all the hours of the Divine OfFice in one grouping. Likewise it is impossible to prolong incessantly strict meditation, which is the lowest form of men~al prayer and one made up of a chain of distinct reflec-tions or considerations with at least some simultaneous or subsequent affections. The same is true, at least for a very large majority, and particularly for those not exclusively devoted to the contemplative life, in regard to ordinary af- ¯ fective prayer. oIn affective prayer, as the name indicate~, the affections occupy more of the time than do consider~itions and reflec-tion. As more o~dinarily practised, this form of prayer includes a great variety of affections: for example, senti-ments of love, praise, gratitude, contrition, and so forth. In this ordinary form, because of the variety of the sentiments, it can scarcely be made continuous without the risk of brain fatigue. Hence we must look for something else, if we wish. to cultivate an intensive andI uninterrupted prayer-life. 300 PR0.GRESS IN PRAYER The next step forward in mental 'prayer brings us to simplified affective pra~jer or the prayer of simplicity. It is sometimes called acquired or active contemplation, the prayer of simple regard or simple presence of God. In this form-of acquired prayer, intuition or an immediate grasp of a supernatural truth largely replaces the reasoning process found to a greater or lesser degree in either meditative or ordinary affective prayer. While iri ordinary-affective prayer there is usually a variety of affections and resolu-tions, here in simplified affective prayer little variety in either is noted. Likewise representations of the imagination. as of God or our Lord,~here have little or no appeal. It is sufficient for the prayer of simplicity that there be a spiritual sentiment or affection, which is not necessarily accom-panied by sensibleemotions or even by any distinct idea such as a representation of God or our Lord or a conscious 'reflex thought of the presence of God. DeSmedt, the famous Bollandist, describes it as follows: "'It is enough that the soul be found in a disposition. similar to that of a child living for a long time near its mother, whom it loves tenderly and by whom it knows itself to be tenderly loved. It passes all its days near her, it enjoys .constantly her presence; but for this it has no need to say constantly: My mother is here, I see her. It knotos that she is there. When it has something to say to her or ask 6f her, it has but to lift its head-and speak to her; and even when it is not speaking to her, it has a very'lovirfg feeling of peace and joy, on account Of the presence of its mother."1 We said that in the prayer of simplicity there will be some thought or affection that r¢cursqalways allowing for 1Notre vie surnaturelle, t. 1, 4th ed., p. 468. I am especially indebted to this work (pp. 465-471) for much of the material in this article, especial!y for the means to arrive at the prayer of simplicity. I have also made liberal use of Poulain, Tan-querey, and Marmion. 301 ROBERT B. EITEN some inte.rruptions arid modifications--frequently, readily, and rather spontaneously, with .little or no development and in the midst of other various thoughts, some useful and others nbt. Poulain describes this occurrence as follows: "We may compare it to the strands which thread the pearls of a necklace, or.the beads of a Rosary, and which are only. visible here and there. Or, again, it is like the fragment of cork, that, carried away-by the torrent, plunges ceaselessly, appears and d!sappears. The prayer of simple regard is really only a slow sequence of single glances cast upon one and the same object.''2 Some other comparisons Of things familiar to us are the "following. Con~ider a~mother watching her baby. She thinks of it for hours lovingly,, with relish, and without reflection and fatigue, but still with some interruptions. All this she does without any concern of mind whatever, for it seems, to her such a spontaneous and loving thing to do. Or again, note how an artiit without any fatigue can become absorbed for hours with some beautiful scene or great masterpiece. AS anotherexample, s~ippose the case of a man who is 2000 miles away from home, when he is informed of the sudden death of his mother. His grief will be so intense and persistent that it will, no doubt, continue to be felt even when he is carrying on engaging conversations on the train homeward for the funeral. Perhaps best of all is the case of a person in love. Day and night he thinks of the object of his love. Yet his thoughts and affections for his loved one show little variety: and he, on his part, experiences/~o need ot~ a cfiange. Tlaus for instancea devoted husband and Wife can ~erriain alone long hours.together at home, not always having new ideas ¯ 2The Graces of Interior Prayer, 6th ed., p. 8. .302 PROGRESS IN PRAYER" to exchange, but still .relishing the joy found in being together in quiet and silence. And when they are apart, how readily their thoughts are directed to each other? When~ we realize, as we .just saw, .that God is 'our loving Father and that we are His dear children, and even more, that God is our Lover, is it not strange that this simplified affective prayer is not more common? Should we not be spontaneously prone to be occupied'with this loving Father by a loving, simple, and uninterrupted gaze just as a child is with its mother, or as one in lov~ with the object of his love? We can readily se~ .that this prayer should be a spontaneous outcome of the full realization ~ that God is our loving Fathe). and our Divine and mighties~t of lovers. The praye~: of simplicity thus brings with it a threefold simplification: first, that of reasoning or reflection; sec-ondly that oi~ the affections; and finally something that should rather naturally fbllow: that of our life, . which is ". really a'result of this prayer rathe~ than an element of it. In ordinary affective prayer there is some simplification of reasoning, but not of the affections; and as the affections of affective prayer become more simplified; this prayer verges more into simplified affective prayer or that of simplicity. It is easy-to see how this twofold simplification of reason-ing and of the affections will bring a simplification of our entire life-~-a" consequence of this form of prayer, as was just said. We pursue our work, studies, and spiritual exer-cises in the presence of God and with the spirit of faith and love. Thus, as a result of this prayer, ours is a life of uninterrupted and continual recollection. Of course, when we say uninterrupted or continual,, we are not speaking mathematically. We are rather referring to a frequent recu rrence. How are we to begin the practice of this prayer of sire- 303 ROBERT B. EITEN plicity? In keeping, with the idea that God is our,loving Father and the mightiest of all lovers, we must first of all be thoroughly convinced that God tenderlyloves us and that He finds great pleasure and ~atisfaction. in our love of Him. Secondly we must exclude from our lives, by thor-ough conquest of the senses, mind, and heart, every affec-tion which is not perfectly subordinated to the love of God arid which cannot serve to nourish this love; In brief,- through complete detachment from creatures we try to be-come wholly attached t6 God. Thirdly, we must put on Christ, .God's model Son, by bringing burselves to a com-plete conformity with His ideas~ longings, conduct, and en-tire mode of living. The more we put on God's model Son, the Apple of His eye, the more He will love us. Besides the foregoing, it is also necessary to make a deliberate attempt to live an intensive prayer-life. This prayer-life would include the following points: a ) A great fidelity to exercises of piety prescribed by rule: making them at the time and place and in the way pre-scribed, except in the rare cases of hindrance, dispensation, or other lawful excuse. b) A similar fidelity, but without childish anxiety or a sense of compulsion, to exercises of supererogationchosen with the approval of the spiritual ,director or the superior. Whatever these exercises are, they should not be left to passing whims, but should be definitely marked out ina plan of life. This plan might contain such details as the following: the amount of time to be spent daily before the Blessed Sacrament; how this time is to be distributed; how daily recollection is to be linked up with morning prayer; whether or not a weekly Holy Hour is to be' made, and so forth. One of the functions of these.,superer0gatory exer-cises is to help us to perform our prescribed exercises'better. c) A frequent use of ejaculatory prayer. It may b~ 304 ' PROGRESS II~ ~RAYER preferable to use ejaculations of our own making, since this will insure greater spontaneity on our part as well as greater fervor, whereas other fixed ejaculations are apt to be recited in parrot-like fashion. These ejaculations should be said slowly and with relish. We.can readily be deceived by large numbers here, although we might well ,aim at large num-bers if we can recite our ejaculations with .relish, slowly, and without strain. d) Eager and instinctive recourse to God in all our diffi-culties whatever they are, as in the case of trials crossing our path, or on the occasion of faults of surprise and weakness. By this constant recourse to God we acquirea habi~t or dis-position whereby in the presence of the least difficulty, suf-fering, obstacle, or unexpected consolation, we turn imme-diately by instinct to God, in an ~lan of prayer approPriate to the case at hand. This. promptness is an indication of unbroken union of our soul with God. We resemble the little child-who instinctively has recourse to its.mother in any and all difficulties. Familiarity with these four exercises, especially with the ¯ fourth, will surely bear fruit, even though it may be several years before we acquire the continuity.of the prayer of sim-plicity. If, however, after noble efforts we do not reach this continuity, let us riot be discouraged, since there are souls very holy and the object of God's special love who have similar difficulties. Among those who reach this degree of prayer in a certain measure, the majority arrive there but gradually, at the price of effort, or rather of the inner work of grace continued over a period of years. In this matter let us resign ourselves to God's Holy Will, believing that He will dispose all things sweetly. Beyond simplified affective .prayer we cannot advance with our own efforts, for'the next stel~ forward is into ~he realm of infused contemplative prayer. Howev.er, we ought 305 ROBERT B. EITEN to realize that the careful practice of this simplified affective prayer is the best disposition for and a stepping stone to infused prayer. Conceiving the higher phases of the prayer : of simplicity as a bridge between acquired and infused men-tal prayer, let us march forward towards this bridge, resigning ourselves, however, to God's Holy Will, after we have done our part, to decide whether or not we are to arrive on the other side of it--the life of infused contem-plation. THE STORY OF CARMEL The Discalced Carmelite Nuns of Milwaukee have edited a brief history of the Order of Carmel entitled Carmel of the Mother of God. The book includes the interesting and traditional acount of the foundation of the Order, mentions the existence of Carmelite nuns as early as 1452, and sketches St. Theresa's reform. More in detail is the inspiring story of the Carmelites' early days in the United States. The Carmel founded in Milwaukee in 1940 is completely described, since the book was written especially at the request of many friends in that city. A frank discussion of the Carmelite's daily routine and of the chief devotions fostered by the Order makes, the book both devotional and instructive. Twelve illustrations and a diagram showing the date and location of each monastery of Discalced Nuns in the United States add further interest. Copies 6f Carmel of the Mother of God may be obtained at Carmel, 4802 West Wells Street, Miiwaukee, Wisconsin. The price is fifty (50) cents.--C. A. CHAPMAN, S.J. 306 The N. andling of Sacred Vessels and Linens James E. Risk, S.J. SO GREAT is the reverence due the HolyEucharist tha~ the Church not only requires that special respect be shown to persons dedicated to the service of the Altar, but also demands that the sacred vessels and linens used in the Holy S~acrifice be accorded reverential treatment. ¯ The law regulating this treatment is expressed in Canon I306, one of the canons governing the externals of divine worship. The first,part of the canon prescribes that no on,e except clerics and sacristans be permitted to handle the chalice and paten, and the purificators, palls, and corporals that have not been cleansed after having been used in the Holy Sacrifice. The second part of the canon prescribes that the first washing of purificators, palls, and corporals used in the Holy Sacrifice be performed by a cleric in major orders, and not ~y a layman, even a religious, and that the water from this first washing be thrown into the sacrarigm or, if this be lacking, into the fire. The objects of the first prohibition are the consegrated chalice and paten, and certain linens that have been used in the Mass itself, namely, purificators, palls, and corporals. The corporal always comes into contact with the sacied .species; and both pall and purificator are !ikely to do so. The pall can absorb traces of the Precious Blood that may adhere to the rim of the chalice; the.purificator can absorb either minute particles of the Host or tiny. drops of the- . Precious Blood; though, generally speaking, none of these should remain after the ablutions. To avoid confusion, it may be useful to refer to some 307 JAMES E. RISK objects that lie outside the restrictions of this "law. The Code is silent about the ciborium, the pyx, and the lunette. Though these contain the Sacred Host at times, they are not consecrated, and they are not, properly speaking, objects whose function is directl~t connected with the Mass. Need-less to say, only a priest or a deacon may handle these ves-sels when they contain the Sacred Host. No special rest~ric-tion affects the handling of purificators, palls, and corporals that ,have never been used at Mass or that have been used, but in the meantime cleansed. The corporal used at Bene-diction is not included in the prohibition; nor are the. chalice veil, burse, vestments, and other accessories of the Holy Sacrific.e. But it is well to note here that the absence of any prohibition do~s riot excuse anyone, cleric or lay-man, from observing a reverential attitude towards al! obje4ts in any way connected with the Sacrifice of the NeW Law. Priests and religious, by word and example, should inculcate this lesson of reverence in the minds of the young, lest a carelessness born of familiarity towards holy things supplant an attitude of respect. The persons allowed to handle these sacred objecFs. according to the. first part of the canon, fall into two classes, namely, clerics and sacristans. One who receives the ton-sure formally enters the clerical state a~cording to Canon 108. Such a one may tOUCh the sacred vessels used at Mass as well as the linens described above. The second class comprises sacristans or, as the Code puts it, "those who have custody" of those objects. Sacristans are usually given charge of the sacristy and all the liturgical equipment. An assistant sacristan would enjoy the same right since he would come under the heading of those entrusted with the care of the sacred vessels. Since the law contains no restricting clause, we may conclude that the office of sacristan may be filled by man or woman, religious or lay. 308 SACRED VESSELS AND LINENS ¯ By inference we know those who are excluded from any contact with the sacred vessels or linens. They are those who have never been formally inducted into the clerical state by reason of the tonsure and those who are in no wise charged with the care of the sacristy or the altar furnish-ings. The mere fact that one is a religious does not confer on him this right. An emergency wouldjustify the handling of the sacred vessels or linens by anyon.e. Danger of theft or irreverence or harm of any kind would demand their removal to a. place of safety by any one of the faithful who ¯ happened to b~ 6n hand. To prevent immediate contact with the sa~cred vessels a cloth is sometimes used. This is a laudable custom, but there is no obligation to follow it, It may not be out of place to .propose the following question, closely allied to the matter under discussion. Who may arrange the chalice for the priest who isabout to cele- .brate Mass? The first answer comes fr.om the Rite to be Follovoed .in the. Celebration of Mass, Title ,1, no. l., instructing the celebrant to prepare the chalice. The Sacred Congregation of Kites, in response to a query, permitted such a preparation to be made by one who is allgwed by law or Apostolic privilege to touch the sacred vessels, but in the same response it recommended that the celebrant' him-self carry out the prescription of the Rite of Celebration just mentioned. This is found in the Authentic Decrees of the Sacred .Congregation of Rites, no 4198. ~ The second part of Canon 1306 concerns the first washing of pu~ificators, palls and corporals used in the Holy Sacrifice. These objects are mentioned in particul~ar because they are used in the Holy Sacrifice in such a way as ' to come into contact with the sacred species; the corporal, since it providesa resting place for the Sacred. Host; the pall and puriticat0r, since their functions do not exclude the possibility of contact with the sacramental species. The 309~ "JAMES E. RISK same may' be true to a very slight extent of the little purifi-cator used to dry the fingers of the priest who has distrib-uted H61y Communion outside of Mass or who has helped the celebrant to distribute Communion during Mass. No other linens are affected by this law. .Persons allowed to wash these linens are clerics in major orders to the exclusion of all others. The washing reserved to major clerics is the first washing, a more thorough cleansing being left to others. The two 'additional washings are.traditional but not obligatory, nor is there any obliga-tion to throw into the sacrarium the water from these addi-tional washings. The exclusive nature of this function is clear from the exhortation given to those about to be ordained subdeacons. The ordaining Bishop addresses them in these words: "- "°Dearly beloved sons, who are about to receive the 'office of the subdiaconate, consider with care the nature of the ministry which is given to you. It is the duty of'the subdeacon . to wash the altar cloths and the corporals ¯ . the cloths which are laid over the altar should be washed in one vessel, and the corporals in another. And none of the other linens should be washed in the watei in which the corporals have been washed, and this water should be thrown into the sackarium." Any exception to the law expr~essed in Canon 1306, part. 2, must be granted by the Holy See. The Congrega-tion for the Propagation of the Faith, realizing the emer-gencies and the inconveniences that often arise in the mis-sion fields, has granted to missionary Bishops the faculty to permit Sister sacristans to perform the/irst Washing of the, purificators, palls and corporals; a duty reserved by law to " those.in sacred orders, as we have just seen. When there is a serious reason for it, this same privilege can be obtained 310 SACRED V~SSELS AND LINENS from the Congregation of Religious for Sister~ outside mis= sion districts: A final word concerning the oblioation imposed by canon 1306. The first part of the canon does not seem to impose a strict obligation on lay persons not to touch the sacred vessels and linens, but merely a caution for superiors not to let them do so. The second part of the canon is" phrased more strictly: "Purific.ators, palls, etc . must not be given to lay persons for washing . . . ': To delib-erately act contrary to this prohibition without a sufficient reason-would be sinful; though, in the opinion of eminent commentators, it would not be a serious sin, as the matter is hardly grave, and the irreverence manifested would be slighk. Of coursea special emergencTmight arise in which these linens shouldbe cleansed without delay. The absence . of a major cleric and.the inconvenience involved in finding one would then justify a lay sacristan in performing the first washing of these linens, and no sin would be com-mitted in the case. The spirit of reverence that has always characterized religious sacristans makes easy the observ.ance of this law. PAMPHLET NOTICES VChat is the Bible? by the Reverend Frar.cis P. LeBuffe, S.$. Revised edition. Single copy by mail, 12 cents; 50 copies, $4.00; 100 copies, $7.00; The America Press,-70 East 45th Street, New York" 17, N. Y. Indulgence Ale, and Little Praq. ers with Plenary lndulg~nces--both by the Reverend Francis J. Mutcl~., Each 10 cents per single copy; 5 for 25 cents; 100 for $3.50. Our Sunday V.isitor Press, Huntington, Indiana. 311 The Principle ot: Leadership in Ca :holic Action Youree Watson, S.J. ARE we religious perfectly satisfied with the youth com-mitted to our care? On the whole our boys and girls are "good".---no question of that. One cannot but be aware, however, that in most of our young people this goodness is mixed with" a more or less high degree of world-liness, so that a painful new question inevitably presents itself: will they stay good after they have left us? We must acknowledge that very many of our Catholic students! are worldly. Their ambitions are of the earth: their heroes and heroines are from Hollywdod, not Heaven; their daydreams revolve around the hope of amassin~g a for-tune with its accompaniment of pleasure and prestige, or of wielding great power and influence (of course, they will be benevolent despots!) or of living long, comfortable (ig-noble) days. Surely they intend to pay to God the tribute of weekly devotion, and in many cases considerably more; but in their ordinary daily thinking the supernatural life of 0~grace doesn't loom very large or shine very brightly, so that we wonder if in the end they will not be ensnared by the spirit of this .world and come to have much the same point of view on life as the pagans who surround them. Why this worldliness? The obvious answer is that it springs from the worldly environment in which our youth live. And when I say "environment," I am not using the 1Although in this article the technique of specialized Catholic Action is for the sake of definiteness applied to a particular environment; namely, that of the student worid: nevertheless, with certain minor adjustments the very same technique is equally applicable to other environments, as that of farmers, or of workers, or of professional men and women: doctors, nurses, lawyers, etc. 312 LEADERSHIP IN CATHOLIC ACTION word in ~i narrow sense. All the numerous-influences that come tO a person from without--the sounds that crowd ~his ears, the sights that flood his eyes, and all the "meaning" which these carry---constitute his environmentl Almost every action of a man is at the same time a reaction tohis milieu. Understood in this broad way the influence of en-vironment on character is of incalculable importance. If then we are to lead the masses of our youth to the feet of Christ, we must take into serious consideration the environment, the milieu, in which they live. If the cus-todian of a goldfish pond discovers that his fish are slowly dying because of some poisonous substance in the water, he doesn't engage in the long-drawn-out task of treating each fish separately with some specific remedy., o.nly to leave him in the water to be. reinfected--no, he simply proceeds to change the water. The efficient process of saving souls is not dissimilar. Why.do we insist that Catholic parents send their chil-dren to ou[ religious schools,, if not in order that these may receive their education in a proper environment? Certainly, relative to the environment of a public school, the "atmos-phere" of any St. 2oseph's or St. Anne's Academy is deft-nitely superior. But we must not deceive ourselves; what we.say to thi~ pupils in tl~e classroom is only a part of the school environment and, from the point of view of charac-ter training, not the most important part. Most teachers will no doubt agree that our students are more affect.ed by what the majority of their companions think and do than by all we can tell them about what they ought to do. Besides, a student is not exposed merely to the school environment. First of all there is the home, which of the several elements of the total environment is in the longrun the most important. If the home is truly Christian, our worries will be halved from the start. However, a specia! 3'13 YOUREE WATSON factor for teadhers to bear. in mind is that from early, ado-lescence the influence of parents is very considerably lessened bY. the natural craving for independence from older people --"freedom from the apron strings"--that awakens atthis period. But child and home alike are strongly affected by the influences of our great public amusements: the movies, radio, books, and magazines (to say nothin, g of comics and comic books). These too are youth's environment, insofar as they constitute the matter of his exp.eriences, the source 6f innumerable ideas and judgments, his stimuli to action. All these are, as a rule,, not imme'diate!y d~ingerous; it is their slow but steady inciHcation of false attitudes on life that makes the Christian educator fear them. How often, for example, do they not show, in vivid, concrete portrayal,. how~a person can be supremely happy without the aid of God and religion! It is a platitude to say these public amusements are pagan, but like so many .platitudes itstates a truth too often .ignored. No one who allows himself frequently to enjoy such things, and does notat the same t~me react against the wrong attitudes of mind which they so commonly imply, can possibly escape being tainted with naturalism, or, if you prefer, worldliness. He will come ultimately ~o consider the supra-sensible world--terra ir~cogrlita to most movie and radio stars and to heroes of fiction~as of little practical importance. Religion will be thor.oughly dissociated from life. It is this propaganda of modern paganism, joined with a constant association with an ever-growing number of religious indifferen.tists, which acts on home and individual to pervert the straight-ness of our Christian thinking. We immediately recognize the fact that, if we are seri-ously interested in training the. character of our young charges, we must in some way try to improve their environ- 314 LEADERSHIP IN C~THOLIC ment. outside the hours of formal class, and even the environment of the classroom insofar as it is not constituted by. ourselves how many classroom traditions of indolence, inattention, cheating~ oi of something-less-than-innocent deviltry flourish sometimes in our despite! ' Now, we cannot affect the family environment directly: no more.~an we affect the "public amusement environ-ment," except, perl3aps, negatively in our boarding schools. "What then can we affect? That which, when all is said and done, is, for older students at least, probably the most important of all environmental factors: the influence of fellow-students. But are we not in a vicious circle? What can we do to influence the student milieu bther than to prepare with utmost diligence our catechism classes, our little spiritual talks, our references to God and His saints scattered thrgughout the daily lessons? No more, perhaps, is possible to us working as teachers on the student mass as a whole, but there is a certain indirect approach which may prepare wl, iite harvests for our zeal. We must get allies amongthe stu-dents, must win over to the cause of Christ's apostolate two or three leaders, and then set them to work on their fellow students. ~This is according to the. principle of "like to like" recommended so warmly by our late pontiff, Plus XI: "Each situation will have then," he tells us, "its corre-sponding apostle: the apostles of the workers will. be workers; the apostles of the farmers will be farmers; the apostles of the seamen will be seamen; the apostles of the ¯ students Will be students." We have thus far considered a grave problem of our times--the poisoned air of modern life in which our Cath-olic youth must breathe and grow--and we have intimated its solution; namely, specialized Catholic Action with its leadership technique. Catholic o.~ganizations for youth 315 YOUREE \VAT$ON have always stressed the importance.of developing le'aders, but specialized Catholic Action is,entirely based on wha~ we might call the principleof leadership. This can be simply expressed.as follows:, there are leaders in every human environment: namelyl peisons who havea strong influence on others, whose personal opinions become the opinions of many, whose conduct or misconduct sets the style, so to speak, for their companions. To this tru, th is the corrol-lary: there are followers, persons easily influenced one way or the other. Of course, there are many degrees in the abil-ity to lead; but a really powerful personality will usually -be able to override, the weaker influence of lesser leaders. This is true whether on a world scale a dictator sways the thought of millions, or a fourteen-year-old student man-ages to get the crowd to accept his ideas and schemes. ¯ " One might argue that this "principle of leadership" seems undemocratic. The objection is at once seen to be point1~ss, for by this "principle" we say no moie than that men have different degrees of intelligence, imagination and emotion, of temperamental-courage and prudence. Again~ the "principle" merely states the fact of natural leaflets: it. does not assert that these persons have any right to govern others authoritatively, unless they should be delegated to this by popular choice. Can one deny, . moreover, " that it is ordinarily the natural leaders who rise to politicalpower even in a democracy? It is not different in the case of social influence in factory or farm or classroom. If there are natural leaders-~-as psychology and litera-ture and, indeed, every' day experience affirm--it is of utmost importance in the battle ever going on between Christian. and pagan-influences in the various environments that we win leaders to serve wholeheartedly and with the deepest conviction on Christ's side. But there are many . ¯ leaders in every environment, and some will not easily be .3.16 LEADERSHIP IN CATHOLIC ACTION brought to fight for the Christian ideal, so that we must content ourselves in the beginning at least with winning over ttvo or three leaders of considerable influence. Of course, these leaders acting alone could never change the whole environment of'a school. However, with the aid of a powerful, closely-knit organization based on the prih-ciple of leadership they could go far toward the realization of this[ The Catholic Action cell with its ramifications provides, us with such an organization. Organization is necessary. Some peopl~ have an unreasonable contempt for organization. They could learn a lesson from the Corffmunists and Nazis, who have suc-ceeded in firing their youth with a burning enthusiasm for their false doctrines by means of an extremely well-organized onslaught on their intellectk and emotions. "Organization," wrote Pius XI, "is a necessity of the time." Lal~er in a public discourse he added: "Good, well-disciplined organization can alone achiev~ full succesS." The present papal Secretary of State, in a letter written, two years ago to the president of the Canadian Semaines L%ciales, after recalling the exposition of Catholi~ Action given by our present pontiff, Plus XII, added by way of further specification" "Catholic Action is a strongl~j organ-ized collaboration, differentiated according to the different categories of persons to be reached. " There are, as we know, many types of organization. What we want is an apostolic organization, one whose pri-mary aim is the conquest of so.uls, whose spirit is militant Catholicism, and whose dynamic structure gives full scope to the leaders to lead., Such again, as we shall show, is the organization proper to the Catholic Action cell With its" accompanying teams. The cell is a group of about eight persons exercising a very active apostolate, a group of young students or factory 317 YOURE~- WATSON workers or farmers or others determined to win over their environmentto a more thorough and living Christianity. Their characteristic technique is the Social Inquiry. This. consists of three fundarriental steps:-OBSERVE, JUDGE, ACT. According to these, they first investigate the state of their environment, usually in regard to some particular religious or moral question. In a school such topics as the following would b'e looked into: the spirit of fraternity among students, attitude of students toward study, honesty in school work and games, attitude toward authority, ,atti-tude in regard to the Mass, preaching, religion class, and so forth. Other inquiries would take up corresponding prob-lems of the students' home life. As each of these larger inquiries would constitute more or'less a whole year's work, their would all be subdivided into a number of subordinate inquiries. Having carefully observed the actual situation--a process which may include several weeks in a minor in-' quiry--the militants will next consider what the ideal situation would be. A most effective way of doing this is by a sort of group meditation on those Gospel passages which bear on the problem in hand. If no immediately pertinent passages can be. found, then the teaching of the catechism, supplemented by information from moral and ascetical theology, can be substituted for these. Naturally, the-guidance of a priest or religious is always called for here. The alI too common, but none the less sad, discrepancy between the actual and the ideal will awaken in the student pity and the desire to do something to help out, and also, if he be a real leader, a definite sense of responsibility for others who, perhaps with no less good will, are less blessed than he with religious conviction and moral strength. This,. the Judge stage of the inquiry, consists ultimately in a 318. , LEADERSHIP IN CATHOLIC ACTION firm practical judgment: "I ought to do somdthing about this." Exactly what is to be done must now be decided on --both a long range activity and also some definite things for the next weekl Lastly there comes the all important execution--the action toward which all cell activity is orientated. The main features of the cell and its technique were well described in an article by Father Albert S. Foley in the May issue of this REVIEW. Moreover, all those who would actually wish to start a cell can find all essential material in The Technique of the Catholic Action Cell Meeting. Thi~ excellent booklet was recently compiled by Father Stephen Anderl and Sister M. Ruth (see REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, July 15, 1943,. Bboklets, p. 251). In the present article, as we consider.anew the workings of the technique, we can tOUCh on many points which for lack'of .space could not be takefi up in Father Foley's article: but above all we wish to observe as we go along how the principle of leadership comes into play. Theyoung person who is most outstanding for his apostolic leadership will naturally become the president of the Catholic Action organization. As the most zealous of the officers, he is expected to keep the ardor of his two fel-low officers up as close as possible to his own high level. (while their companionship will save him from the weak-ness of isblation). All three--president, s~cretary, and treasurer--constitute a .governing committee made up of the most ardent of the youthful lay apostles in the cell. As "apostles of. the apostles" they must be given very special attention by the director (in oNcial Catholic Action this is always the chaplain appointed directly or indirectly by the bishop; but in many schools a rel!gious assistant exercises much of the immediate direction under the .general super-vision of the chaplain, who, moreover, must attend to his 319 YOUR~ ~'rATSON priestly function ~f guiding souls). If the chaplain or assistant cannot be present at the officers' meeting, the preside.fit of the Catholic Action organization should dis-~ cuss all important matters'with the one or the other ahead of time. Why the officers' meeting? Precisely in accordance with the principle of leadership. The officers are leaders relative to the ordinary cell.members; they are to e'xert their encour-aging influence on the rest. They will surely do this if they have come together ahead of time and planned the mat-ter to be brought up in the cell meeting. They will then be able ~o furnish fresh ideas, if these seem to lag, and new motives Wherethese are called for; they will at the same time h~ve organized a united front which tho~e who would be tempted to think certain points in a campaign a bit too difficult will find it hfird to resist. We have seen the-princ!ple of leadership active within the cell itself. In the actual apostolate of the cell members --whkh .we are now to consider--its application is even more important. To. begin with, the apostolic influence W-hich the cell exerts is of two kinds: general, by means of all the ordinary types of propaganda--talks, skits, posters, bulletins, and so forth; personal, by means of man-to-man contact. Both are important, but the latter is more distinc-tive of the cell-movement and absolu~el3~ indispensable to its success. I.t is carried on chiefly through small groups known as "teams." The "team," which is certainly an integral part of cell technique as it has been worked out in the now interna-tional movement of Jocism, has sometimes been too much neglected in the "cell movement" of this country. How- .ever, according to the best practice here as elsewhere the cell is made up of "leaders of teams." In Joci~t literature, to 320 LEADERSHIP IN CATHOLIC ACTION be sure, the cell rfieeting is often--and properly--called "the meetinKof team leaders." What is a team? It is a group of about four or five persons under the influence of, a leader. The names given to this leader indicate what is expected of him: in New England among the Franco-Americans he is known as a "'responsable"; and this key virtue of responsib!lity is also stressed in their slogan, "Your team is your family!" More commonly he is known as a "militant." As his name im-plies, the militant is a full-fledged apo.stle, lavish of his time. and energy for Christ, willing to do hard things for the tri-umph of His cause. The team member is one who, while not willing to "go all Out" for Christ, is, nevertheless, willing to cooperate in m. any ways with his militant leader in his apostolic work. A militant's team will be drawn from those with whom the militant fihds himself in most frequent contact. For the most part they.will be those whom he would naturally influence, including, perhaps, a couple of close friends; for, after all, the first ones whom the militant should wish to lead to a closer service of the Ideal are those most intimately associated with him: his brothers and sisters, his friends, his acquaintances. The militant should gather his team together~the more informally the better-~- at least every two weeks (whereas the officers' meeting and cell meeting would be a ¯ weekly event); he will, of course, keep in frequent touch with the individual members, giving special attention ~to anyone whom he thinks to be of leader caliber, c~pable himself of becoming a militant. It is not necessary, how-ever, for an evident leader to pass a definite term of appren- ' ticeship on a team. We begin to see how the good personal influence radi-ates. In any particular inquiry with its resultant campaign the initial spark may come from the chaplain Or religious 321" YOUREE ~rATSON assistant of the .Catholic Action group, but it is essential that the cell officers.catch fire. At the cell meeting the~e set aflame the Other members of the cell. ¯ Each of these mili-tants has, in turn, the primary task of communicating his convictions to his team; thenhe must raise them ~o that pitch of enthusiasm wherein they themselves-will b~ suffi-ciently apostolic-minded to try to get yet others to see the thing as they do.If ~ach team member on the average wins over one other person, see how far the ~'drive" will have gone already! Let us say there are seven young people in the cell, each with a team of about four members. Then twenty-eight.persons will be actively engaged in promoting any campaign decided upon by the cell. Th~se twenty-~ eight~will get at least twenty-eight more. Then some of these last "sympathizers" can be counted on to exert fur-ther influence, to win over,,say, fourteen more; so that at the beginning of every concerted effort toward the realiza,- tion of the Christian social order the leaders could count on about seventy regulars! If the .general propaganda is well conducted dozens more are.sure to "come around"; while as the thing becomes more and more widespread, many oth-ers will "climb on the bandwagon." The team is the ordinary instrument by which the leaders keep in touch with the mass and leaven it. For the benefit 6f those who may doubt the necessity of this some-what complicated system of personal contacts, we might call to mind again the "good" example of the Communists and Fascists along these lines. But to choose a less exotic illustration,' let us .consider one of our own American political campaigns. If a person has anyknowledge of the procedure~ followed--which is in the last analysis purely and simply an effort to persuade people to do something, for example, to vote for such and such a candidate he will realize that for this, cell-team organization is both 322 LEADERSHIP IN CATHOLIC ACTION natural and essential. ~There will be general propaganda in such a campaign: poste.rs, handbills, newspaper articles, and so forth. But no candidate would dream of doing with-out a little cell of supporters in every important voting center--a cell of campaigners who Willwork chiefly by personal contact, who will try to enlist to the cause more and more active supporters or at least sympathizers who, when occasion offers, will put in a good word for their side. This. organization may be ordained for a very different ultimate purpose from the organization found in Catholic Action, but their immediate end is the same--to influence public opinion. Catholic Action organization too must take into account the general rules of persuasion, and the natural ways of'ieading the public mind. This is what the new technique actually does. It is apparent that it demands a lot, not only from youth, but likewise from us, the chaplains or. assistants. Nevertheless, the resialts will be so exceedingly worthwhile (and the consequences of Our failure to invigorate the reli-gion of our student masses so terrible) that there is not one among us who will stop to count the cost. The results have been e.xceedingly worthwhile wher-ever it has been seriously tried by competent directors. For - all this is not just "theory"'; movements using this tech-nique are flourishing~in some eight different countries and are well established in about fifteen more. Even in our own United St~ites, where the movement hardly dates back more than four years, it is being carried out in very many places. And as elsewhere so also among us such organizations, whether operating independently or as a sort of "apostolic committee" within some larger, long approved organiza-tioi~, are in a particularly effective and intimate way pre-paring leaders for Catholic Action--o~cial Cathoiic Ac-tion, if the bishop of the diocese should see fit to give his 323 YOUREE WATSON mandate for~this, as indeed several, bishops have already done in particular instances.2 Young men and women, boys and girls are getting their companions to live fuller Christian lives. Sometimes we read that they have cured an unhappy lad of the habit of telling dirty stories; again we hear of them stopping an epidemic of cursing. Now we find them substituting admiration for Christ for admiration of Superman; now they will be .getting their fellows to go back to the Sacra-ments, which they have been neglecting. In one city a year after their first beginnings nearly every cell had either won a convert or brought Several fallen-away Catholics back to the Church--and often enohgh such successes as these are won 'under circumstances which call for truly heroic courage and charity on the part of the"young, layo leaders. To sum up, these militants are fighting for whatever will promote thereign Of Christ in the student world--anything f~om changing public opinion on the relatively mild moral blight of cheating in class to remedying the truly grave evils of. over-drinking and improper dating. Their Work is by no means all negative; rather it is fun-damentally positive. In their observation of. the actual mbral and religious situation of the environment, they seek for every force tending to uplift and do all in their power to encourage it. Sucha spirit leads themmallowance made for human weakness--to cooperate with all our older Cath-olic organizations, to work through them and with them, and, when occasion offers, to serve them. 2It is necessary to distinguish between Catholic Action less properly so-called, by which is 'meant any apostolic lay activity, and Catholic Action in the strict sense of the term, which designates a particular, definite organization with an episcopal man-date for its apos.tolate. For a complete explanation of'the nature and char;icteristics of Catholic Action the reader is referred to Father Win. Ferree's booklet: "'An Introduction to Catbollc Action," N.C.W.C. (Washirigton, D.C.) and to Arch-bishop Charbonneau's Pastoral Letter, The Apostolate Press, 1 I0 E. La Salle Ave., Southbend, Indiana. 324 LEADERSHIP IN CATHOLIC ACTION This movement is by now firmly established in some of our schools.However, through our graduates, specialized Catholic Action should spread among the workers and other groups. This, as. Bishop McGavick says in his inspiring foreword to the booklet on cell technique referred to above, is the gr~at hope of th~ Church~ The achievements thus far would, indeed, seem to jus-tify this h0pe.They may well be illustrated by the story of a former militant in a mid-western university. This young man was suddenly snatched out 9f school and sent to a naval training base. The job assigned to him was that of clerk in ~n office under a Master of Arms who ~uns a certain company. This MA was a fallen-away Catholic, and foul-mouthed. However, the militant, who happe.ns to look amazingly mild and unaggressive (a leader does not have to be noisy and self-assertive!), started to use what he had learned in the cell back at the university. He "brought. this MA round," got him to stop obscenities, and took him to the chaplain to have his marriage fixed up. Now the MA is making every "gob" whom he hears using bad language scrub out a barracks, sends .others /~o Mass or to church; or something of the sort. He is also reading a good deal of Catholic literature supplied by the young apostle, who likewise gave him his rosary, medals, and whatnot when the MA asked for them. The sailors call this militant the "preacher," but he just laughs at them, jokes good-humoredly with them, gets them to attend Mass, even got a crowd of them to go to Mass and Communion every day~ for a week before Mother's Day. He is now working on the problem of "leaves." Many of tl-;e young boys go out tothe tough districts of nearby cities and come back with souls badly stained. He is trying to get a team of older fellows quietly to plan leaves and week-ends and herd ~mall groups of youngsters around to 325 YOUREE WATSON decent e.ntertainment. T~is means plotti~g~ getting tickets, spending much time that he might employ for himself in legitimate recreation. Yet his apostolic ,~pirit and his sense of responsibility drive him on to new battles for Christ. _ ~ There ha~ existed for centuries an all too popular mis-conception that only priests and religious are supposed to" be saints, that theirs alone is the business of sa3ring souls. This false notion has been the cause of truly calamitous losses in the realm of grace. Theologians have often dem-onstrated the falsity of this ancient, Satan-born lie; our young militants are even more effectively disproving it by the Christ-like beauty of their deeds. So enthusiastic are these Catholic Actionists, so zealous in their apostolate, so ardent in their desire to Serve (the movement has been called "charity on the march"), so strong in their conviction of the social lessons of the doc-trine of the Mystical Body, that the story of their efforts and victories--may it some day be written in fullmreminds us not a little of the things we read about the first Christians in the Acts of the Apostles. If we were to try to sum up their spirit in a word or tWO, we should say it is a spirit, of Christian conquest; for our new techniqu~ has truly revealed to us many a secret in the art of training leaders for the arrfiy of Christ. It was doubtless with such glbrious possibilities in mind that Cardinal Lepicier, Prefect of the Sacred Congregation ofReligious, some years back called "the knowledge of Catholic Action henceforth indispensable to all who are engaged in the education of Christian youth." 326 . Devotion t:he I-Ioly Name 0t: ,Jesus Gerald Ellard, S.J. #/~ .SPECIFIC devotion to the Holy Name of Jesus is a legacy to us ~--~ from the Middle Ages. A zealous son of St. Francis has recently. summarized the history of the devotion in a doctoral disserta-tion, presented at St. Anthony's Pontifical "Athenaeum" in Rome, and no.w published in this countr~y.1 Its style is lively, not to say, sprightly; its factual data, well-substantiated; its inner story, very intei:esting. If the roots of the devotion are traced to some classic patristic'phs-sages, which were quoted by medieval v)riters with all manner of ascription, still it is in the written records of the twelfth century that the devotion is found to have taken on'its characteristic notes and forms. St. Anselm of Canterbury (d. 1109), St. Bernard (d~ 1153), and his great Cistercian contemporary, St. A~Ired of Rievaulx, Eng-land, (d. 1167), were among the foremost prom0ters'of the devo-tion at that time, 'as; in the subsequent century, was the author of the desu dulcis mernoria. Under Pope Innocent III (1198-1216) .a Mass in honor of the Holy Name was first approved. St. Francis of Assisi _(d. 1226) bequeathed to his order a special reverence for;the written Name of Jesus. Under the presidency of St. Bonaventure, the Coun-cil of Lyons (1274) decreed that all should bow. the head on hearing o? pronouncing the Name of Jesus. In the fourteenth, and early fifteenth c~nturies, most particularly in northern Italy, this devotion was giving its prestige to multiple associations, confraternities, and even institutes of religious. Thus in 1338, tb~ C~mpagnia del GesC~, a group of flagellants.at the Santa Croce Church in Florence, claiming a long corporate existence, was .given by ~xtension the privileges of the Friars Minor (pp. 122-3). More .famous" were the Jesuati, and their female counterpart, the Jesuatesses, respectively a nUrsing brotherhood and sisterhood founded in 1354 at Siena by Blessed John Columbini and his cousin, .Blessed Catherine Columbini. The men's organization had existence as a religious institute for three full centuries, the women's for more than five hundred years. ~History of the Det~elopment of Deootion to the Holy Name. By Peter R. Biasi-otto, O.F.M. Pp. xii q- 188. St. Bonaventure, New York, 1943. $1.50. Page numbers cited in the present article refer to this book. 3217 GERALD ELLARD Of course'the greatest popularizer of devotion to the Hbly Name was the Sienese Franciscan, St. Bernardine (d. 1444), by means of his celebrated painted monogram. St. Bernardine founded in Siena in1425 what he called the "'sotietas benedicti nominis Yhesus," (p, 123). .o An interesting linking of Franciscan, Domini~can and Jesuit for-tunes is seen in the circumstance that the oldest Holy Name Society in Rome was St. Bernardine's foundation in 1427 in a small church that then occupied part of the site of the prese.nt Church of the ¯ Gesi~ (pp. 95, 6). The author advances the suggestion that St. Ignatius of Loyola derived his devotion to the Holy Name in part from the then current legendary account of such a devotion on the part of his-patron, St. Ignatius of Antioch. According to the legend, the heart of St. Ignatius of Antioch was cut open after his martyrdom, and there in letters of~gold wasfound the'Name of Jesus. The suggestion does not lack probability, since it is well known that the founder of the ¯ Society of Jesus was at baptism given the Christian name of Inigo, and that he deliberately took the name of Ignatius after his conver- 'sion. The legend concerning St. Ignatius of Antioch is found in the Legenda Aurea, read by the wounded knight of Pampeluna during the period of convalescence that was climaxed by his conversion. St. Be~nardine had much to suffer, chihfly at the hands 0f reli-gi09. s of other institutes, before the devotion he was preaching had overcome all opposition. The dissertation recounts the story, but there-is no need of entering upon it heie. ;i'hestory of the growth of'the devotion is broken off at the .z.enith-pdint, th~ account of the great Battle of Belgrade, 3uly 21-22, 1456, Mien, inspired and led by St. John Capistran, under the sole rallying cry of Iesu, the attacking Christians were victorious over vastly.superior forces of Islam. Among the interesting links with the present age, mentioned at the end of the dissertation, are that the Litany of the Holy Name, suppressed together with nearly all litanies in 1602, was restored to the Universal ~hurch by Pope" Leo XlII in 1886, and that a peti-tion was handed in at the Vatican Couficil for the addition of a Preface of the Holy Name to the Missal. Dodsn't Cardioal New-man tell'us, too, of his own boyhood institution of a prayer-union to be known as the Society of Jesus? 328 , A Summer School. in t:he Spirit:ual/it:e1 Patrick M. Regan, S.J. ACOURSE in the spiritual life is something comparatively new in summer school curricula. Let it be noted at the o.utset that it is not a course in philosophy, a summary treatment of questions in special ethics. Nor is it a course in dogmatic theology ada, pted to the needs and talents of religious. Nor is it, as some insist on calling it, "Religion," a course closely.related to dogma. Neither is it so par-tict~ larized or restricted as a series of lectures on mental.prayer, for example. Rather the spiritual life course pertains to ascetical the-ology, since it has for its purpose the explanation of some aspects at least of the life of perfection religious follow accc~rding to their institute. The particular course in the spiritual life which is. the subject of this article was giyen at Webster College in Webster Groves, Mis-souri, during the past summer. There were some two hundred and fifty Sisters in attendance at the"course, mo~t of them Sisters of Loretto; besides these there were also Sisters of Mercy, Ursulines, Daugh.ters of the Cross, Sisters of Notre Dame de Namur and Bene-dictines. Textbook The choice of a textbook is as difficult as it is important. One instinctively thinks of The Spiritual Life by Tanquerey; as a matter of fact this text has frequentl3i been used in similar courses. It labors under the difficulty of being too encyclopedic for a six weeks' course. Yet there are not many other works of ascetical theology written in English. One must avoid the mere devotional, since the object of- the course is to teach underlying principles of the life of perfection. Ultimately we selected Dora Aelred Graham's book, The Looe God. The particular advantage of this work is that it treats the essential element of the spiritual life, the love of God, under various 1During the summer the Sisters of Loretto provided courses in the spiritual life i~ a number of'their larger houses, thus making it possible for practically all their Sisters to attend such a course. Father Regan was one of the many priests conducting the courses. We asked him to give us his impression of his course. The response is contained in the present article.--ED. 329 > PATRICK M.'REG~N" aspects; conversely it gives a conspectus of the spiritual life under its most fundamental aspect. In the words of the author: ". :. we have chosen to discuss the love of God in the light of Thomisfic principles rather than make miscellaneous selections from authorities who, though possessing greater emotional appeal, .are not so fundamentally satisfactory" (p. xii). Furthermore there is the added advan~tage that the spiritual life i~ thus unified, all its parts tied together'by the pre.- dominant idea of the love of God. It was a revelation and inspiration to those who followed the course to consider the way of God as it is treated in thefirst section of the text, "The Nature of the Love of God." The reason for thi~ new enlightenment is significantly brought out in thd very chapter he.adings: "The One Who is Loved; . The One who Loves;" "The Love Itself." Most of the matter treated in these chapters is ordinarily .taken for granted or merely all'uded to in the-fraining of religious; but a study of these c~apters will convince one that the spiritual life suffers greatly from passing over such fundamentals. In thesecohd section of the book, "The Conditions of this Love;" the necessity of growing in knowledge of God takes on new signifi-cance when considered as a condition for growing in the love of Him. Likewise, "Drawing near to God" and "Unworldliness" (two remaining chapters), as conditions of growth in tl~is love of God, appear under a new and attractive explanation. The third section. of Dom Grabam's .book, "The Expression of this. Love," treats: "Prayer," "Self-abnega.tion," and "Action." Our six weeks' c6urse "concluded with the study of prayer as the expr.ession of 19ve. This was an excellent stopping place, as it completed the re-organization, as it were, of the copious life of prayer of the religious under that arresting aspect often heglected: the expression of the love of God. , That each member of the class might have an available record of the ~ourse, a summary of the class lectures was made and issued in the form of mimeographed notes. Not quite so satisfactory as the book itself, these had the advantage of being, considerably less expensive. Each Sister had her own individual set of the notes, which she was free to annotate during the lectures; furthermore they were hers at the end of the course,.a handy reference for future study and meditation. The Lecture As there was a double lecture period, there was danger that the 330 SUMMER SCHOOL IN THE SPIRITUAL LIFE course would become dull and tiresome, especially on the hot July days in St. Louis. Moreover, a spiritual life course can easily deteri-orate into a monotonous repetition'of pious platitudes which have been offered the auditors from the early days of their religious life in retreats, exhortations, instructions, rules find books of devotion. The course should be aimed at the enlightenment of the intellect, and very interesting indeed will be reactions of the listeners as theji realize more deeply the what, the how, and the why of the practices of reli-gion._ The lecturer must be prepared tO exhaust all the skill of peda-gogy be may possess to make the course interesting and enlightening. The blackboard with its diagrams.must really slaveto make sublime and abstract thoughts a bit less difficult for the mind to grasp. Count-less examples, as original .as possible so that they' may make a deep impress on the memory, must illustrate the matter at every step. Any-one. who reads a page or two of Dom Graham's book will p~rceive at once he has not steered clear of deep philosophy and theology. But that is precisely what the Sisters want and need, though it must be adapted to their capacity. Lest the matter overawe, insist with the auth6r: "The philosophy of the Church is not an esoteric doctrine; it'is nothing more formidable than common sense and requir.es for its understanding only patience and mental simplicity. Indeed, experi-ence shows that scholarship and imaginative brilliance can often be obstacles rather than aids to anything deeper than a verbal appreciation of the pbilosophia perennis. Here, as in another context,, the things hidden from the wise and prudent are revealed to babes." (p. 5) Variety was also introduced into the class by the use of the "question box," the numerous contributions to which were read and answered at the end of the first period each day. This was found to be the most feasible way of maintaining contact with the audience. It afforded the opportunity of wording questions-carefully and cir-cumvented the fear of speaking out before a large group. Still, many chose oral questions also. Another bit of variety was achieved by electing one of the Sisters as "Mistress of Novices" and referrihg practicaI cases to her. This opened the way to off-the-record discussion which was also helpful. Semi-Retreat But a spiritual life course, to attain its ideal, cannot be merely a series of classroom lectures. AsDom Graham notes on the title page of his book, citing St. John of the Cross: "At eventide they will 331 PATRIGK M. REGAN examine thee in love--." L6ve, as well,as knowledge, should grow in such a course. The soul should reap its harvest,, the spiritual life should be improved, the lessons of the classroom should be reduced to p~actice. And the director of the course should help individual souls in their personal efforts to reduce the principles to practice. Each day, therefore, an hour was set aside for confessions and another hour for individual private conferences. The eager response to these oppor-tunities was clear'enough proof of their great utility. The final exercise of each day was the giving of Points for .the meditation of "the following morning; this afforded the director another oppor-tunity tO bring theoretical teaching down to the plane of practice. The Sisters appreciated this semi-retreat atmosphere. It was somewhat the realization of a dream that has come to many of us in time of retreat: if only we could have a get-together to discuss some of the excellent spiritual matter offered in the various retreat confer-. ences, surely great profit would accrue to our souls. The Sisters realized this to the full. The dinner and supper tables buzzed with di~cussionof the spiritual life, while the conversations at recreation neversuffered from that mid-summer ennui that so often afflicts them. Ai one put it: "We really battled it out and "for once knew what we were talking about"; and another: "Whycan't we have such spirit-ual conversationsMl the year round?" Fruits Only God; of course, can judge the fruits of such a course. But all the indications are that this forward-looking policy of the Sisters of Loretto will pay spiritual dividends fdr years to come. Such enthusiastic participation in the course, such earnest application, such deep interest in spiritual theory and practice must fructify. Not only will each individual gain but the order also will gain by having its whole spiritual tone deepened and made more substantial. While it is true that new knowledge does not necessarily lead to new love and better service, still among religious of high ideals and purposes it can hardly fail to accomplish that result. Thus the certitude we have that we grew in knowledge of God in our summer school of the spiritual life is a trustworthy guarantee that we also grew in love. 332 ommun ca ons [EDITORS' NOTE: The following letters are the first responses to the Editorial in the July number (p. 217). Other communications on Vocation will be welcomed and will be printed ano.nymously unless the writers explicitly request that their names be given. Address communications to: The Editors of Review for Religious, St. Mary's College, St. Marys, Kansas. The Editors assume no responsibility for the opinions expressed in the com-munications. Judge thegn on their own merits.] Reverend Fathers: I have found on more than one occasion that ~i hopeful candidate for the religious life will seek advice from several persons at the same time. Such a one is inclined to choose the advice more to her liking, though it may not be more to her advantage. I have in mind a girl who had been in the convent. After a few interviews itwas perfectly clear that she had no vocation. But another priest, quite truly not at all familiar with the religious life, advised her to try again. She tried and lasted less than six months. Today she is quite.a nervous wreck and resentful of those who did not "keep her" in religion., Another girl, having made' tw6 attempts at the religious life seeks counsel from a nun and from me. The nun insists that she should try again--though this nun was not of either community which she had tried--and is in opposition to me who advi~e that she sh6uld not try a third time. A former mistress oi~ novices to this girl has assured me that she.had no vocation--a desire but not the gift of vocation--and it is next to impossible to persuade xhis girl that she should seek to settle herself in some position in the world. So Iwould make a point that there should be no more than one who is to guide and direct a vocation. The conflict of advice is almost certain to result in disaster for the advised. Another point on which I should like to see you take a stand is that seco~d. 'and "third attempts, generally are bound to be futile attempts. I do not mean to say that occasionally a girl or a young man may not have made a wrong choice in the first place. But this should be carefully tried and tested before he or she will be ehc0uraged to make a second attempt in a second community. Nor do I mean to say that, where sickness has required that one leave a community, one .might not be readmitted to the community of the first choice; I do not mean to say that when family needs may have forced a departure from 333 COMMUNICATIONS reiigiou~ life such a one cannot be.taken back into the community that had been "home" the first time. But from my experience, and it has been over some twelve or thirteen years, and with ,a couple of scores of those about whom I speak, I don't hestitate to say that if once tried it should not be tried again,, especially if the community .of the first choice would not read-mit the candidate. A community that. makes a specialty of receiying subjects who have belonged to other communitiesis apt to become a home of malcontents. If commfinities--and all of them are in need of subj.ects--could be brought to realize that quality not quantity makes for the best community life and religious spirit, as well as for the accomplishment of. great things for God's .lasting glory, there would be fewer defections from the ranks of religious life and there would be a fuller accomplishment of the ends for which each com-munity was established. Reverend Fathers: , May I suggest, in the matter of irocations, that the observance of the following three-point program thrqughoht the land would lead to a pronounced increase in vocations. To plunge at once in roedias res: pastors can foster vocations to " the priesthood and the religious life'by carrying out the follow, ing program in their respective parishes: 1. Once' a year let them preach one sermon on the priesthood and vocation thereto, and once a year one sermon on the religious life (religious priests, Brothers, and Sisters) and vocation thereto. 2. Once a yearlet them call in "a strange priest," as the expres-sion has it, to give one address to the school children on vocation, on a school day and to give one sermon, at all the Sunday Masses, to all the people on the same .subject. 3. In connection with the above-mentioned sermorls and addresses, as a most effective follow-up, let the pastor see to it that appropriate reading matter on the subject of vocation is placed into the hands of every boy and girl in the parish who is able to read, through whom it will also reach the whole family at home. By following ~his three point program, universal interest will be aroused in the matter of. vocations to the priesthood and the religious life. ', Interest having thus been created in vocations, doubts will also 334. " COMMUNICATIONS arise in the minds of many~ questions will b~ asked. The soil will be tilled and ready for the sowing .of seed that may sooner or later germinate in vocations to the priesthood and the religious life. Reverend Fathers: We religious have to be ready to reply, to youth's questions about vocation with answers, that are honest, straightforward, and hu,mbly sincere. But are we truly prepared? First of all, let each ask him or he'self: "Am I myself thoroughly convinced of the greatness, the beauty, the enduring charm and richness of my own vocation?" A disgruntled, popularity-seeking religious doesn't know Christ with ¯ that dey6ted familiarity which makes him yearn to increase the circle of our Lord's close friends. Comradeship always t~lls on. character. When the major objective of life is SELF, there is no room for Jesus and His interests. The true religious is like a pane of plate glass, so crystal-free of selfishness that the Christ in him or her is easily discerned in the Words, motives, .actions, and .smile of everyday life. That warm smile ~--tiny and simple as it may seem--is a priceless boon to the boy or girl who comes seeking a private interview. Frequently young people come with, "I know you are very busy, but do you think you can spare the time to answer a question or two for me? I know you can do it in a minute." Just such a request is our golden oppo.rtunity. That query is" the verbal expression of an interior prompting of the Holy Spirit. Of this we may be certain, for the Prince of Darkness never urges the solu-tion of. doubts by. God's chosen servants. Suppose you were vouch-safed a glimpse into the future and there you saw this young woman or young man.as a Mother. General or some outstanding member of the hier.archy, a zealous missionary, an inspiring Brother or nun. ¯ You would be glad to know that you had been the trusted confidante of a one-time adolescent and perhaps awkward youth, would you not? Cheerfulness, whole-souled sympathetic unddrstanding, interest in all ~hat concerns the youthful caller--these are the keys to the heart which will some day carry on after God has called us to rest in the garden which might well bear the slogan of a Trappist monastery: "Pax Intrantibus." Calmly we may face that long sleep if we have done our pa~t in aiding young folk to find themselves. 335 ¯ Book Reviews THE MASS PRESENTED TO NON-CATHOLIC;S. By the Reverend John P. McGulre. Pp. 80. The Bruce Publishing C;ompony, Milwapkee, 194~3." $ 1.00. O~ all the elements of Catholic worship, the Mass is, perhaps, both the most widely known and unknown to non-Catholics. They know of the Mass througl~ newspaper notations in Sunday Church sections, or from placards at Church doors, or by casual inquiry of Catholics, But it is generally unknown to them in its detail and its world-wide, time-wide, significance. Hence it was a we11-directed zeal that urged Father McGuire, by this brief booklet, "to introduce the average non-Catholic reader to the study of the official act of wbrship of the Catholic Church--the Mass." The n6tion and. 'necessity of sacrifice is treated succinctly. A ¯ detailed explanation of the Mass-liturgy includes the full text of the Ma~s pr.ayers. Twelve pictures of key actions help the exp.lanation. The Mass Pres'ented to Non-Catholics is not controversial but simply explanatory. Hence it is equal also to the p~rpose of introducing Catholics to a better understanding of the focal fact of their faiths-the Mass.--R. E. SOUTHARD, A HANDY GUIDE FOR WRITERS. By fhe Reverend Newfon Thompson, S.T.D. Pp. 248. B. Herder Book Co., St. Louis, 1943. $2.00. ¯ This small book aims to provide in convenient form an answer to most of an author's perplexities. It distinguishes the most fre~ ~quently confused synonyms, gives adequate rules for correct punc-tuation, capitalization, and hyphenation, offers detailed instructions for the compilation of an alphabetica.l index and for proofreading, Under the entry "Manuscript" the author makes a number of common-sense suggestions about the preparation "of a manusdript. Under "Spelling".he lists more than twelve pages of words that authors often misspell in their manuscripts. Under "Translation" he offers twelve pages of suggestions to translators, "largely the fruit o~ my limited experience." Although A Handg Guide for. Writers contains little that.is new, it should prove to be a ready and reliable reference work for busy authors and editors.--H. MCAULIFFE, 336 BOOK REVIEWS. AN OUTLINE HISTORY OF THE CHURCH BY CENTURIES. By the Reverend Joseph McSorley. Pp. xxlx + J084. B. Herder Book Co., St. Louls, 1943. $7.50. To say that most Catholics, even educated ones, know practically nothing of the history of their Church is to state a regrettable fact. If this situation persists in the future it xvill not be the fault of Father McSorley. This zealous, scholarly Paulist Father has given us a remarkable volume which stands head and shoulders above any simi-lar work obtainable today. To tell the many-faceted story of the Church's first two thousand years in one thousand pages would seem an impossible feat. Yet in that limited space Father McSorley has produced an incredibly full story. In a clear, direct and interesting style the author relates, century by century, the Church's trials and triumphs setting them against their particular political backgrounds. Espedally stressed are the Papacy; Catholic Life in doctrihe, disci-pline, and practice (Official Teaching, Councils, .Art, Education, Writers, Saints); Opposition (Persecution, Heresy, Schism, Other Religions) ; and'the Missions. Over a hundred pages are devoted to the Church in the United States'. primarily a textbook, the book contains many valuable peda-gogical features. These include a preview and summary of each chapter, time charts, maps, bibliographies, and a full, carefully pre-pared index. But the Outline is more than a mere textbook. It contains genuine appeal for the general'~eading public. No teacher.of any field of history can afford to ignore it. No Catholic library can omit it from its shelves. No Catholic who wishes to be well-informed should miss Father McSorley's superb contribution. It is an ideal gift for priests, religious, or laity.--P. T. DERRIG, S.J. THE ONE GOD. By the Reverend Reglnald Garrigou-LaGrange, O.P. Translated by Dom. Bede Rose, O.S.B., S.T.D. Pp. viii -I- 7~16. B. Herder Book Co., St. Louis, 1943. $6.00. This volume is a translation of Father Garrigou-LaGrange's Latin commentary on the first twenty-six questions of the Summa Theologica. Students who have perused previous works of the An~lelico professor will be familiar with his general technique and outlook. In this work, the' author has broken down the structure of St. Thomas' article-form into the common "state of the question," 337 BOOK REVIEWS "objection," "doubts," "argument" sequence. Positive material Of thecommentary i~ drawn from Thomistic commentators, both old and new. Scotists, Suarezians, together wi~h the usual modern adversaries, flee to the same slit-trench before the block-busting of the reverend author. This line-up, too, will be familiar to old readers. A preface of thirty-0dd pages on the general character of the Summa~ the basis of St. Thomas' teaching, and theological method iS excellent. The translator has from time tO time appended foot-notes which should do much to aid the none-too-skilled reader. Despite "the hopes which prompted the translation of this opus, it is our opinion that only the clergy or the almost-professional lay-man will find the going tolerable. Ordinary readers will not attempt it. The style, though fairly clear, is often burdened by a compli-cated method of presentation. For the professional student of sacred science and the stout-hearted clergyman this-book will make valuable reading. Patience will be required, besides the will to overlook the bite in many of the author's remark's, born of over-preoccupation With disputes among the schools.--T. C. DONOHUE, S.J. HANDBOOK OF MEDICAL ETHICS. By the Reverend S. A. La Rochelle, O.M.I., and the Reverend C. T. Fink, M. D., C. M. Translated from the Fourth French edition by M. E. Poupore, with the collaboration of the Reverend A. Carter and Doctor R. M. H. Power. Pp. 363. The New-man Book Shop, Westminster, Maryland, 1943. $1.75. The handbook is intended for nurses, physicians, and priests. In format it resembles a small pocket dictionary. It covers the general ethical principles pertaining to conscience and human conduct, a very large number of ethico-medical problems, a number of practical prin-cip. les relative to the Sacraments, and some principles of charity and justice that have special reference to the medical profession. In two appendices it gives the Moral Code for Catholic Hospitals and a num-ber of prayers used by ~he Church on the occasion of ministering to the sick and the dying. A bibliography (mostly French) is included. The book is certainly valuable by reason of the number of sub-jects of which it treats. Yet in many places it seems to lack one qual-ity that seems to me essential to a good ethics book--clarity. Perhaps the real fault lies in the translation.--G. KELLY, S.J. 338 Questions and Answers m32~ What is the exact meaning of the word "constifufions" in the Code? (E.g. canon SOS: "the higher superiors shall be temporary, unless the con-sfifutions determine otherwise." And canon SI6, § 4: "if the consflfu- ¯ lions are silent on ÷he manner of electing the bursars, they shall be elected by the higher superior with the con'sent of his council.") Does the term include the enactments of a general chapter? For all practical purposes the term "constitutions" signifies the collection of laws which govern a religious institute and have been approved by the Holy See, in the case of a pontific~il institute, or b~ the local Ordinar]r, in the case of a diocesan institute. Hence theterm does not include the enactments of a genera! chapter. 33 May a religious superloress bless her subjects? ' A religious superioress may bless her subjects just as a parent~ may bless a child, that is, call down God's blessing upon them. "~his is a private blessing since it is not given in the name of the Church by an authorized minister of the Church. In some of the older orders the rule. prescribes that subjects ask the blessing of their superiors before leaving the house and upon returning. A superioress should not demand that her subjects ask for her blessing, unless the rule or the constitutions require them to do so on certain occasions. 34 We have been told that the Second Council of Baltimore permlfs pub-lic benediction with the Blessed Sacrament in all churches as well as in chapels of religious on Sundays and holidays of obliga÷[on, on feasts of the first and second class, twice a week during Lent, every day during a mis-sion, and during the oc%ve of Corpus Christi twice a day, at Mass and Vespers. May pastors and religious avail themselves of this legislation? While it is true that the Second Council of Baltimore in decree N. 375 legislated for the solemn exposition and benediction of the Blessed Sacrament as stated above, it is difficult to understand how pastors and religious may follow this legislation today. Canon. 1274 339 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS of the Code of Canon Law regulates exposition and benediction of the Blessed Sacrament as follows: "In churches and oratories in which the Blessed Eucharist is reserved with permission, private exposition with the ciborium may be had for any just cause without the permission of the Ordinary; public exposition with the monstrance may be had in all churches on' the feast of Corpus Christi and during the octave, both during Holy Mass and Vespers. At other times a just and grave, particularly pub-lic, cause and the permission of the Ordinary are required even in churches belonging to exempt religious." Canon 6, 1 ? of the Code tells us that all laws, whether general or particular, which are opposed to the prescriptions of the Code are abrogated, unless express mention is made providing otherwise in favor of particular laws. Number 375 of the decrees of the Second Plenary Council is a particular law, and differs from canon 1274, which contains no special mention of particular laws. Hence it seems that the Baltimore law is abrogated by canon 1274. This is also the opinion of Father 3ohn D. M. Barrett, S.S., who has made a thor-ough comparative study of the Councils of Baltimore and the Code of Canon Law.1 If a religious is granted a dlspensatlon~and changes his mind about leavin9 and his congregation is willing to keep him, what steps must be fak~n~in order ~hat he may rema,n in religion? Provided ¯that the rel!gious has not actually accepted the dispen. sation, no steps need be taken in order th~at he may.remain in religion, sin'ce the dispensation is effective only when accepted by the person who requested it. The Sacred Congregation of Religious, in a reply. dated August 1, 1922, stated that a religious who has obtained an indult-of secularization or a dispensation from simple vows can refuse to accept the indult or the dispensation when he receives notice of it from the local superior, provided superiors have not grave reasons to the contrary, in which case they should refer the matter to the Sacred Congregation. On the other hand, the moment the religious who has requested a dispensation from his vows receives the same and freely accepts it XBarrett: A Comparative Studg of the Councils of Baltimore and the Code of Canon Law, Washington, D. C., 1932, p. 153. 340 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS h~ ceases to be a member of the institute, and a dispensation must be obtained from the Holy See to receive him again. N36--- Regarding the testimonial letters required by canon 544, § 2; which is the diocese of origin for a convert: the place where he was born, or the place where he was baptized? Must the testimonial letters be obtained from other dioceses in which he lived for more than a year previous to his conversion? Canon 90 states explicitly that the place of origin, euen/:or a con-uert, is the place in which the father had his domicile or quasi-domicile at the time the child was born. Since canon 544 makes no; exception for a convert, testimonial letters must be obtained likewise from other dioceses in which he lived for more than a year previous to his conversion. No commentator dn this canon, as far as we know, makes an exception in favor of a convert. Our Constitutions read: "Besides fasting and abstaining on the days prescribed by the Church, the Sisters abstain from flesh meat on Wednes-days and Saturdays." Does this impose a double obligation of observing Hne precept of fast and abstinence: namely,,becau~e it is a law of the ~ Church and also because,it" is a part of +he Constitutions? ~ Is it permissible for a superior to grant a dispensation from the rule of abstaining on Wednesdays and Saturdays over a ralher long peri?d of time, say, three months of every year? The purpose of the Constitutions is to impose abstinence on Wednesdays and Saturdays. The days of. fast and abstinence ¯ according to the Law of the Church are mentioned only in passing. ' Hence on Fri.days of the year, the religious in question have only one obligation to abstain, namely, tha't imposed by the gei~eral law of the ~ Church; and on all fast days they have but one obligatibn to fast. However, if a day of abstinence 'prescribed by theChurch happens to fall on Wednesday or Saturday (for instance, the Ember Days), the religious are then under a two-fold obligat~off to observe it. ~The powers of a superior to dispense from the rule :should be defined by the Constitutions. Superiors who are granted the power of dispensing from the Wednesday and Saturday abstinence could remove the obligation imposed by the rule, but if these h@pened to 341 QUESTIONS ~ ANSWERS be also days of abstinence according to the law of the Church, the dispensation from the rule would be of no avail unless the subject were also excused or.di.spensed from this latter obligation. The Code gives superiors of clerical exempt orders the power of dispensing from "the laws of fast and abstinence. Other clerical superiors may ,have special po~ers by delegation. Lay superiors are never given this power. m38u Does a.ssistlncj at Holy Mass from a side. room or back sacristy of a church or from a hallway outside a chapel satisfy the obligation of hearing Mass on Sundays and Holy Day~ of obligation? ~ The ordinary.rule for determining presence at a Mass of. obliga-tion is this: one must be in a place in which he can be reasonably con-sidered as a part 6f the congregation, if. there is a congregation, or at least as United with the priest, if there is no ~ongregation.In practical ¯ terms we say that anyone who is within the .body of a church in which Mass is being celebrated can satisfy his obligation; regarding other places, the obligation can still be fulfilled if the distance sepa-rating the person from the. priest or, congregati6n is not great and if the progress of the Mass can be followed by s6me sensible means. There. appears t6 be no difficulty about the places referred' to in the "question. m39m IS it necessary that one have in mind a specific aspiration to which a plenary indulgence is attached, when making the prescribed visit to a church, or when reciting prescribed prayers for the intentions of the Holy Father, or will a general intentidn to gain these indulgences suffice? No, it is not necessary to have in mind a specific aspiration to which an indulgence is attached when making the prescribed visit to a church, or when reciting prayers prescribed for the intentions of the Holy Father. A general intention ~o gain all indulgences, suffices, provided the good works enjoined are. performed. If one wishes to gain an indulgence for the souls in purgatory, a special intention is required, since, under normal conditions; one gains all indulgences for oneself. One may, of course, make a general intention to gain all indulgences possible for the souls in purgatory. Such an intention will prevail until it is revoked. 342 June 29, Iq43: His Holiness, PoPe Pius XII, issued an Encyclical. Letter, M~stici Corporis (of the Mystical Body), which contains an extensive .theolo~gical study of-the Church as the Mystical Body of Christ. Though the complete text of the Enc3~ lical is not available at this time, a g.ene~al summary of its contents was sent out from Vatican City on July 3, from which the following points are culled. The first part of the Encyclical explains why the Church is the Mystical Body of Christ: 1) Cl~rist became the Founder of the Church when He invested the Apostles with supernatural poweis after having called them to their high office and instructed them regarding the propagation of the Church throughout the world. 2) Christ is the Head of the Church: primarily in virtue of His supreme dignity and pr~-eminence; also because, while exercising. His power invisi.~bly and
The American Civil War is one of the defining events in American history. Abundant studies cover every aspect of the conflict, from strategic analysis to the material culture of uniforms. Even with thousands of academic studies, each adding a new interpretation, there remains still unexplored territory. This study's objective is to expand upon and connect these previous interpretations to produce another tier in understanding a specific chapter of the war. The question posed centers on not the Confederate strengths but the Federal weaknesses. Research shows how the failure and limitations of Union strategy, policy, and the inability to logistically sustain massive offensives opened the way for the Confederacy to capitalize on, and turn the tide of the war. Furthermore, how did the Confederate strategies both militarily and politically have the greatest success and influence on the Kentucky and Maryland Campaigns and the overall outcome of the war? ; Master of Arts in Military History ; Capstone Autumn 1862 The High Tide of the Confederacy Colin E. Zimmerman A paper submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Master of Arts in Military History Norwich University MH562 Capstone Paper Dr. Wesley Moody 23-August-2020. 2 Thesis: The American Civil War is one of the defining events in American history. Abundant studies cover every aspect of the conflict, from strategic analysis to the material culture of uniforms. Even with thousands of academic studies, each adding a new interpretation, there remains still unexplored territory. This study's objective is to expand upon and connect these previous interpretations to produce another tier in understanding a specific chapter of the war. The question posed centers on not the Confederate strengths but the Federal weaknesses. Research shows how the failure and limitations of Union strategy, policy, and the inability to logistically sustain massive offensives opened the way for the Confederacy to capitalize on, and turn the tide of the war. Furthermore, how did the Confederate strategies both militarily and politically have the greatest success and influence on the Kentucky and Maryland Campaigns and the overall outcome of the war? It will be necessary to answer this question through a multilayered approach. Instead of viewing the Kentucky and Maryland campaigns on the tactical level, which has already consumed most of the historiography on the topic, this study will instead find an explanation to this question through political, logistical, organizational, leadership personalities, and economic components and how they dictated the overall strategic picture and framework. When synthesizing all these components together, one potential answer generates: the grand Confederate offensive in the autumn of 1862, a direct result of botched Federal strategic measures and limitations, divided political policies, and the Union's struggling logistical capabilities; indicated the high tide of the Confederacy. Through battlefield victories and seizing the initiative in direct and indirect courses, Confederate leadership allowed the Southern field armies to exploit the Federal weaknesses culminating in the Kentucky and Maryland campaigns. 3 These campaigns offered the Confederacy its only realistic chance of ending the war on political and strategic terms that favored the South. An examination of each specific component and its relation to the Confederate high tide's theory is therefore essential to back this new interpretation. Political Factors of the North, South, and Europe; and its Benefit to the Confederacy in 1862: All wars, especially civil wars, are political in their foundation, influence, and execution. In "On War," Carl von Clausewitz states that "the political object, as the original motive of the War, will be the standard for determining both the aim of the military force and the amount of effort to be made." 1 This axiom applies to events in the autumn of 1862 since political factors dominated the motivation of strategy. The Confederacy's legitimacy resided within its field armies continued existence. Their ability to gain military victories that supported both the strategic and political realms was the essential component that needed to be sustained if the South was to remain independent. The North was in a completely different predicament, as the rival political factions, Republican's and Democrat's, each with its own opinion on the objective goals and the conduct of the war, could not in the early phase of the war come to common ground as to what the specific nature, cause, plan, and purpose of the Civil War was. The North was a nation at war without complete unification of mind, and purpose, which presented a weakness that could ultimately undo its efforts. Complicating matters for President Abraham Lincoln, and his party's agenda, was the fact the Northern Democratic party held just over 45% of the popular vote of free and border states in the 1860 election. 2 In short, the President and his administration existed only in a 1 Carl von Clausewitz, On War, Translated by Colonel J.J. Graham. New York, NY: Barnes & Noble, 2004. 10. 2 James McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988. 506. 4 narrow margin and needed to conduct the war in a way suitable to keep the two very different mindsets exhibited by both the Republicans and Democrats in agreement. The Kentucky and Maryland campaigns occurred while changing Republican ideas on the persecution of the war and mid-term congressional elections, which proved to be a significant juncture in Northern and foreign politics. To be sure, the summer and fall of 1862 were extremely delicate times for Lincoln and the Republicans, and they could not afford any negative setbacks. Lacking any precedent to draw on, the Lincoln Administration delicately approached the rebellion by seeking the destruction of Confederate armies and exempting the Southern population from the burdens of war by respecting the civilians' constitutional rights and property. Historian Mark Grimsley captured the conviction of the policy by pointing out that the Lincoln administration renounced any intention of attacking slavery; and the government's assumption that most white Southerners were lukewarm about secession, and if handled with forbearance, would withdraw their allegiance from the Confederacy once Union armies entered their midst. 3 This policy known as conciliation, therefore, served as the beat to which Union forces marched off to war. Not all Northern generals and radical Republicans embraced this; however, the policy served as the first step in an evolutionary process that would eventually culminate in "hard-war." The effects of conciliation created favorable conditions for the Confederacy from which they were able to exploit the "limited war" shortcomings of the Union and surge forward into the fall offensive and their high tide. These shortcomings manifest in several different forms: leadership, strategic limitation, and foreign and domestic political pressure. Unfortunately for the 3 Mark Grimsley, The Hard Hand of War: Union Military Policy toward Southern Civilians, 1861-1865. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013. 3. 5 Union, the combination of these factors exposed themselves in a negative light nearly all simultaneously, creating a perfect opportunity for the Confederates to take advantage of the drawbacks and pursue victory. Fueling the fire was the Lincoln Administration's policy regarding the appointment of military governors in captured territory. The issue arose when these cities, such as Nashville, were turned into massive supply centers for Union armies, resulting in intense rivalries between city and country, neighboring communities, and whites and blacks as they competed for jobs and dominance. 4 Henry Halleck, George McClellan, Don Carlos Buell, the key leaders of the Federal armies in 1862, generated the most immediate consequences stemming from the shortcomings of conciliation from as these three adherents to firm Democratic principles and military strategy are most responsible for creating the opportunity for a Confederate offensive. Generals Halleck, McClellan, and Buell are often portrayed by historians as lacking the "killer instinct," especially when compared to Ulysses S. Grant, William T. Sherman, and Phil Sheridan. However, a more accurate analysis finds them as men who followed the conciliation policy almost to the letter for political, personal, or logistical reasons. Halleck himself wrote the Elements of Military Art and Science, where he harped on the capture of strategic points, incurring the least number of casualties and damage as possible as the primary strategy of winning a war. Ironically, Halleck, the most influential Union general in 1862, believed that warfare was unjustifiable in most cases and should only be conducted with the utmost caution. 5 As General in Chief, Halleck had a significant influence on the conduct of operations of the Union forces. Each of these three 4 Grimsley, The Hard Hand of War, 35-36; Scott Nelson and Carol Sheriff, A People of War: Civilians and Soldiers in America's Civil War, New York: Oxford University Press, 2007. 88. The reference to negative leadership refers to the actions of Nathaniel Lyon and Francis Blair; who introduced "harsh" measures in 1861 prematurely which led to a brutal guerilla war and other political ramifications. 5 Henry Wagner Halleck, Elements of Military Art and Science: Course of Instruction in Strategy, Fortification, Tactics of Battle, Embracing the Duties of Staff, Infantry, Cavalry, Artillery, and Engineers, Adapted to the Use of Volunteers and Militia, Third Edition, New York: D. Appleton & Company, 1862. 7-9. 6 commanders prescribed to similar variants of Halleck's theory, whose universal core value of caution above all else acted as the catalyst to create the conditions for the Confederacy to crest in the fall of 1862. While the reigns of military success were in McClellan's and Buell's hands during the Maryland and Kentucky campaigns; Halleck made two major errors in 1862 that are directly responsible for igniting the Confederate offensives. The first was his overabundance of caution in taking Corinth, allowing the Confederates to slip away and then failing to retain the initiative by pushing to Vicksburg while simultaneously failing to capture Chattanooga. The second major failure was his inability to harness his granted power and force McClellan to speedily and effectively send his army to the aid of John Pope, eliminating any opportunity for a combined assault on Lee's smaller army. 6 The Democratic principles these generals prescribed to differed in many respects from Lincoln and the Republican agenda on the idea of the war. Each strongly believed in the preservation of the Union yet favored winning the war by the least drastic measures, the least number of casualties, and on a platform acceptable to their Democratic party beliefs. 7 For instance, McClellan wrote Buell, upon the latter's elevation to command of the Army of the Ohio: "bear in mind that we are fighting only to preserve the integrity of the Union and to uphold the power of General Government….be careful so to treat the unarmed inhabitants as to contract, not widen, the breach existing between us & the rebels." 8 Additionally, Generals Pope, Grant, and Rosecrans, who likely weren't as politically polarized as the former three, contributed to the growing political dissension in 1862 in their own right. Therefore, by their actions, federal military leadership did more to subvert the Union military from ending the war quickly and 6 Russel F. Weigley, A Great Civil War: A Military and Political History, 1861-1865, Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 2000. 135-136. It is arguable whether or not the Army of the Potomac could have arrived in its entirety rapidly enough to join with Pope. However, personal and in-house political agendas did not move the efficiency along any faster. 7 Weigley, A Great Civil War, xix-xxi. 8 Grimsley, 64. 7 dividing political tension based on faction theology more than any other public figures in 1862. One of the more notable incidents that fit into the framework of subversion was Grant's debacle at Shiloh, which brought strong opposition from anti-war Democrats, causing cautious leaders such as Halleck and McClellan to tighten their grip and fear repeat attacks. Most detrimental in this respect was the administration's and Halleck's decision to temporarily bench Grant during the Corinth episode, then subsequently leaving him in a position where he could not act with his usual aggressiveness against Stirling Price and Earl Van Dorn. Before his removal as General in Chief, George McClellan wrote Halleck then in charge of western forces, "The future success of our cause demands that proceedings such as Grant's should at once be checked. Generals must observe discipline as well as private soldiers. Do not hesitate to arrest him at once if the good of service requires it, & place CF Smith in command." 9 Grant's "recklessness" at Shiloh created quite the stir on the home front, which as a result, political rivals of the Lincoln Administration, sought to break down Grant as a way to spread discontent and fit the anti-war platform. They harped on the high number of casualties, the surprise of the Confederate attack, and the black eye to the seemingly unstoppable Union war machine. The backlash reached Washington, prompting a response from the Administration. In a telegram to Halleck, Secretary of War Stanton wrote, "The President desires to know why you have made no official report to this department respecting the late battles of Pittsburg landing. And whether any neglect or misconduct of General Grant or any other officer contributed to the sad casualties that befell our forces on Sunday." 10 The battle of Shiloh became the first political debacle that militarily opened the door for the Confederacy to take the offensive in the fall of 1862. 9 Nancy Scott Anderson and Dwight Anderson, The Generals: Ulysses. S. Grant and Robert E. Lee, Avenel: New Jersey, 1987. 230. 10 Anderson, The Generals, 241. 8 The most immediate politically charged consequence materialized in Halleck's handling of the advance on Corinth, which exemplified his standard cautiousness with added paranoia of avoiding another repeat of Shiloh. 11 The delicate politically charged caution continued even after the successful capture of Corinth in Halleck's decision to send Buell, over Pope or Grant to seize Chattanooga. Halleck's snail-like cautious advance on Corinth, and the decision to send Buell to Chattanooga, allowed the disorganized Confederate army to withdraw from Corinth, establish a new commander in the form of Braxton Bragg, who in turn brought reorganization, discipline, and professionalization to the Army of Mississippi; which proved to be the genesis of Bragg and Smith having the ability to advance into Tennessee and Kentucky. 12 Military shortcomings turned political disasters in the Eastern Theater during the summer of 1862, soon overshadowed Shiloh, and added dramatic momentum and opportunity to the rise of the Confederate high tide in the war's primary theater. McClellan and his Army of the Potomac, having suffered political harassment in late 1861 into the spring of 1862, began their downward political spiral with the Army of the Potomac's loss of initiative and strategic defeat during the Seven Days Battles on the Peninsula. The setbacks along the James River coupled with the black eye at Shiloh, and the defeat of Federal forces in the Shenandoah Valley in the spring of 1862 had devastating political effects, which left the North and European powers believing that all hope for the Union resided with McClellan and his Army of the Potomac. The proximity of the Union and Confederate capitals made the Eastern theater a hot spot for journalists and policymakers on both sides, who saw the region as the deciding factor in the Civil War's outcome. This army's setback at the gates of Richmond did more to influence how events 11 Larry J. Daniel, Days of Glory: The Army of the Cumberland, 1861-1865, Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2006. 85. 12 Thomas Lawrence Connelly, Army of the Heartland: The Army of Tennessee, 1861-1862, Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2001. 188-194. 9 unfolded in the east in 1862 in both the strategic and political sense, both foreign and domestic. 13 The shortcomings on the Peninsula stymied the Union's hope to quickly end the war while making the voices of "Peace Democrats" louder and the political situation even more delicate. As if the Lincoln Administration did not already have enough burdens, both England and France, whose neutrality was necessary for the Union war effort, began to openly question the North's ability to subdue the South and end the rebellion. 14 Stonewall Jackson's brilliant campaign in the Valley, coupled with the Army of Northern Virginia's ferocious performance on the Peninsula elevated Southern patriotism, and simultaneously dampened Northern morale, convincing many on both sides that Southern victory was achievable. 15 Colonel Charles Marshall, Lee's Assistant Adjutant General believed that Robert E. Lee's emergence onto the scene was the greatest benefit to the Southern cause. He equated Lee's leadership on the Peninsula to that of a color bearer bravely advancing his banner towards the enemy. On political matters Marshall correctly believed that the Northern people were impatient for a speedy victory and that the Federal Government expressed this sentiment in its policy on conducting the war. However, this policy was forcefully and forever altered with the aggressive Lee's emergence onto the scene, whose plan called for carrying on the war indefinitely until the Confederacy achieved victory. Marshall outlined this plan as designed to, "frustrate the enemy's designs; to break up campaigns undertaken with vast expense and with confident assurance of success; to impress upon the minds of Northern people the conviction that they must prepare for a protracted struggle, great sacrifices of life and treasure, with the possibility that all might at last be of no 13 Stephen W. Sears, To the Gates of Richmond: The Peninsula Campaign, New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1992. 355. 14 McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom, 554-555. 15 Peter Cozzens, Shenandoah 1862: Stonewall Jackson's Valley Campaign, Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2008. 507-508. 10 avail; and to accomplish this at the smallest cost to the Confederacy." 16 This leadership change at such a critical moment proved to be the dawn of turning Confederate fortunes in the east. Public opinion and political reactions to the Union failure on the Peninsula were mixed; however, strong opposition towards McClellan emerged and created discord among the rival Democrats and Republicans, each of whom found outlets to accuse the other of the responsibility of the campaign's failure. 17 Amid this political turmoil, Lincoln, in an effort to offset the discord introduced Major General John Pope, who only managed to escalate political dissension to a fever pitch with his disastrous Northern Virginia campaign. 18 In the Western Theater, the emergence of Braxton Bragg also came at a critical juncture in juxtaposition with the events occurring in the east. Bragg took command of the Army of Mississippi at one of its darkest hours, and through exemplary organizational skills, reshaped the Army of Mississippi into a professional, disciplined force capable of delivering a lethal blow. With such a force, Bragg was able to look to more risky opportunities that would offset the Union strategic gains in the west and regain Tennessee and perhaps set the stage for Kentucky.19 Private Sam Watkins of the 1st Tennessee recorded the positive change in morale from the melancholy atmosphere at Corinth to when new lifeblood in the army emerged. "We were in an ecstasy akin to heaven. We were happy; the troops were jubilant; our manhood blood pulsated more warmly; our patriotism was awakened; our pride was renewed and stood ready for any emergency; we felt that one Southern man could whip twenty Yankees. All was lovely and 16 Charles Marshall, Lees Aide-De-Camp: Being the Papers of Colonel Charles Marshall Sometime Aide-De-Camp, Military Secretary, and Assistant Adjutant General on the Staff of Robert E. Lee, 1862-1865, Edited by Gary W. Gallagher, and Frederick Maurice, Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2000. 74. 17 Sears, To the Gates of Richmond, 346-347. 18 John J. Hennessy, Return to Bull Run: The Battle and Campaign of Second Manassas. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1999. 468-472. 19 Earl J. Hess, Banners to the Breeze: the Kentucky Campaign, Corinth, and Stones River, Lincoln, Neb.: University of Nebraska Press, 2010. 19-22. 11 the goose hung high." 20 Although the Confederates had suffered initial setbacks early in 1862, the advantages afforded by conciliation, cautious Federal leadership, and the emergence of Lee and Bragg allowed for a reversal of fortunes. In 1862 Southern patriotism was running high; the idea of independence and the Confederate soldier's superiority was at its wartime peak. 21 Lee's decision to invade Maryland was political in nature. Maryland Campaign historians, Joseph Harsh, Scot Hartwig, Stephen Sears, James Murfin, and Ezra Carman while differing on strategic matters, all agree that Lee's primary purpose was to secure a decisive victory which would gain the South the political victory; either in the form of Northern domestic politics or international recognition and or intervention. The application of political pressure to Lee's offensive outweighs all the deficiencies faced by his army in the logistical realm, and further illustrated his grasp on the delicacy of Northern political division. Clearly, he understood this division and had faith that his smaller, ill-supplied force had a chance to deliver a blow that would fracture the Northern populace and produce an outcome that favored the South. General Lee suggested his understanding of such matters in a letter to President Jefferson Davis while in Dranesville on September 3. "The present seems to be the most propitious time since the commencement of the war for the Confederate Army to enter Maryland.….if it is ever desired to give material aid to Maryland and afford her and opportunity of throwing off the oppression to which she is now subject, this would seem the most favorable." 22 The domestic and foreign political objectives acting as primary motives for the "invasion," were in that instant equal to the strategic goals which accompanied them when 20 Samuel R. Watkins, Company Aytch or A Side Show of the Big Show: A Memoir of the Civil War. Edited by Ruth Hill Fulton McAllister. Nashville, TN: Turner, 2011. 45. 21 Joseph T. Glatthaar, General Lee's Army: From Victory to Collapse, New York: Free Press, 2008. 207; James Longstreet, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, Edited by Ned Bradford. New York: The Fairfax Press, 1979. 263. 22 United States War Department, The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies. Vol. 19. Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1880. 590. 12 defining the military value of the campaign; this is a unique feature to the Maryland Campaign and its condition for victory, while only a secondary task in Kentucky. In contrast historian Edwin Coddington paints a different picture for Lee's purposes in the Pennsylvania Campaign of 1863. Coddington outlined that Lee, in this part of the war, contended with the new Federal doctrine of "hard war" and emancipation, eliminating the decisive battle matched with the political advantage that existed in 1862. Therefore, Lee's only real option was to defeat the Army of the Potomac in detail, earning a strategic victory rather than a political one. 23 Such a task required adequate logistics, and a complete and total battlefield victory, two factors that eluded the Confederacy during the war. Such victory conditions presented to Lee in 1862 were unique and would never materialize again in any substantial form. Political division in the North was at fever pitch in the late summer of 1862; evidence of the discord's depth is apparent in everything from personal letters through Northern news outlets. Robert E. Lee, an avid reader of Northern papers, understood this notion and sought to exploit it. Domestically, Northern Democrats maintained a loud voice in critical regions and states, which only grew more robust and more resilient with each military shortcoming and failure. August and early September saw a heightened level of panic and discouragement in the North, with Pope's defeat and Lee's invasion of Maryland, while at the same time Kirby Smith's Confederate Army of Kentucky demonstrated against Cincinnati. Pennsylvania was understandably the most unnerved due to its proximity to Maryland and vital war infrastructure, and its Republican governor Andrew Curtin's demand for 80,000 troops to defend his state embodied it. Additionally, the mayors of the influential northern cities of Harrisburg, Philadelphia, and 23 Edwin B. Coddington, The Gettysburg Campaign: A Study in Command, New York: Simon and Schuster. 1968. 6-7. 13 Baltimore were alarmed, fearing their respective city was the target of Lee's advancing legions.24 In Cincinnati, the situation turned somewhat drastic. After destroying the Union forces at Richmond, Kentucky on August 30, Kirby Smith as a result had a clear road to the Ohio River. Understandably Illinois, Indiana, and Ohio all worried what Smith's next move would be while they scrambled to organize bodies of troops. General Lew Wallace arrived in Cincinnati, declared martial law and quickly set about organizing a defense. 25 With panic to the extremity of declaring martial law, the Northern population began to question their ability to win the war openly. Prominent figures such as George Templeton Strong, Samuel Galloway, Reverend Robert Laird Collier, and Senator Garrett Davis, spoke not only for themselves but also for the majority of the people by openly challenging President Lincoln and his administration on their ability to conduct the war. The accusations included Lincoln's unfitness for the Presidency, the constant change of military leadership in the east, which showed instability and was severely hurting morale in the North. Demands also arose that there be a complete reorganization of the Administration. 26 The Lincoln Administration's threat of a draft, unless an additional 300,000 volunteers could be raised created further tension. The idea of a draft disgusted many Northerners; however, with "patriotic" spirit enticed by bounties, nine-month service, and the threat of draft, the ranks of new regiments began to fill in late summer of 1862, only hitting forty-five percent of the intended quota. 27 The Union soldiers themselves cast a gloomy mood over the situation and expressed their views with varying levels of disgust. Lieutenant Elisha Hunt Rhodes of the 2nd 24 David H. Donald, Lincoln, New York, NY: Touchstone, 1996. 373. 25 Vernon L. Volpe, "Dispute Every Inch of Ground": Major General Lew Wallace Commands Cincinnati, September 1862." Indiana Magazine of History 85, no. 2 (1989): 139. 26 Donald, Lincoln, 373. 27 McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom, 492. 14 Rhode Island expressed in his diary that: "I fear we are no nearer the end of the war than we were when we first landed at Fortress Monroe five months ago." 28 Captain Francis Donaldson of the 118th Pennsylvania captured the mood in Washington: "We are constant witness of the sad plight of the Army of the Potomac, as thousands of Genl. Pope's troops in great demoralization are ever passing the Fort in retreat to Washington. The poor old Army of the Potomac, how I pity it." 29 Captain Henry Pearson of the 6th New Hampshire also expressed his views in the aftermath of Second Manassas: "You need not be surprised if success falls to the rebels with astonishing rapidity." 30 Brigadier General Marsena Patrick's opinion bordered on insurrection: "There is a general feeling that the Southern Confederacy will be recognized & that they deserve recognition." 31 Lieutenant Charles Seton Fleming of the 2nd Florida Infantry, in a letter home to his mother describing the aftermath of the Second Manassas campaign, echoed Patrick's views when he wrote: "Our victory is complete, even the Yankee prisoners acknowledge it." 32 Lieutenant Colonel Henry Hubbell of the 3rd New York wrote in August 1862: "I am not sure that it would not be a good thing to have the rebels get possession of Washington however, as it might waken up the north to the fact that we are having a war in earnest, and not merely playing soldier…. We have got men & means enough in the north to put an end to this war in 90 days, if they would only go at it in earnest and let politics & the nigger alone." 33 28 Elisha Hunt Rhodes, All for the Union: A History of the 2nd Rhode Island Volunteer Infantry in the War of the Great Rebellion. Edited by Robert Hunt Rhodes. Lincoln, RI: A. Mowbray, 1985. 69. 29 Francis Adams Donaldson, Inside the Army of the Potomac: The Civil War Experience of Captain Francis Adams Donaldson. Edited by J. Gregory Acken. Mechanicsburg, PA: Stackpole Books, 1998. 104. 30 D. Scott Hartwig, To Antietam Creek: the Maryland Campaign of September 1862. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2019. 134-135. 31 Ibid., 134-135. 32 Francis P. Fleming, A Memoir of Captain C. Seton Fleming: of the Second Florida Infantry, C.S.A., Reprint 1985: Jacksonville: Times-Union Publishing House, 1884. 66. 33 Simon P. Newman, "A Democrat in Lincoln's Army: The Civil War Letters of Henry P. Hubbell." The Princeton University Library Chronicle 50, no. 2 (1989): 155-68. 157. 15 Hubbell eluded to the growing discord of racial issues that many Democrats saw as an unnecessary and politically charged motive to a war that was supposed to be strictly for preserving the Union. Nevertheless, this issue began to transform the cause of the war in the summer of 1862, adding only more weight to a very delicate political situation. Hubbell's feelings weren't isolated; instead, the sense that the war was taking on a new front to end slavery infuriated many Northerners. Hubbell's views on racial matters and slavery were not limited to himself, in fact, the stiffest opposition to war that had anything to do with freeing slaves came from the Midwest states; where racism was an epidemic culturally, especially in the Army of the Ohio. The talk of national emancipation led hundreds of men to desert and, in some cases, join the Confederacy. 34 Sentiments similar to these echoed across the Union armies and, undoubtedly, were shared by family and friends on the home front. Some individuals turned bitter, and perhaps extreme, which reflected political, ideological, and sectional differences in the North, which under the pressure of a seemingly collapsing system reared its ugly head. The term "invasion" has been used several times thus far, especially by the Union's most publicized general, George McClellan. This term and others related to it divided the minds of many of those who had significant power to dictate the war. Abraham Lincoln, at no point, recognized the Confederacy as a legitimate entity. He always maintained that the Southern States were in rebellion and needed to be brought back into the Union. Interestingly, his senior generals in 1862, mostly Democrats, saw the Confederate offensives as invasions, insinuating their conscious or subconscious recognition that Confederate armies were "foreign invaders" intent on doing harm, which helped fuel the panic, frustration, and seemingly lost Union cause ideology. 35 34 Daniel, Days of Glory, 101. 35 Andrew Pooley, "Shoo-ing the Geese: Lincoln and the Army of the Potomac, 1862-1863." Australian Journal of American Studies 21, no.2 (2002): 86-100. 86-87. 16 Jefferson Davis, the Confederate cabinet, Robert E. Lee, Braxton Bragg, and all the other high-ranking Confederate officers comprehended the growing Northern political disunion. This is evident in the decision to approve a Confederate offensive and the string of strategic goals associated with it. The Army of Northern Virginia, for example, fulfilled its duty of defeating the Federals time and again, completely reversing the tide of the war in the east. As Robert E. Lee sat at his headquarters in the aftermath of Chantilly, it had become abundantly clear that he now possessed the opportunity to strike the decisive blow against whatever Union army would oppose him in Maryland or Pennsylvania, which would likely result in some sort of peace talks. 36 Lieutenant Colonel Edward Porter Alexander Chief of Ordnance in the Army of Northern Virginia saw the picture as clear as Lee. Referring to the army, we wrote: "His [Lee's] army had, that magnificent morale which made them equal to twice their numbers, & which they never lost even to the surrender at Appomattox. And his confidence in them, & theirs in him, were so equal that no man can yet say which was greatest. And no old soldier need ask a prouder record than is implied in that fact. By going into Maryland Gen. Lee could at least subsist his army for a while upon the enemy, & he doubtless hoped, too, for a chance to force the Federal army to come out & fight him under favorable conditions." 37 Confederate officer William Allan, reverberated Alexander's sentiments when he wrote of the Army of Northern Virginia: "its spirit at this time was high. A series of brilliant successes had given it unbounded confidence in itself and its leaders, and the ragged dirty soldiers hailed with joy the advance across the Potomac." 38 The comparison of the Federal and Confederate views as indicated from primary sources, on 36 Hartwig, To Antietam Creek, 52-53. 37 Edward Porter Alexander, Fighting for the Confederacy: The Personal Recollections of General Edward Porter Alexander. Edited by Gary W. Gallagher, United States: The University of North Carolina Press, 2000. 139. 38 William Allan, The Army of Northern Virginia in 1862, Reprint: Middletown: DE, 2020. 273. 17 leadership and the progress of the war at the beginning of the Maryland Campaign were clearly in favor of the South. The leadership of Don Carlos Buell is a prime example of political dissatisfaction, both on the home front and in the army. While McClellan was unpopular with the Administration, he still held favor with most of his officers, and certainly the rank and file of the army and the nation. Buell, however, faced contention on three similar fronts – The Indiana bloc, the general and field officers of the First Division, and the supporters of Alexander McCook, one of his corps commanders. Much of the disgust with Buell occurred during the Kentucky Campaign. This break in unified efforts favored the Confederate cause, particularly in swaying popular opinion in Kentucky. Republican Indiana newspapers ripped into Buell's leadership, declaring that he was completely mishandling the pursuit of two Confederate armies that were ripping up Kentucky and potentially heading towards Indiana, Ohio, or Illinois. Some newspapers called for his immediate dismissal, and a few even demanded he be shot. 39 When comparing Lee and his army to Buell and his, there formulates a fascinating dissection of the polar extremes in popular and political opinion. Lee and his men were on the top of their game, while Buell's forces were at a low ebb. Using these two examples as the basis of measurement, it becomes apparent that overall, the Confederate forces enjoyed a much higher sense of public support and favorability then their Union counterparts did at that particular moment in the war. Scholars have hotly debated the prospect of European powers, particularly England and France intervening and mediating an end to the conflict. The idea of such a prospect was undoubtedly the primary goal for the Confederate strategy in the autumn of 1862. It is essential to view the idea of European intervention in the simplest of forms. The Southern strategy partly 39 Daniel, 128-129. 18 hinged on it, as can be observed via strategic decisions and public opinion, the North, however, feared the prospect. Intervention and mediation on any level would, in the end, be more beneficial to the South, and the Lincoln Administration would appear as incapable; in short, it would be a disaster for the North and Republicans. 40 The onset of a "cotton famine" and the scandal of the Trent affair occurred amid all the politically charged events in 1862, resulting in the British sending an additional 11,000 men to Canada and forcing Lincoln to tread lightly in foreign political matters. 41 Historian Max Beloff believed that the possibility of British intervention was extremely likely in 1862, mainly due to the North's refusal to make anti-slavery sentiments the basis of their cause, instead still focusing on the preservation of the Union, which only supported the pro-Southern faction in Parliament. 42 An examination of Southern newspapers and other editorials, shows public opinion in the South at the beginning of the war was universal in the belief that Great Britain would be forced, through the power of cotton, to intervene either by raising the blockade or by recognizing the Confederate States as an independent nation or perhaps both. 43 Regardless of the likelihood of actual intervention or recognition, the idea of it greatly influenced Confederate leaders, particularly Lee, who notated such objective goals in his correspondence with Davis. Davis agreed outlining his desires in a communication to Lee on September 7. He reminded Lee that the Confederacy was waging war solely for self-defense. Through the eight points he outlined as the guiding principles for the field armies to abide by, Davis continually revolved his doctrine around political objectives whose chief purpose were to achieve peace with the United States. If the South maintained a self- 40 McPherson, 444. 41 Nelson, A People at War, 166. 42 Max Beloff, "Historical Revision No. CXVIII: Great Britain and the American Civil War." History, New Series, 37, no. 129, (1952): 40-48. 42. 43 Schuyler Dean Hoslett, "The Richmond Daily Press on British Intervention in the Civil War: A Brief Summary." The William and Mary Quarterly 20, no. 1 (1940): 79-83. 80. 19 defense posture, with the objective of peace through battlefield victory; then the likelihood of positive European intervention on their behalf had a much higher probability, which in turn could possibly bring a speedy end to the war with terms that favored the Confederacy. 44 Logistical Concerns and Organizational Components: While the South always lagged behind the North in terms of finance, economy, manufacturing, manpower, and many other logistical concerns, the disparity was narrower in 1862 than in the coming years. As a point of contention, several trends and circumstances in the Union war effort benefited the South more than it aided the Union on the grand stage. Concerning logistics, Clausewitz's maxim states: "The dependence on the base increases in intensity and extent with the size of the Army, which is easy to understand. An Army is like a tree. From the ground out of which it grows it draws it's nourishment; if it is small it can easily be transplanted, but this becomes more difficult as it increases in size….When therefore, we talk of the influence of the base on the operations of an Army, the dimensions of the Army must always serve as the scale by which to measure the magnitude of that influence." 45 This axiom is precisely the predicament of the Northern war effort in the first two years of the war. The logistical portion of this study will examine the condition and availability of uniforms and equipment, quality of weaponry then in circulation, training and experience of soldiers, and finally the ability of each government to produce and supply its troops effectively. A logistical understanding is crucial for understanding the obstacles and conditions faced by the armies and how it dictated their effectiveness on campaign and immediate tactical ability on the battlefield in 1862. The South, as previously stated from the very beginning of the war, was behind its 44 OR, vol 19, 1: 598-599. 45 Clausewitz, On War, 353-354. 20 opponent in logistical matters; however, the North in 1862 was not at the climax in its ability of production and supply, and therefore lacked significantly in certain areas. However, it is essential to note that the limitations of the Federal logistical system by the fall of 1862 were only a few months shy of efficiently supplying the vast number of troops in the field. The first evidence of a marked change in the Union's logistical ability emerged in the Chancellorsville Campaign's genesis, after the winter of 1862-63. 46 Accepting the notion that the Confederate armies were in rough shape logistically; it is important to note that the primary leadership in the field was acutely aware of the shortages. However, the unfolding opportunity demanded a military strike that outweighed logistical concerns. Therefore, an examination into the Federal system's shortcomings is necessary to show the benefits it offered toward the Confederacy. The United States Army in the Antebellum period contained roughly 15,000 men of all arms. Compared with an army of 600,000 men in 1862, it is understandable that there would be significant shortcomings and hurdles to overcome in a nation that, as a rule, did not trust professional armies nor want to foot the bill for one. Nevertheless, the North had a clear advantage when it came to industrialization and manufacturing. Over one million Northerners worked in industrial jobs, ten times more than their Southern counterparts. Furthermore, the North contained roughly 100,000 factories compared to the South's 20,000. 47 Yet, as already pointed out, the prewar army was tiny and supplied with uniforms and equipment solely from the Schuylkill Arsenal in Philadelphia. Additionally, the arsenals producing firearms were limited, with all those existing in the South subsequently seized upon secession, having fewer firearms available to Northern regiments. 48 The North, therefore, would have to raise and equip an army 46 Stephen Sears, Chancellorsville, New York: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1996. 71-75 47 Matthew S. Muehlbauer and David J. Ulbrich, Ways of War: American Military History from the Colonial Era to the Twenty-First Century. New York: Routledge, 2018. 174-175. 48 Joseph E. Chance, The Second Texas Infantry, From Shiloh to Vicksburg, Austin: Eakin Press, 1984. 16, 24. 21 primarily with outdated weapons and with an industrial system that wasn't geared toward war manufacturing. The North's only saving grace was its economic might. 49 Economically it is crucial to understand that the Union that won the war in 1865, was not the same financial institution nor economy in 1861 and 1862. It was in major part due to the Legal Tender Act of 1862 and the National Currency Act of 1863, that the North was able to pay for the sustainment of the war; yet it took time for these acts to take effect. Therefore, in 1862 financially, the North was undoubtedly at its weakest; many of the state and municipal banks, especially those in border states, had closed their doors, while millions of businesses and private civilians hoarded gold. 50 The Union was only able to field the armies it did in 1861-1862 because of its ability to pay for the conversion and development of machinery needed for equipment, weaponry, and uniforms while relying initially on its prewar militia. Faced with arming a massive army overnight, the United States was forced to arm many of its regiments with outdated firearms, such as the M-1842 Smoothbore musket, and the M-1816 Flintlocks that were converted to percussion, in addition to supplementing itself with foreign weapons, from Britain, Belgium, France, Austria, and others. These weapons except those from Britain, proved to be severely outdated compared to the technology available in the 1860s. The importance of recognizing the sub-standard firearms is their effectiveness on the battlefield and the potentiality of changing the outcome in a crucial moment in a battle. In an era of the rifled musket that was accurate from 250-300 yards, a typical smoothbore musket ranged from 80-100 yards. A significant portion of Federal troops were armed with outdated weapons in the Maryland and Kentucky Campaigns. A focus on any of the principal engagements in that time frame will show that regiments armed 49 McPherson, 442-445. 50 Nelson, 132-133. 22 with such weapons were in certain circumstances ineffective on the immediate tactical plane, and perhaps beneficial to their adversary. The disparity of weapons had begun to improve for the North in 1862; however, the infusion of nearly 300,000 volunteers during the summer of 1862 created a logistical gap once again. Many of the existing regiments in the army still shouldered outdated weapons, and now with legions of new men forming, these troops found themselves supplied with weapons that were unequal to the rigors of Civil War combat. Of this second wave of new recruits, the 12th New Jersey Volunteers serve as an excellent microcosm to examine the Union's logistical deficiencies in the rush to arm new recruits in 1862. Initially, the Jerseymen expected to receive the celebrated Enfield rifle; instead, they ended up with the inferior Austrian Lorenz, which was later exchanged in Washington for the equally outdated 1842 Springfield musket, although they saw this as an improvement over the detested Austrian rifle. 51 While every regiment's experience is different, the new wave and veterans alike in 1862 experienced some level of logistical deficiency that impacted their abelites on campaign or in battle. Aside from weapons, much of the equipment in the Army of the Potomac and the Army of the Ohio at the beginning of the Confederate offensives were at the end of its serviceable life span, due to months of active campaigning, and the inability to properly re-muster the army on a large scale because of the continuity of Confederate aggressiveness, which certainly affected their performance as a cohesive fighting force. Brigadier General Abner Doubleday who commanded a brigade at Second Manassas submitted requisitions to replace equipment and clothing just before the onset of the Maryland Campaign, noted in disgust: "owing to the great number [of other officers] making requisitions, mine were not filled and we were soon obliged to 51 Edward G. Longacre, To Gettysburg and Beyond: The Twelfth New Jersey Volunteer Infantry, II Corps, Army of the Potomac, 1862-1865, Hightstown: Longstreet House, 1988. 24. 23 take the field deficient in everything." 52 This sentiment was backed up by Captain James Wren of the IX Corps, who wrote that the men in his division "looked very bad, being Lousey, Dirty & Almost naked & worn out." 53 The soldiers in the Army of the Ohio were in equally if not worse shape. The vast distances covered by the Western Theater's armies created long supply lines, which fell victim to frequent raids from rebel cavalry. T.J. Wright of the 8th Kentucky Infantry noted in his diary that the Army of the Ohio was: "the hungriest, raggedest, tiredest, dirtiest, lousiest and sleepiest set of men the hardships of this or any other war ever produced." 54 While it is certain that the Confederates were in equally bad situations logistically, they had the benefit victory behind them in the east, and in Bragg's army's case, high morale. Another major struggle for the Federals in 1862 was the ability to get the supplies to its armies. The reason is not one specific aspect, but rather a compilation of bureaucracy, corruption, and lack of precedent to draw off. McClellan's army on the Peninsula had to be supplied from the sea, Pope in command of the Army of Virginia never took the time to ensure his troops had everything they needed, and Buell's army along with the rest of the western forces contended with long supply lines originating in Cairo Illinois, that were frequently raided by Confederate cavalry. The 16th Maine Infantry is a classic example of the suffering that occurred in a system that was outside its capabilities in 1862. The regiment's adjutant and historian Abner Small wrote: "How those men suffered! Hunger, daily felt, was nothing compared with it. Men of education, of refinement, and wealth, who willingly and cheerfully gave up home, with all its love and comfort, for country, made to feel degraded for want of clothing!" Small then describes 52 Hartwig, 137. 53 Ibid., 137. 54 Kenneth W. Noe, Perryville: This Grand Havoc of Battle. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2011. 89. 24 the horrendous conditions: "…without shelter, without overcoats, shoeless, hatless, and hundreds without blankets; and through all that long, sad, and weary tramp, we were jeered at, insulted, and called the "Blanket Brigade!" 55 While examples like this are on the extreme, the narrative fits when assessing the entire logistical picture of the Army of the Potomac in September 1862. The term logistics also dovetails into organizational tables. Aside from sharing similar shortcomings in the area of supply and outdated weaponry, Lee's Army of Northern Virginia was by far the superior force in leadership, experience, and organization when compared with McClellan's force. By September 2, 1862, nearly 61 percent of Lee's infantry had fought in three or more major battles, and 81 percent fought in two or more. All of his 184 infantry regiments were veterans of at least one battle. Not only were Lee's regiments superior in this regard, but his brigade commanders were highly efficient as well. Twenty-seven of Lee's forty brigades were veterans of two or more major battles, while the remaining thirteen had fought in either the Seven Days or Second Manassas. On the divisional level, the highest official level of organization at that point for the A.N.V.; all of the eleven divisions had seen at least one battle. 56 The Union leadership backed this notion up as well. It was widely accepted, and a point still argued amongst historians, that the Southern fighting man was superior. This mythology has far back as the American Revolution corroboration has its roots in early Confederate victories, particularly at First and Second Manassas, the Shenandoah Valley, and the Seven Days battles. These victories generated an aura of invincibility around the Army of Northern Virginia that transcended into the minds of the Federal troops. 57 In fact Lee, true to form was in the first days of September 1862, the living epithet of Baron De Jomini's maxims, "the general should do 55 Abner Ralph Small, The Sixteenth Maine Regiment in the War of the Rebellion, 1861-1865. London: Forgotten Books, 2015. 38. 56 Joseph L. Harsh, Taken at the Flood Robert E. Lee and Confederate Strategy in the Maryland Campaign of 1862. Ashland: The Kent State University Press, 2013. 39-40 57 Pooley, "Shoo-ing the Geese", 88. 25 everything to electrify his own soldiers, and to impart to them the same enthusiasm which he endeavors to repress his adversaries….in general, a cherished cause, and a general who inspires the confidence by previous success, are powerful means of electrifying an army and conducing to victory." 58 In contrast, McClellan's forces reformed into the Army of the Potomac, could not boast anything near the statistics of the Army of Northern Virginia could. September 1862 was the most disorganized and weakest the Army of the Potomac would find itself in the duration of the war. This school of thought canceled out, at least temporarily, any deficiencies faced by Lee's forces. When George B. McClellan rode out of Washington to take command, he found three very different organizations, each with its own command, divisional, brigade, artillery, cavalry, transportation, and quartermaster structures. Additionally, the newly formed regiments, many of whom were only a few weeks old, were rushed to the front and infused into the disorganized mess. Organizing these separate organizations into one effective command would weeks if not months, McClellan would be forced to do it in a matter of days, while in motion, in addition to planning a short-term strategy to deal with Lee. 59 The chaos of the reorganization is apparent in the 5th New York Volunteers' experience. Historian Brian Pohanka related an instance of the 5th as they passed McClellan on the march toward western Maryland: "As they marched, General McClellan reined up beside the troops of Warren's brigade. 'Well, and how is the Old Fifth this evening?' he asked. 'First rate, General, but we'd be better off if we weren't living so much on supposition." 60 Even though he had the bigger force, the disorganization and confusion associated with the rapidity of the Maryland Campaign denied the general his army's full might 58 Baron De Jomini, The Art of War, Translated by Capt. G.H. Mendell, and Lieut. W.P. Craighill, Radford: Wilder Publications, 2008. 30-31. 59 Hartwig, 133-136. 60 Brian C. Pohanka, Vortex of Hell: History of the 5th New York Volunteer Infantry. Lynchburg, VA: Schroeder Publications, 2012. 369. 26 on the battlefield. In different circumstances these obstacles may have been overcome had McClellan had time to prepare. Robert E. Lee sensed his enemy's weakness and used it as part of his foundation to seek permission from President Davis to invade Maryland. "The two grand armies of the United States that have been operating in Virginia, though now united, are much weakened and demoralized. Their new levies, of which I understand 60,000 men have already been posted in Washington, are not yet organized, and will take some time to prepare for the field." 61 Lee identified that his logistical situation was terrible, however, he recognized the unfolding opportunity in front of him. "The army is not properly equipped for an invasion of an enemy's territory. It lacks much of the material of war, is feeble in transportation, the animals being much reduced, and the men are poorly provided with clothes, and in thousands of instances are destitute of shoes. Still, we cannot not afford to be idle, and though weaker than our opponents in men and military equipment's, must endeavor to harass if we cannot destroy them. I am aware that the movement is attended with much risk, yet I do not consider success impossible, and shall endeavor to guard it from loss." 62 The amount of stock Lee put into the Federals logistical organization is apparent. In fact, if taken as a whole, his reliance on the overall Federal weakness is one of his only justifications for his ill-supplied and smaller force to go on the offensive. Additionally, these logistical matters, both of his own and the Federal weakness, coincide directly with Lee's desire to deliver a decisive blow to the Federals quickly. There was not a better opportunity to do it and expect fruitful results, then while the Army of Potomac was at its weakest moment, structurally, organizationally, numerically, and logistically. 61 OR, vol 19, 1: 590-591. 62 Ibid., 590-591. 27 Lee's conclusion of the ill-preparedness of the new Union regiments applies not only to the troops in his sector but also to those in the Western Theater. Much like Lee's army within reach of Washington, Kirby Smith's small army in Kentucky created a panic and proved Lee's theory on the reliability of new soldiers. Kirby Smith successfully and thoroughly destroyed an equally sized Federal force of raw recruits at Richmond, Kentucky, on August 30, 1862, eliminating them from the military equation. Historian Kenneth Noe termed the battle of Richmond as "the most lopsided Confederate victory of the war, as Kirby Smith's men inflicted casualties so staggering that entire Union brigades ceased to exist." 63 With Smith's incursion into Kentucky, a vacuum of chaos erupted in the region, in particular, Ohio. The microcosm of Cincinnati infuses both the political and the serious logistical problems faced by the North in 1862. Historian Vernon Volpe pointed out, "Although the influx of [Union] volunteers was inspiring, with it came a shortage of arms, ammunition, and other equipment needed to outfit the troops properly." 64 This example was echoed across the entire Kentucky region in 1862. Although McClellan's army outnumbered Lee with a total of roughly 87,000 men, twenty percent of his infantry were raw, having been in the army just a handful of weeks and had not even come close to mastering the level of proficiency needed in drill and tactics to be effective on a Civil War battlefield. 65 Even though the Federals were able to put fresh regiments into the field, it became an issue of quantity versus quality. The unfortunate story of the 118th Pennsylvania Volunteers is a classic case in point of these raw troops' ineffectiveness. Arriving to the Army of the Potomac just a few days before the battle of Antietam, the men prepared to enter their first engagement on September 19 at Shepherdstown. Their regimental historian 63 Noe, Perryville, 39. 64 Volpe, "Dispute Every Inch of Ground", 146. 65 Hartwig, 139. 28 wrote: "The teachings of the battalion-drill near Sharpsburg on the previous day [September 18] now had practical application." The 118th's Colonel stated in his official report that: "We returned their fire as fast as possible, but soon found that our Enfield rifles were so defective that quite one-fourth of them would not explode the caps." 66 The 118th's story, while extreme is not unique, another raw Federal regiment the 128th Pennsylvania found itself in an even worse circumstance, owing to its lack of training. The 128th Pennsylvania arrived at the army just days before as well and were assigned to the newly organized XII Corps, which itself contained some of the highest proportions of raw troops. During the battle of Antietam, the new regiment found itself in Miller's Cornfield and due lack of basic drill unable to maneuver itself back onto its brigade in the face of onrushing Confederates. Officers and sergeants from experienced neighboring outfits were sent to try and move the bewildered regiment all to no avail. In the end, the 128th was left to its fate and was nearly destroyed, having no effect on the enemy and only weakening their own brigades' position. 67 Stories similar in nature can be found across the Army of the Potomac on every sector of each battlefield during the Maryland Campaign, each in the midst of their own mishaps allowing the Confederates a level of superiority while hindering their supporting elements an opportunity to exploit any gains. Don Carlos Buell's Army of the Ohio experienced similar circumstances with green regiments as its eastern counterpart. In a letter to Kirby Smith, Bragg detailed his understanding that Buell's men were in rough shape and utterly demoralized. These circumstances, Bragg believed, offered the South a greater benefit of success. 68 The raw, ill-trained, ill-equipped, and completely unprepared 105th Ohio, 123rd Illinois, and 21st Wisconsin infantry regiments were 66 Survivors' Association 118th (Corn Exchange) Regt., P.V., History of the Corn Exchange Regiment 118th Pennsylvania Volunteers,62. 67 Stephen W. Sears, Landscape Turned Red. New York: Ticknor & Fields, 1994. 206. 68 United States War Department, The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies. Vol. 16: Part 2. Correspondence, Washington: Govt. Print. Off., 1880. 754. 29 all glaring examples of this shortcoming. The 123rd Illinois found itself in a similar predicament as the 128th Pennsylvania at Antietam, exposed and on its own, and fell victim to veteran Confederate troops bearing down on them. The 105th Ohio, equally as green, found itself thrown into the breach in the midst of the 123rd Illinois collapse. Private Ayre of the 105th remarked: "…could not form into a proper line and after going through several maneuvers in order to do so we became mixed and confused." In similar fashion to the 123rd Illinois, the 105th Ohio was quickly stampeded by their Confederate attackers. 69 Much like the inferiority of outdated weapons, untrained, raw troops could not perform to a tactically sufficient level to keep par with the rapid pace and constantly changing conditions of a Civil War battlefield. While plenty of experienced units did exist in the Union armies, it is clear the inexperienced ones created more problems, affording the Confederate forces golden opportunities to exploit immediate tactical advantages they likely would not have had, had they been fighting experienced, or even trained troops. On the other side of the coin, the copious amounts of raw units severely hampered any notion gaining a decisive victory or rapidly following up a pursuit. This is evident in the in the results of Antietam and Perryville, both of which were Confederate tactical victories, and the speed at which Lee and Bragg's armies were pursued. The armies' organization is important when looking to understand the advantages and disadvantages and how this affected a particular side's likelihood of victory. The experience level and the amount of subpar weaponry in both the armies of the Potomac and Ohio was only one issue, their organizational structure in both leadership and how its units were grouped confounded their problems and offered the Confederates another edge over their opponent pushing the scale further in favor in the equation of obtaining a victory. As previously stated, the 69 Stuart W. Sanders, Maney's Confederate Brigade at the Battle of Perryville, Charleston: The History Press, 2014. 53-54. 30 Army of the Potomac during the Maryland Campaign was a conglomeration of several different organizations. It contained the II, V, and VI Corps the original Army of the Potomac, the re-designated I and XII Corps, the Army of Virginia, and the newly dubbed IX that had served on the North Carolina coast. Although there were certainly experienced troops and leaders in each of these components, they each spoke a different organizational "language." 70 George McClellan certainly had the most difficult task of any field commander regarding the organization of his army. Not only did he have three different organizations to mold together as a cohesive fighting force, but he also had the additional struggle of doing it on the fly in a military and national emergency. Therefore, although the Army of the Potomac was a potent fighting force, and managed to engage the Confederates, its capabilities in terms of operational effectiveness were severely limited. Buell's circumstances were much more appealing. His Army of the Ohio had remained intact as a cohesive fighting force since its formation; however, he received additional reinforcements from Grant, and a host of new regiments, diluting its effectiveness as an organization. The Army of the Ohio's real organizational issues manifested in the senior leadership's quirks, rivalries, and lack of cohesion. 71 The use of cavalry in both McClellan and Buell's forces paled in comparison to the South. This issue stemmed from the Federal government's inability to recognize the importance of that specific branch early in the conflict. Overwhelmingly, the cavalry found its commands broken apart and scattered across the army, acting in various guard and staff related duties. Those commands retained to perform the primary tasks of nineteenth-century, reconnaissance, screening, and raids were too few and spread out to have any significant impact on the outcome 70 Hartwig, 133-135. 71 Steven E. Woodworth, Nothing but Victory: The Army of the Tennessee, 1861-1865. New York: Vintage, 2005. 216. 31 of the Maryland and Kentucky Campaigns. 72 Although they lacked in cavalry ability the Federals were unquestionably superior in artillery. Union guns, although far superior to that of the South were severely flawed organizationally in 1862. Circling back to the theme of different organizational structures in McClellan's force, the arrangement of this branch varied, causing communication issues, and leadership vacuums. In common with the cavalry, the prominent artillery structure in 1862 in both the Army of the Potomac and Army of the Ohio, lacked a unified system of command; instead, most batteries were the responsibility of brigade commanders or divisional commanders. Therefore, at critical moments batteries could only take orders from infantry commanders and were presented with the difficult task of coordinating mass firing on specific targets. 73 While it may seem trivial, such inefficiency in employment and "bureaucratic red tape" of military organization prevented the cavalry and artillery from performing at its maximum potential which no doubt contributed to the shortcomings of the Union armies in 1862. The Confederate military organization also had its flaws; however, as previously noted, the experience level of Confederate forces as a whole were much higher and able to adapt to a situation more efficiently. Partly this had to do with the smaller size of the forces overall, and the Confederate authorities' choice to disperse recruits and conscripts across seasoned units rather than raise new organizations. The cavalry of J.E.B. Stuart, John Hunt Morgan, and Nathan Bedford Forrest for instance were vastly superior to their Federal counterparts in every respect. These commands were led well, centralized, and overall contained extremely efficient horsemen, which had proven themselves time and again on the battlefield. 74 Confederate artillery was 72 Hartwig, 155-158. 73 Curt Johnson and Richard C. Anderson, Jr., Artillery Hell: The Employment of Artillery at Antietam, College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1995. 53; Daniel, 146, 148-150. 74 Hartwig, 88-90; Hess, Banners to the Breeze, 24. 32 generally inferior in respect to quality of mechanics, yet, the branch retained a slight advantage over its foes in its organization. Lee's artillery was organized on the divisional level, allowing for easier deployment, and concentrated fire, as the Army of Northern Virginia, did not have a corps structure during this time, division commanders held greater authority in placement and employment of artillery. Furthermore, several groups of divisions fell under an unofficial "wing" structure, allowing Jackson and Longstreet to concentrate guns further. 75 Bragg organized his army different than Lee's army. Bragg operated with two wings or corps, broken down into several divisions. His army maintained an organized and effective cavalry force; however, their weakest point was the artillery. Only fifty-six guns accompanied the Army of Mississippi into Kentucky compared to Buell's 147 guns. These Confederate guns like the Federals were assigned to individual brigades, same as its Federal counterpart, eliminating opportunities to converge fire effectively. 76 Understanding the organizational structure of an army allows for a realistic understanding of what that force is capable of; how it moves in the larger scheme of a campaign; and the benefits and challenges of its employment on the tactical level. Assuming the forces involved were all organized in the same fashion, with identical structures is detrimental in interpreting the ebb and flow of battles and campaigns. A clear picture of how a field army operates through an organizational table is, therefore, paramount. Using Lee and McClellan as examples illustrate the nature of this point. In the Maryland Campaign, Lee was able to give more direct orders to independent division commanders, therefore reducing somewhat the natural confusion begot of transferring and disseminating orders through multiple tiers of officers. On the other hand, McClellan had to give orders to "wing" commanders, who then cut the orders to corps 75 Johnson, Artillery Hell, 41-47. 76 Noe, 370-373, 381-382. 33 commanders then down to the divisional level, doubling the amount of personalities the orders had to go through compared to Lee's forces. It is clear from watching the battles of Antietam and Perryville's tactical evolution that the commanding generals' intent was time and again ineffectually carried out due to communication breakdown and misinterpretation of orders on both sides. Having only scratched the surface of the organizational components of only four of the principal armies involved in the fall of 1862, it becomes clear that each differed in how it chose to conduct its internal operations. However, it is equally apparent from this brief examination, that Confederate forces in the fall of 1862 were better organized and tactically more efficient than their Federal counterparts in Maryland and Kentucky, therefore lending an edge to overall Confederate success and perhaps victory. Strategic Considerations: The strategic components are unquestionably the most important when ascertaining why the fall of 1862 was the Confederacy's high tide. Having looked at the political, logistical, and organizational components and internalizing how each affected the grand design of Confederate strategy in 1862, this section will now tie these components together and shed light on how each influenced strategic decision and guided the final results of the campaigns. A clear understanding of what strategy is necessary to further examine this section. Clausewitz defines strategy as: "the employment of the battle as the means towards the attainment of the object of the War." 77 The "attainment of the object" is the crucial cog in accepting the purpose and direction of operations in Maryland and Kentucky. The strategic composition of these campaigns was different in what they sought to obtain as their achievable goal. Lee's objective was political in its foundation; his 77 Clausewitz, 133. 34 campaign didn't revolve around the occupation of land or control of any specific feature; instead, it sought a climactic battle with a decisive battlefield victory in which Lee was willing to risk his army in a desperate gamble. 78 Bragg and Smith's Kentucky incursions were much more multilayered on an operational platform. While some sort of showdown battle was necessary for the west, it was not the immediate goal, only a potentiality; instead, the relief and re-establishment of Tennessee was paramount with a secondary objective of the "liberation" of Kentucky. The second tier of goals included the control of rail and river systems as a means to eliminate the Union's ability to supply its forces and occupy any portion of the Upper or Deep South. The most significant strategic gain for the South in 1862 existed in Tennessee and Kentucky. Proof of this importance is shown through the fact that six of the seven Confederate field armies would make this region their primary objective in the fall of 1862. These six armies included the commands of Generals' Braxton Bragg, Kirby Smith, Earl Van Dorn, Stirling Price, William Loring, and Humphrey Marshall. Confederate control and or occupation of Tennessee and Kentucky offered benefits and a platform for victory that the remaining Confederate states collectively couldn't offer. Having been the first state to fall under Federal control, Tennessee's recapture would be a major morale boost for the Confederacy nationally and particularly to the large amount of Tennessee regiments that made up Bragg's army. The most significant benefit, however, resided in Tennessee's industrial capability, as it contained the ability to produce more raw items for the war effort then the rest of the Confederacy combined. 79 Confederate control 78 Harsh, 25; OR, vol 19, 1: 598-599. 79 Connelly. 5-15. The importance of Tennessee to the Confederacy is undeniable. Connelly argues that the region was the largest concentrated area for the production of war materials in the Confederacy. The region by 1864 had produced 22,665 pounds niter. Additionally, the area contained a significant source of lead, and was the chief producer of gunpowder in 1861. Tennessee also contained a vast number of factories that repaired old weapons, manufactured new small arms, cartridges, percussion caps, and other equipment. By the fall of 1861, Nashville plants alone turned out 100,000 percussion caps daily, with some 1,300,000 caps produced weekly. The region boasted on the two major Confederate sources of livestock, the other being 35 would, therefore, help in stabilizing the struggling logistical and economic constraints faced in the South. Additionally, the state's rail system would allow for the re-establishment of a direct connection to North Carolina and Virginia and the ability to ship supplies and material to the Confederate forces in the east. Conversely, the loss of Tennessee would be a major blow to Union morale, as its loss would have undone and nullified the Federal campaigns in 1861 and early 1862. 80 Kentucky also offered significant gains for the South. It was generally believed, particularly by the Confederate government's higher echelons, that the majority of Kentuckians were sympathetic to the Southern cause and would rally to Confederate banners if field armies were able to move into the region and strategically hold it. Logistically Kentucky offered a substantial increase for the South, particularly in animals, forage, and transportation options. Like Tennessee, Kentucky contained major river systems and rail lines that would drastically increase movement for the South and partially cut off the mid-west states from the rest of the Union. Politically, Kentucky, a vital border state under Confederate control, could be crippling to Northern domestic and foreign political views. In theory, this political aspect played on a successful campaign in Maryland, another vital border state. More immediately, Kentucky offered the western Confederate armies an opportunity to turn the war from one of defense to one poising them on the edge of invasion of critical Northern states, Ohio, Illinois, and Indiana. Such a turn in the circumstances would be devastating for the Union, particularly politically. The Illinois town of Cairo on the Mississippi River, in 1862 was serving as the logistical launch point for the Union armies in the west; prolonged Confederate control of Kentucky would likely force the Shenandoah Valley in Virginia. More pork was raised in Tennessee save Missouri than any other state. Agriculturally, Middle Tennessee in 1860 produced an average of more than a million bushels of corn making it a leader amongst its sister states. 80 Connelly, 3-6. 36 the Federals to find an alternative method of supplying the troops in Corinth and other points in the Southern heartland. As long as the Federals controlled these regions, they would continue to pin the Confederacy in the Deep South denying them of access to vital infrastructure, maneuvering room, and favorable victory conditions. Braxton Bragg and Kirby Smith had to go on the offensive if they were to alleviate the situation by the very nature of the circumstances. As Lee's army with Richmond, their backs were on the doorstep of the Deep South, and they had no room to maneuver. Fortunately for the South, the western offensive was born out of an opportune moment of Halleck's caution that was strategically seized upon by Confederate commanders. In the necessity of the moment, launching an offensive like Lee during the Seven Days battles was the only beneficial option and a necessary risk if the war was going to be taken off the doorstep of the Deep South. Robert E. Lee on the other end of things saw himself and his army as the most important entity in the Confederacy at that moment. In his mind, the only scenario for Confederate victory rested in his hands alone. He showed this belief in dispatches and letters throughout the campaign in an effort to orchestrate movements across the Confederacy to complement his objective. In a letter to Jefferson Davis, he noted his desire to see his suggestion on what he felt Loring's command should do in the Kanawha Valley, in an effort to support his operation. 81 Lee did not stop with Loring; however, days prior, he communicated his victory at Manassas and planned offensive to Braxton Bragg and requested that Bragg pass the information along to Kirby Smith for further coordination. It was Lee's desire that these western armies gain similar victories to his at Manassas, that when added together may be enough to secure Southern 81 OR, vol 19, 1: 594. 37 victory.82 Lastly, he demonstrated his understanding of the confused state of Federal forces in Washington and the need to seize the initiative before the opportunity was lost. Like Kentucky, Maryland was a vital border state, not for its potentiality in resources, but rather for its geographic relation to Washington. Any serious Confederate incursion into the state would be life-threatening to the Union, and therefore demanded desperate measures on the part of Northern armies to repel such an advance. 83 Lee's leadership has been often criticized during the Maryland Campaign from historians and even shocked his subordinates, Jackson, and Longstreet. 84 Lee was certainly aggressive and was known for taking risks; however, he was not a foolish man, and never committed his army to a disaster, at least not one he foresaw. Comparing his stratagem throughout the rest of the war, it's probable to conclude that his movements were well thought out, with the least amount of risk generated from the objective demands of the campaign. Even in moments of reaction to McClellan, Lee always retained the initiative in Maryland. In the aftermath of Seconded Manassas and Chantilly, it was the opinion of many in both military and civilian leadership that a final showdown somewhere north of the Potomac River was all that was needed for Confederate victory. 85 If Lee was a poker player, he was taking his hand and going all in, he could only hope the Federals floundered. General Longstreet understood the gravity of the moment when he wrote: "When the Second Bull Run campaign 82 OR, vol 19, 1: 589. 83 Ezra A. Carman, The Maryland Campaign of September 1862, Vol. I: South Mountain. Edited by Thomas G. Clemens, El Dorado Hills, CA: Savas Beatie, 2012. 19-21. Carman was present at the battle of Antietam and dedicated his life to research and study of the Maryland Campaign in the post war years. Carman's work was able to capture not only the historical timeline of events, but offered an emotional aspect not seen in other works. This emotional component while subtle is an important tool in internalizing the mindset of Union soldiers and perhaps the North itself. 84 James Longstreet, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, Edited by Ned Bradford. New York: The Fairfax Press, 1979. 265. Longstreet claims that aside from himself, that General Jackson was also taken back from the boldness of Lee's designs on the Maryland Campaign, while at a meeting in Frederick MD, September 9th. 85 Harsh, 60-63. Multiple historians have agreed on this point. James Murfin considered the battle of Antietam to be the most important battle in American history, and one of the most decisive in world history. Ezra Carman portrays the campaign as requiring desperate action for the North, while Scot Hartwig, Stephen Sears and James McPherson center on the political undertone. 38 closed, we had the most brilliant prospects the Confederates ever had. We then possessed an army which, had it been kept together, the Federals would never have dared attack." 86 Lee's confidence in his army was surely the determining factor in his choice to assume the offensive into Maryland, and no doubt behind his reasoning to push the army as hard as he did in the maneuvering and fighting that took place in Maryland. The General expressed his confidence in the men and the importance of the offensive in General Order No. 102. on September 4: "This army is about to engage in most important operations." He further outlines the necessity of respecting private property, and the desire for his commands to lighten their supply encumbrance to allow them to move quickly and efficiently. 87 When coupling the logistical and organizational shortcomings, the political factors reinforced by his troops' confidence and his in them proved to be the energy from which the Maryland Campaign was executed. The offensives themselves presented each of these commanders a complicated set of obstacles and decisions to overcome while ensuring they offered the best possible benefit to their cause with the least amount of risk towards their army. This is certainly one of the most challenging aspects of being a commander in charge of any offensive-minded campaign. Johnston at Shiloh, Burnside at Fredericksburg, Hooker at Chancellorsville, and Hood in Tennessee all failed to capitalize on this principle. The fact that Lee and Bragg achieved the scale of operational measures they did is a testament to their leadership and ability to seize control and direction of a developing situation. If the argument is to be maintained that the Maryland and Kentucky campaigns provided the South the best chance the South had of winning the war, then proof of this claim must lay within the strategic composition of the campaigns themselves. If taken in this context, then it must be understood that every move Lee, Bragg, and 86 Longstreet, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, 263. 87 OR, vol 16, 2: 592. 39 Smith, along with the supporting roles of Loring, Marshall, Price, and Van Dorn were calculated if not on a grand scale, certainly on an individual level. Unlocking the purpose of the maneuvers, and their relation to strategic success will illustrate the continually changing dynamics and environment of each campaign, and how these generals continually altered their designs to fit the goals of their strategic objectives. The evolving strategic situation in the months leading up to the campaigns created the conditions under which the operations in Maryland and Kentucky were governed. Understanding the Confederate forces' strategic focus for needing to assume the offensive will outline the gravity and weight they placed on the outcome of these fall campaigns. The most measurable strategic potential in 1862 existed in the Western Theater. As already stated, the economic and logistical importance of this region necessitated an aggressive action on behalf of the South if the Confederacy was to survive. The first attempt at recovering control of Tennessee occurred in April with the battle of Shiloh. While tactically a Confederate failure, the aftermath of the fighting created adverse reactions from the Northern press and transposed into Halleck's overall cautious and slow pursuit towards Corinth. Halleck, after taking Corinth, was faced with limited choices on where to move next. Due to political and doctrinal restrictions of conciliation and Halleck's theory on war, the massive Union army was not able logistically to move into the Deep South. The only real move available to the Federal forces in the summer of 1862, was a lateral one east towards Chattanooga. 88 With Bragg at Tupelo and Kirby Smith's small command at Chattanooga, the path of success for an aggressive officer to take Chattanooga, a major supply hub for the South, was wide open. Halleck foiled this opportunity by sending Buell's command to accomplish the task. The slow-moving cautious Buell initially created consternation among 88 Daniel, 86. 40 Confederate leadership, yet once the pace of his progress was realized, the same trepidation turned into an opportunity. 89 Clausewitz described the potential for a reciprocal effect to take place should an army go on the offensive; however, he counterweighs that thought with pointing out that an army in a precarious position with the opportunity to gain a substantial amount should jump on the opportunity if one should be presented. 90 Certainly, Bragg and Smith applied a variation of this maxim into their decision to go on the advance. The term "invasion" is the defining ideology that bound both major theaters of war and other Confederate objectives in the fall of 1862. Clausewitz wrote that even if the complete overthrow of the enemy is impossible, which it was for the Confederacy, then the only other real option of winning a war is to conquer a portion of the enemy territory. In conquering the enemy territory, the invader has the opportunity to weaken the enemy's resources, crippling their ability to sustain an army. By carrying the war in enemy territory, the conditions will further the enemy's expense and ultimately lead to peace negotiations. 91 The term "invasion" generates a delicate question concerning what an invasion actually is, and how it fits into the American context, particularly in the political spectrum in 1862. Baron De Jomoni, whose military maxims were dominant in nineteenth-century America, distinguished what an "invasion" actually is. Breaking down the idea of an offensive, he wrote that: "…an invasion occurs against a great state whose whole or significant portion of territory is attacked. If only a province or moderate line of defense is attacked, then it is an offensive, and if such actions are limited only to a confined operation, then it is termed an initiative." 92 Indeed then, if taken in this context, 89 Connelly, 200-201. 90 Clausewitz, 707. 91 Clausewitz, 706. Neither of the primary Confederate armies had the ability to "conquer" Federal territory. However, the last part in reference to Clausewitz maxim was the adaptation applied by the Confederacy in its strategic goals. 92 Jomini, The Art of War, 54. The difference in the definition in understanding the purpose of the Confederate objective is critical. Many historians point to the Army of Northern Virginia's strategic goals as fitting into the framework of an 41 Confederate efforts militarily were an offensive and an invasion only in the political spectrum. Although the press and even the top military minds used the term invasion quite frequently in the North, there is nothing in the Confederate strategic framework of 1862, that fit the definition of invasion, Lee himself in a letter to Jefferson Davis on September 4, used the term expedition implying that his foray had a specific purpose and would be short. 93 Due to logistics alone, Confederate forces across the board could not sustain the long-term goals of an invasion. However, the Clausewitzian maxim of a "strategical attack" was within reach and achievable according to the conditional logistical framework. Much of the success for the Confederates relied on the superiority of its troops, and the avoidance of exhausting itself with an over achievement of objectives. 94 The window of opportunity was narrow, operationally because of logistics, but more importantly, because of politics. The two most significant benefits afforded to the Southern cause in 1862 were the Congressional fall elections and European superpowers. If Confederate forces could score a major political victory in the east, and both a strategic reversal coupled with a political coup in the west, then perhaps Northern voters would come to resent the war and vote for "Peace Democrats" in November, and more advantageously draw England and France in as mediators or some other influential role, to end the war. It is apparent that the pressure to act decisively if not at least aggressively before November was of paramount importance. While it is debated as to how far the European powers would intercede, what is certain is that the Confederacy banked part of its strategic decisions both politically and militarily on intervention. 95 Just as apparent was the frustration and delicate invasion, yet when looking at that particular army's logistics and Lee's strategic goals only the Jominian maxim of offensive fits the framework. 93 OR, vol 16, 2: 591-592. 94 Clausewitz, 601. 95 McPherson, 534-535. 42 statesmanship which had to be executed on behalf of the Union to convince the English mainly that the war was nothing more than a rebellion that the Republic could put down on its own. 96 However, this did not appear to be the scene in the late summer of 1862 with Union defeats and setbacks continually piling up. Lee retained the initiative by keeping the enemy guessing what his next move and true objective was. According to Henry McClellan, J.E.B. Stuart's adjutant, that as late as September 13, Federal forces maintained the: "utmost uncertainty regarding Lee's movements and intentions." 97 Lee designed his army's movements to draw out the Federals from Washington. By crossing at Leesburg, his army was initially east of the Catoctin Mountains and a direct threat to Washington and Baltimore, it was this crossing point that directly forced the disorganized Army of the Potomac to leave the defenses prematurely, and more importantly to force Lincoln's hand in placing McClellan back in overall command. 98 The key to the Army of Northern Virginia's movements was speed and mobility, thus the reasoning for Lee's series of orders, which included provisions for shoeless Confederates to remain at Winchester, a lightening of supplies, and an insistence that straggling be strictly forbidden. Lee's next major objective after crossing the Potomac River was to move on Frederick. A Confederate presence in a substantial pro-Union area was a direct insult to the North, and would only further press the Army of the Potomac to hurry faster in order to "repel the invasion" and "save the nation"; while most importantly for the Confederates, continually limit the progress of McClellan organizing his army into a capable force on the battlefield. 96 Nelson, 163-168. 97 H.B. McClellan, The Life and Campaigns of Major-General J.E.B. Stuart: Commander of the Cavalry of the Army of Northern Virginia, Edison: The Blue & Grey Press, 1993. 113. 98 Harsh, 98; OR, vol 16, 2: 604-605. Letter from Lee to Davis on September 12 justifying is reasoning for crossing his army east of the mountains. 43 Lee's grand strategy was working so far; his movements northward from Richmond had stripped the Atlantic states of their Union occupiers to concentrate on Lee's Confederate force, while at the same time sending the Federal strategy of war into complete chaos as they scrambled to deal with the offensive. Lee believed that if he launched an unrelenting offensive, the Federals would be compelled to abandon their widely scattered smaller campaigns, which were gradually eating away the frontiers of the Confederacy; and, as a result, be forced to concentrate their columns in response to his initiatives. 99 Lee's movement into the western part of the state, via Frederick and into the Middleton and Pleasant valleys, opened the Shenandoah Valley up momentarily, which assisted Loring's advance in western Virginia, by isolating the small Federal commands in that region. In addition to freeing up Loring to make an offensive, Lee's army in western Maryland split the Federal war effort in half. The Army of the Potomac was now confined in environs around Washington, while Federal forces in the Western Theater had no direct route to reinforce McClellan. 100 The simultaneous advance of Lee, Loring, Marshall, Smith, and Bragg effectively drove a wedge between the Union field armies, while Price and Van Dorn's forces kept Grant fixed at Corinth. 101 Bragg and Smith's columns made their march through eastern and middle Tennessee and into Kentucky at an incredible speed, leaving Buell's army to have to hustle to catch up. 102 Kirby Smith realized the opportunity in front of him early on and moved his men forward roughly the same time Lee's men were preparing to destroy John Pope's forces near Manassas, beginning the Kentucky Campaign. Union Brigadier General George W. Morgan's command held the vital Cumberland Gap, which historian Earl Hess christened the "Gibraltar of the West." 99 Harsh, 116. 100 Hartwig, 162-163. 101 Harsh, 96-97; Hess, 31-35. 102 Hess, 57,62,64. 44 The Gap itself served as a platform for the Federals to invade East Tennessee, and as long as it remained in Federal hands, the Deep South, particularly Chattanooga and Atlanta, would be under constant threat. 103 Reducing this garrison was the first lynchpin in breaking Federal control and regaining Tennessee for the South. Smith, now free to maneuver feinted around the gap and threatened the supply lines, forcing a Federal withdrawal; he then turned his legions northward and moved into Kentucky. Smith moved through the eastern part of the state and pushed Heth's division as far as Covington, directly across from Cincinnati, sending that city and southern Ohio into a panic. 104 With Smith's small army running almost unmolested in Kentucky, Bragg's larger army moved through Middle Tennessee via Sparta feinting towards Nashville, forcing the Federals to concentrate there, while strategically widening the gap between Buell's command and Southern forces in Kentucky. Bragg, before departing to Chattanooga, left behind roughly 35,000 men in two separate commands under generals Stirling Price and Earl Van Dorn. These commands had a twofold objective. Their primary objective was to contain the Army of the Tennessee at Corinth, and once Bragg and Smith were in position, launch an offensive of their own against Grant, defeat him, and then rapidly march to connect with Bragg's army. 105 Bragg and Smith exposed the weakness in the Federal policy of limited war with its preoccupation of taking landmarks and reliance on cumbersome supply lines and within less than a months' time-reversed almost a year of Union progress in the west, in respect to subjugating the Upper South. Unlike John Bell Hood's offensive into Tennessee in late 1864, which, while certainly an emergency, did not deviate Sherman from his plans of marching to the sea. 106 In 103 Hess, 7-8. 104 Volpe, "Dispute Every Inch of Ground", 141. 105 Noe, 29. 106 Eric A. Jacobson and Richard A. Rupp, For Cause and for Country: A Study of the Affair at Spring Hill and the Battle of Franklin, Eric A. Jacobson, 2013. 42. 45 1862, this simply was impossible for Federal forces. Sherman operated under a "hard war" doctrine that allowed him to subsist off the land and changed his objective from key city centers to making war on the Southern people, through the destruction of their local economy, food subsistence, and ability subsist in a normal capacity. 107 Sherman effectively narrowed the war to the immediate doorstep of the Southern People. As a result the individual citizen was forced to deal with their own survival, and naturally the bigger picture of the Confederacy became less important. Union forces in 1862 did not have the same conditional framework, and by default, would be forced to pursue any Confederate force and meet it on the battlefield. Even though the fall of 1862 didn't produce the hoped-for victory conditions, strategically, the Confederates were more successful in this period than at any other part of the war. The results of this success were more apparent in the Western Theater than in the east. However, certain components in the Eastern Theater changed as well. The most significant measurable success emerged in time bought for the Confederacy, and a prolonged timetable for the Northern plan of war. In the summer, Federal plans in the west called for the capture of Vicksburg and Chattanooga, the latter of which was in progress when the offensive started. 108 It is highly probable that if able, the Federal forces would have moved on Vicksburg in the summer of 1862, and perhaps forced its capitulation much sooner. 109 However, this is only speculation, yet, the reality is this operation was certainly delayed by the events that occurred in Kentucky and the aggressive nature of Price and Van Dorn. Kentucky was only one variable in stymieing the Federal drive toward Vicksburg. Just as important were the aggressiveness of Price and Van Dorn at the battles of Iuka and Corinth in October. Although Confederate defeats, the outcome of 107 Charles Royster, The Destructive War: William Tecumseh Sherman, Stonewall Jackson, and the Americans, New York: Alfred A. Knopf Inc. 321-328. 108 McPherson, 511-512. 109 Woodworth, Nothing but Victory, 243-244. 46 these battles managed to temporarily check the Federals, prompting an end to any realistic campaign season in Mississippi. At least for the foreseeable future, the Mississippi River remained open by way of Vicksburg, and Union strategy incomplete, in which case was Price and Van Dorn's big contribution. 110 Bragg and Smith failed to hold Kentucky and or convert her into a Confederate state. However, as the logistic concerns show, the state's complete occupation, with the available forces, was genuinely impossible. In all the engagements that had taken place, the Southerners had the better day. Kirby Smith's army completely routed Federal forces at Richmond in August, and Bragg's army captured the garrison at Munfordville. Before and during the campaign John Hunt Morgan's cavalry had wreaked havoc in Kentucky, capturing supplies, disrupting communications, and pushing to the Ohio River virtually unchallenged. 111 Even Kentucky's principle battle at Perryville was the better day tactically for the Confederates. More than anything, Kentucky showed the weakness of Buell, limited war, and the Union's inability to protect vital territory adequately under a conciliation policy. While in the end Bragg and Smith left, they did so generally unmolested, which showed Buell's unwillingness to fight another pitched battle. Therefore, this aftermath was certainly nothing for the Union to be proud of. In truth Buell did not drive Bragg and Smith out of Kentucky, rather the limitations of logistics and the realization of strategic objectives forced the Confederates back to Tennessee. 112 Although Braxton Bragg is surrounded by much controversy and sharp opinions on his leadership capabilities, one must look past emotion and see the facts as they present in the strategic element. While indeed, the Confederates failed to hold Kentucky, they did succeed in 110 Woodworth, 239-240. 111 Hess, 12. 112 Noe, 333. 47 regaining portions of Tennessee. In particular, Middle Tennessee by way of Murfreesboro, which sat astride the Nashville and Chattanooga Railroad, and was seen as the key to the wealthy Stone, Duck, and Elk River valleys. 113 Historian Thomas Connelly pointed out, which was already previously noted, that Tennessee was by far the most critical state in terms of manufacturing to the South. Although the entire state wasn't in Confederate hands, over two-thirds of it was, and most importantly, the opportunity to secure the very vital Nashville and Mississippi River corridor remained a possibility for a future campaign. 114 The primary focal point in the interpretation of the Kentucky Campaign is the Confederate failure to remain within that state. However, the key phrase narrows down to opportunity and potential. If taken in this context, the Confederate forces in July were backed into a corner. However, come October, these same forces had managed to throw the Federal forces off balance and regain a significant portion of lost territory, changing the entire atmosphere and flow of the Western Theater. In short, the success of the Kentucky Campaign is that it allowed the Confederates to move from the verge of defeat to a position where the fate of the Western Theater was up in the air, which only a decisive campaign would bring to a conclusion. 115 The fall of 1862 was the last chance the Confederates had at securing Tennessee permanently during the war. While the Western Theater was more significant in terms of strategic gain and leverage, the Eastern Theater added its own momentous shift in the flow of events. Unlike the west, the Eastern Theater was very narrow, as it existed in the space between Richmond and Washington. In strategic terms, the region was harrowing regarding maneuvering room and logistical sustainment. In one sense, Lee and his army were successful in pushing the Army of the Potomac 113 Peter Cozzens, No Better Place to Die: The Battle of Stones River, Chicago: University of Illinois, 1990. 8. 114 Connelly, 16-22. 115 Cozzens, No Better Place to Die, 12-14; Hess, 116. 48 away from the gates of Richmond, along with wrecking the Army of Virginia, while lastly temporarily clearing the smaller theaters, such as the coast and Shenandoah Valley of Federal forces. 116 While this situation may have provided an opportunity in the west, it meant little or nothing in the east. The fact is, Lee understood his primary objective either consisted of breaking the Northern will to fight through battlefield victory or by the complete destruction of the Union army. 117 Lee's primary objective in Maryland was to bate the Federal forces into a showdown fight. He was successful in this mission by just crossing over the Potomac River. The location of Washington in the southern portion of Maryland across from Alexandria made an incursion in Maryland a threat for the Federal government. 118 Unlike the west, where a fair amount of effort was required for Bragg and Smith to march their armies the distance required to Kentucky, the Army of Northern Virginia did not have to move far to accomplish its mission. Another key component to Lee's strategic objective was the lack of overhead in its long-term goal. Unlike the Western Theater, there was no pressure for Lee to specifically secure any particular region, as the Confederacy in the east had not lost any of its production capabilities nor any significant amount of land to Federal occupation. Therefore, the Confederate movements' direction wasn't necessarily guided by a specific purpose, but rather by the necessity of strategic gains which were designed to draw out the Army of the Potomac in a state of haste and unpreparedness. However, whereas the Kentucky Campaign had different aspects of measurable success, the 116 Harsh, 19-20. 117 Murfin, 63-64. 118 Harsh, 23; Murfin, 36-40; McPherson, 555-556. All the major historians who focus on the Maryland Campaign point to this as a major component to deterring the outcome and purpose of Lee's strategy. 49 Maryland Campaign had none, only a single purpose that demanded a climactic clash to determine its outcome. 119 At no other point in the war did Lee have such an advantage and control of the initiative. Arguably, his combination of subordinate officers was the best in their position as a whole than at any other point. His army was operating off a long track of victory, the length of which they would not experience again. 120 And most importantly, the Maryland Campaign was truly the only time in which Lee would have direct control of the flow of events; in Richmond, he had acted out of desperation, in Northern Virginia, Fredericksburg, Chancellorsville, the Overland Campaign and Petersburg he counteracted his opponents moves, and at Gettysburg, he committed to a battle that was dictated by the Federals. In September of 1862, Lee was the composer of the campaign and the master of ceremonies, he and he alone decided when and where the climactic battle would be fought. 121 All too often, the argument arises that the Army of the Potomac moved quicker than Lee expected, and caught him off guard, forcing him to settle and fight an unprepared battle at Sharpsburg. This theory would make sense if Lee's strategic objectives were multilayered like Bragg or Smith. Nevertheless, this theory doesn't match up to his sole objective of a decisive engagement. As seen with logistical circumstances, Hagerstown was likely the limit for the army in terms of range, Lee, therefore, had decided to make the principle stand somewhere in that area. 122 Two factors make this apparent, the choice to reduce Harpers Ferry and Martinsburg, which are necessary for military doctrine, and the choice to have the army lay around Frederick 119 OR, vol 16, 2: Correspondence between Robert E. Lee and Jefferson Davis, September 8, 1862; Harsh, 119; Alexander, Fighting for the Confederacy, 139. 120 Hartwig, 126-127. 121 Harsh, 57-59. 122 Carman, The Maryland Campaign of September 1862, Vol. I ,108-111; Harsh, 190; Hartwig, 116-117; Murfin, 113. All of these sources for reasons ranging from realistic logistical concerns to Lee's strategic initiative point towards the area of Hagerstown as the realistic goal of the Confederate offensive. 50 for several days. 123 If the plan had been to fight somewhere else or keep the Federals at a distance, these two factors fit the mold. The truth is that Lee wanted a fight, and he wanted it quick, the geography of Western Maryland affords a great opportunity to a defending army, which was Lee's primary tactical vision. 124 Looking at the scope of the Army of Northern Virginia's movements in the campaign, there a few abundantly clear facts that warrant Lee's strategic designs. It's already been stated that Lee's intention was to draw out the Army of the Potomac, which he did by simply crossing into Maryland, and ushered the emergency by crossing east of the mountains. 125 The next key was the layover or taunting of the Federals by having his army remain in Frederick for several days. The decision to reduce the Harpers Ferry garrison, while militarily necessary, also doubly acted as part of the "national emergency" which further put pressure on McClellan and his army to move with haste. 126 The battle of South Mountain, while a Confederate defeat, opened the way for the Federals to move over the range and meet Lee on the ground of his choosing. 127 South Mountain is interesting, particularly for strategic reasons. The choice to leave one division under D.H. Hill to hold the three passes stretched over ten miles indicates that Lee didn't intend to stop the Federals there and expected them to take the position. A decisive battle along the South Mountain range would not have been beneficial for Lee to meet his objectives. His army would not have been able to counterattack effectively due to terrain, and maneuvering room would have been limited. Although Lee initially considered scrapping the campaign due to the longer than expected siege of Harpers Ferry, once the garrison did fall, he was able to 123 Harsh, 147-150; Hartwig, 211-212, OR, vol 16, 2, 603 (Special Orders 191) 605-608. 124 Allan, 201-205; Harsh, 98-99; Marshall, 148-150. 125 Marshall, 146. 126 Brian Matthew Jordan, Unholy Sabbath: The Battle of South Mountain in History and Memory September 14, 1862, New York: Savas Beatie, 2012. 80-85. 127 Jordon, Unholy Sabbath, 301. 51 concentrate his forces in the area of Sharpsburg. 128 It may not be that Lee specifically wanted to fight at Sharpsburg, but the lay of the land and the tactical and strategic components of it, offered natural terrain on which to fight a decisive battle. 129 The Antietam battlefield offered several very strong defensive opportunities. First was the Antietam Creek, which was wide and deep enough to stop infantry from crossing unless over a bridge. The terrain, particularly on the southern end of the battlefield, is very suitable for a defending force, along with the ground near the center of the battlefield. On the northern end, the terrain is its weakest for defense; however, the entire battlefield, especially the northern end, is very suitable for artillery employment. Lee's position at Antietam Creek was without question formidable. 130 Whereas the events in Kentucky were one of maneuver, Maryland hinged on the tactical climax. Therefore, both forces needed to clash and soundly defeat the other to end the campaign. The battle of Antietam itself ended in a draw, and the opposing lines virtually remained the same. 131 Having realized the day after the engagement that McClellan wasn't likely to attack again, and understanding that his position offered no benefits for his army to attack, Lee promptly withdrew back into Shepherdstown, Virginia, (West Virginia) intending to regroup his army and re-crossing the Potomac River near Williamsport to again sue for a decisive battle. The Confederate's were blocked by several determining factors though, the two primary factors being McClellan's choice to move the VI Corps north towards Hagerstown to block a crossing, and a large amount of straggling that has taken place since the start of the 128 Allan, 320. 129 Harsh, 301-303. 130 Phillip Thomas Tucker, Burnside's Bridge: The Climatic Struggle of the 2nd and 20th Georgia at Antietam Creek, Mechanicsburg: Stackpole Books, 2000. 47-54. 131 Ezra Carman, The Maryland Campaign of September 1862, Vol. 2: Antietam. Edited by Thomas G. Clemens, El Dorado Hills, CA: Savas Beatie, 2012. 501. 52 campaigning that had severely reduced Lee's army from upwards of 70,000 men down to roughly 45,000. 132 While Lee did not thrash McClellan's army at Antietam to the extent his strategic objectives called for, the opportunity for a Confederate political victory was not entirely gone. In fact, Lee's offensive convinced Britain and France that Northern armies could never restore the Union, and they contemplated mediation, which would have constituted de facto recognition of the Confederacy. 133 Moving away from the narrow view of Lee and Maryland it is important to note that Bragg's army had achieved a significant victory on September 17 at Munfordville the same day the battle of Antietam was raging. While Lee's army was more or less locked in a stalemate in Maryland, the western Confederate forces still very much retained the initiative in Kentucky. If a successful outcome in Kentucky occurred, perhaps that would be enough to enhance the stalemate at Antietam into a negative outcome for the Union. 134 Lee did not wait in position along Antietam Creek, for events to develop in Kentucky, he didn't have to. By simply moving back across the river and McClellan's inability to pursue for logistical reasons, Lee still very much posed a serious threat, especially with re-crossing into Maryland if need be. Looking at the outcome of the Maryland Campaign and the factors involved in the forces' genetic composition, Lee's army achieved all that could reasonably be expected of it. Certainly, due to its size, it would be impossible to annihilate the Army of the Potomac, yet, by remaining together and gaining the tactical victory, that would have to be enough. 135 132 Murfin, 306. 133 McPherson, 546. 134 Earl J. Hess, Braxton Bragg: The Most Hated Man in the Confederacy, University of North Carolina Press, 2016. 63. 135 Ezra Carman, The Maryland Campaign of September 1862. Vol. III: Shepherdstown Ford and the End of the Campaign. Edited by Thomas G. Clemens, El Dorado Hills, CA: Savas Beatie, 2012. 20-21. 53 Truly then the lynchpin of the 1862 Confederate offensive rested on the shoulders of Bragg and Smith. 136 Lee's offensive and climatic battle of Antietam would have held little or no importance if the events west of the Appalachian's hadn't been taking place in the manner they were. The ultimate failure of Bragg and Smith in Kentucky was their inability to link their armies together. The process involved in making this happen didn't occur until it was too late. 137 Regardless of why this juncture of uniting these armies didn't occur, the important point was that they retained the initiative until the battle of Perryville. Unlike Lee, Bragg and Smith didn't necessarily have to defeat Buell or Wright's local forces, but rather they just needed to exist in Kentucky. Smith's forces had cleared out Morgan and what pitiful resistance Wright was able to scrape together. Buell's army lingered exhausted and timidly in the western part of the state. Bragg and Smith controlled in theory over two-thirds of the state in the last weeks of September into October. 138 The high tide of the Confederacy occurred not at Antietam, but in the days before Perryville. Up until this date, the South had been successful in relieving Richmond, Chattanooga, Vicksburg, the Carolina coast, Shenandoah Valley, western Virginia, and Northern Virginia of any significant Federal occupation, or military operations. The Confederate armies were at its maxim of manpower, at least in theory, if not in actual employment and contained men who were wholly more experienced than their counterparts. Most importantly, the South had been successful universally of maintaining a Confederate wide offensive initiative. When looking at the battles of South Mountain, Richmond, Munfordville, Antietam, and Harpers Ferry, only 136 Hess, Braxton Bragg, 64. 137 Noe, 328-329. 138 Daniel, 128-129; Hess, 62-64; Noe, 104. 54 South Mountain had been a Federal victory and Antietam a draw, while the rest were complete decisive Confederate victories. The battle of Perryville long considered the principal battle of the Kentucky Campaign was neither decisive nor climatic. 139 The battle itself was fought only by portions of the armies, on ground that held no real strategic value to the overall goals of the campaign. However, the legacy of Perryville resides in Bragg's choice to withdraw his army from Kentucky in its aftermath. Leaving aside Bragg's personality, leadership issues, and his subordinates, the important aspect to look at is what was actually accomplished by his army. It's already been stated that Bragg and Smith's offensive knocked the Federal plan of war back a few pegs and opened up at two-thirds of Tennessee for the foreseeable future. Confederate goals upon entering Kentucky were unclear and varied in design between Bragg and Smith. 140 Perhaps the largest draw was establishing the state as Confederate, which they quickly understood wasn't a popular option amongst the people. That being the case, Confederate field armies could only subsist for so long in hostile territory until they would, by necessity, be forced to withdraw to friendly Tennessee. 141 Therefore, without the support of the majority of Kentuckians to endorse a Confederate government, the continuation of a Southern army within the state offered no benefit to the Confederacy. 142 Bragg and Smith's only true strategic failing was their inability to link together and deliver a decisive blow against Buell. If looked at in the context of the genetics of an ocean wave, the advance into Kentucky was the last little bit of the wave that rolls into the edge of the beach. It neither has the momentum nor the power to damage anything of significant strength. However, the break or 139 Noe, 343. 140 Hess, 56-57. 141 Connelly, 228; Noe, 334. 142 Noe, 336. 55 impact of the wave that occurs just before hitting shore tends to denote the power of the temporary effects inflicted within that particular wave's life span. Sticking with the ocean wave analogy, the Confederate wide offensive in the fall of 1862 was the last ocean wave before the tide changed. The lifespan of the Confederacy would perish in the calm time between the next high tide. Conclusion: The interpretations of the Civil War, its key moments, critical players, and even the purpose of the conflict, vary in many different extremes, platforms, and algorithms. Surely there were other critical moments of the war, in which the Confederacy could have theoretically changed the outcome or moments in which Union forces could have ended the war much sooner. The progress of the war is a fascinating storyline of complete unpreparedness through a series of excruciating growing pains that led to the high efficiency of conducting war. Looking at the grand scope of the conflict, particularly the logistics of the opposing sides, even the most novice student of the struggle can recognize that the Confederacy was severely behind in every aspect and shouldn't have waged war. 143 However, the fact remains they did, and the reality is any Southern hope for victory resided in the slowness, unpreparedness, and political deadlock of the North's ability to wage war. The true window in which to view why the fall of 1862 was the Southern high tide occurs in the aftermath of the campaigns themselves. The first and most critical component was the issuance of the Emancipation Proclamation. The bold political move forever changed the direction and intent of the war. For the South, it had devastating consequences, as it eliminated 143 McPherson, 312-316. 56 any dream of European intervention, and essentially made the Confederacy an island left to its own. The proclamation also bled into the second crucial component, which truly had its roots at the beginning of 1862; however, it had become fully developed by the closing days of 1862, and that is the abandonment of "limited war" principals and the acceptance of "hard war" doctrine. 144 Militarily the South would never mount such a broad offensive again nor one with so much potential to gain from it. Lee's Pennsylvania Campaign in 1863, while more famous, did not have the potential as nine months prior when he crossed into Maryland. 145 Lee in June of 1863 was acting independently, while Confederate armies in the west were giving ground rapidly and losing Vicksburg. 146 Even with Confederate victory at Chickamauga, Bragg nor his predecessors could ever mount an effective counterthrust to regain vital Tennessee. 147 Hood's Tennessee Campaign in 1864 offered the closest opportunity; however, his cause was pyrrhic and traded the destruction of Georgia for the hope of gaining Tennessee. 148 The commencement of the Overland Campaign in 1864 saw the end of Lee's ability to mount a counterattack that had won for him on previous battlefields. With his numbers dwindling, and the Union's production capabilities at its height, continuing supply of reinforcements, and Grant's power to coordinate multiple armies upon Lee, forced the Confederate leader to dance to the tune of Grant's strategy. 149 144 McPherson, 567. 145 Coddington, The Gettysburg Campaign, 4-8. 146 Edwin C. Bearss and J. Parker Hills, Receding Tide: Vicksburg and Gettysburg the Campaigns that Changed the Civil War, National Geographic Society, 2010. 266. 147 Steven Woodworth, Six Armies in Tennessee: The Chickamauga and Chattanooga, Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1998. 144. 148 Jacobson, For Cause and for Country, 524. 149 Gordon C. Rhea, The Battle of the Wilderness May 5-6, 1864, Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1994. 9-10, 12-13, 22. 57 The Maryland and Kentucky Campaigns were episodes that the Union could not afford to lose. Certainly, Union armies, especially in the east, met multiple setbacks, defeats, and disasters throughout the war; however, a loss at this critical juncture in each theater would have produced devastating consequences from which the North could not recover. The brilliance of these campaigns resides in the fact that neither side could afford a negative outcome, and a victorious outcome for either side had the power and capabilities to change the entire trajectory of the war. The Maryland and Kentucky Campaigns do not have a true decisive victor in respect to the definition, yet, the rate at which the Union declared victory and the rapidity with which it instituted new measures both politically and militarily showed the emergency the events in the fall of 1862 produced for the North. 150 An acceptance of that notion coupled with political density, logistical pitfalls, organizational hurtles, and strategic objectives, will clearly indicate that the fall of 1862 in the course of the Maryland and Kentucky Campaigns, along with their supporting offenses was the high tide of the Confederacy, and the moment the Civil War changed trajectory in both political and military senses, which was the beginning of the Confederacy's defeat. 150 Muehlbauer, Ways of War, 197-200. 58 Bibliography Secondary Sources: Anderson, Nancy Scott and Dwight Anderson. The Generals: Ulysses. S. Grant and Robert E. Lee. Avenel: New Jersey, 1987. Bearss, Edwin C. and J. 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The study of International Relations is founded on a series of assumptions that originate in the monotheistic traditions of the West. For Siba Grovogui, this realization provoked him to question not only IR but to broaden his enquiries into a multidisciplinary endeavor that encompasses law and anthropology, journalism and linguistics, and is informed by stories and lessons from Guinea. In this Talk, he discusses the importance of human encounters and the problem with the Hegelian logic which distorts our understanding of our own intellectual development and the trajectory of the discipline of IR.
Print version of this Talk (pdf)
What is, according to you, the biggest challenge / principal debate in current IR? What is your position or answer to this challenge / in this debate?
I don't want to be evasive, but I actually don't think that International Relations as a field has an object today. And that is the problem with International Relations since Martin Wight and Stanley Hoffmann and all of those people debated what International Relations was, whether it was an American discipline, etc. I believe you can look at International Relations in multiple ways: if you think of à la Hoffmann, as a tool of dominant power, International Relations is to this empire what anthropology was to the last. This not only has to do with the predicates upon which it was founded initially but with its aspirations, for International Relations shares with Anthropology the ambition to know Man—and I am using here a very antiquated language, but that is what it was then—to know Man in certain capacities. In the last empire, anthropology focused on the cultural dimension and, correspondingly separated culture from civilization in a manner that placed other regions of the world in subsidiarity vis-à-vis Europe and European empires. In the reigning empire, IR has focused on the management and administration of an empire that never spoke its name, reason, or subject.
Now you can believe all the stories about liberalism and all of that stuff, but although it was predicated upon different assumptions, the ambition is still the same: it is actually to know Man, the way in which society is organized, to know how the entities function, etc. If you look at it that way, then International Relations cannot be the extension of any country's foreign policy, however significant. This is not to say that the foreign policies of the big countries do not matter: it would be foolish not to study them and take them into account, because they have greater impact than smaller countries obviously. But International Relations is not—or should not be—the extension of any country's foreign policy, nor should it be seen as the agglomeration of a certain restricted number of foreign policies. International Relations suggests, again, interest in the configurations of material, moral, and symbolic spaces as well as dynamics resulting from the relations of moral and social entities presumed to be of equal moral standings and capacities.
If one sees it that way then we must reimagine what International Relations should be. Foreign policy would be an important dimension of it, but the field of foreign policy must be understood primarily in terms of its explanations and justifications—regardless of whether these are bundled up as realism, liberalism, or other. Today, these fields provide different ways of explaining to the West, for itself, as a rational decision, or a justification to the rest, that what it has done over the past five centuries, from conquest to colonization and slavery and colonialism, is 'natural' and that any political entities similarly situated would have done it in that same manner. It follows therefore that this is how things should be. Those justifications, explanations, and rationalizations of foreign policy decisions and events are important to understand as windows into the manners in which certain regions and political entities have construed value, interest, and ethics. But they still belong, in some significant way, to a different domain than what is implied by the concept of IR.
I am therefore curious about the so-called debates about the nature of politics and the proper applicable science or approach to historical foreign policy realms and domains, particularly those of the West: I don't consider those debates to be 'big debates' in International Relations, because they are really about how the West sees itself and justifies itself and how it wants to be seen, and thus as rational. For the West (as assumed by so-called Western scholars), these debates extend the tradition of exculpating the West and seeing the West as the regenerative, redemptive, and progressive force in the world. All of that language is about that. So when you say to me, what are the debates, I don't know what they are, so far, really, in International Relations. The constitution of the 'international', the contours and effects of the imaginaries of its constituents, and the actualized and attainable material and symbolic spaces within it to realize justice, peace, and a sustainable order have thus far eluded the authoritative disciplinary traditions.
Consider the question of China today, as it is posed in the West. The China question, too, emerges from a particular foreign policy rationale, which may be important and particular ways to some people or constituencies in the West but not in the same way to others, for instance in Africa. The narrowness of the framing of the China question is why in the West many are baffled about how Africa has been receiving China, and China's entry into Latin America, etc. In relation to aid, for instance, if you are an African of a certain age, or you know some history, you will know that China formulated its foreign aid policy in 1964 and that nothing has changed. And there are other elements, such as foreign intervention and responsibility to self and others where China has had a distinct trajectory in Africa.
In some regard, China may even be closer in outlook to postcolonial African states than the former colonial powers. For instance, neither China nor African states consider the responsibility to protect, to be essentially Western. In this regard, it is worth bearing in mind for instance that Tanzania intervened in Uganda to depose Idi Amin in 1979; Vietnam ended the Khmer Rouge tyranny in Cambodia in 1979; India intervened in Bangladesh in 1971—it wasn't the West. So those kinds of understandings of responsibility, in the way they are framed today in the post-Cold War period, superimposes ideas of responsibility that were already there and were formulated in Bandung in 1955: differences between intervention and interference, the latter of which today comes coded as regime change, were actually hardly debated. So our imaginaries of the world and how it works, of responsibility, of ethics, etc., have always had to compete with those that were formulated since the seventeenth century in Europe, as "international ethics", "international law", "international theory". And in fact that long history full of sliding concepts and similar meanings may be one of the problems for understanding how the world came into being as we know it today. And this is why actually my classes here always begin with a semester-long discussion of hermeneutics, of historiography, and of ethnography in IR and how they have been incorporated.
How did you arrive at where you currently are in IR?
I came to where I am now essentially because of a sense of frustration, that we have a discipline that calls itself "international" and yet seemed to be speaking either univocally or unidirectionally: univocally in imagining the world and unidirectionally in the way it addresses the rest of the world, and a lot of problems result from that.
I had trained as a lawyer in Guinea, and when I came to the US I imagined that International Relations would be taught at law school, which is the case in France, most of the time, and also in some places in Germany in the past, because it is considered a normative science there. But when I came here I was shocked to discover that it was going to be in a field called Political Science, but I went along with it anyway. In the end I did a double major: in law, at the law school in Madison, Wisconsin, and in political science. When I came to America and went the University of Wisconsin, I first took a class called "Nuclear Weapons and World Politics" or something of the sort, it was more theology and less science. It was basically articulated around chosen people and non-chosen people, those who deserve to have weapons and those who don't. There was no rationale, no discussion of which countries respected the Non-Proliferation Treaty, no reasoning in terms of which countries had been wiser than others in using weapons of mass destruction, etc.: there was nothing to it except the underlying, intuitive belief that if something has to be done, we do it and other people don't. I'm being crass here, but let's face it: this was a course I took in the 1980s and it is still the same today! So I began to feel that this is really more theology and less science. Yes, it was all neatly wrapped in rationalism, in game theory, all of these things. So I began to ask myself deeper questions, outside of the ones they were asking, so my Nuclear Weapons and World Politics class was really what bothered me, or you could say it was some kind of trigger.
This way of seeing IR is related to the fact that I don't share the implicit monotheist underpinnings of the discipline. That translates into my perhaps unorthodox teaching style, unorthodox within American academia anyway. Teaching all too often tends to be less about understanding the world and more about proselytizing. In order to try to explore this understanding I like to bring my students to consider the world that has existed, to imagine that sovereignty and politics can be structured differently, especially outside of monotheism with its likening of the sovereign to god, the hierarchy modeled on the church, Saint Peter, Jesus, God, uniformity and the power of life (to kill or let live), and to understand that there have always been places where the sovereign was not in fact that revered. Think of India, for example, where people have multiple gods, and some are mischievous, some are promiscuous, some are happy and some are mean, so there are lots of conceptions and some of these don't translate well into different cultural contexts. The same, incidentally, goes for the Greek gods. Of course, we had to make the Greeks Christians first, before we drew our lineage to them. You see what I mean? Christianity left a very deep impact on Western traditions. Whether you think of political parties and a parallel to the Catholic orders: if you are a Jesuit, the Jesuits are always right; if you are a Franciscan, the Franciscans are always right. The Franciscans for instance think they have the monopoly on Christian social teaching. In a similar way, it doesn't matter what your political party does, you follow whatever your party says. The same thing happens when you study: are you a realist, are you liberalist, etc. You are replicating the Jesuits, the Franciscans, those monks and their orders. But we are all caught within that logic, of tying ourselves into one school of thought and going along with one "truth" over another, instead of permitting multiple takes on reality..
For me, as a non-monotheist myself, everything revolves around this question of truth: whether truth is given or has to be found and how we find it. Truth has to be found, discovered, revealed—we have to continuously search. The significant point is that we never find it absolutely. Truth is always provisional, circumstantial, and pertinent to a context or situation. We all want truth and it is always evading us, but we must look for it. But I don't think that truth is given. It is in the Bible, the Quran, and the Torah. And I am comfortable with that but I am not in the realm of theology. I dwell on human truths and humans are imperfect and not omniscient, at least not so individually.
If I had the truth, then I might be one of those dictators governing in Africa today. I was raised a Catholic by the way, I almost went to the seminary. If you just think through the story of the Revelation in profane terms, you come to the realization that ours are multiple revelations. Again in theology, one truth is given at a time—the Temple Mount, the Tablets, and all that stuff—but that is not in our province. I leave that to a different province and that is unattainable to me. The kind of revelation I want is the one that goes through observing, through looking, through deliberating, through inquiry—that I am comfortable with. There can be a revelation in terms of meeting the unexpected, for example: when I went to the New World, to Latin America for the first time, I said, 'wow, this is interesting'. That was through my own senses, but it had a lot to do with the way I prepared myself in order to receive the world and to interact with the world. That kind of revelation I believe in. The other one is beyond me and I'm not interested in that. When I want to be very blasphemous, even though I was raised a Catholic, I tell my students: the problem with the Temple Mount is that God did not have a Twitter account, so the rest of us didn't hear it—we were not informed. I don't have the truth, and I don't really don't want to have it.
What would a student need to become a specialist in IR or understand the world in a global way?
I am not sure I want to make a canonical recommendation, if that's what you are asking me for. Let me tell you this: I have trained about eleven PhD students, and none of them has ever done what I do. I am not interested in having clones, I don't want to recreate theology, and in fact I feel this question to betray a very Western disposition, by implying the need to create canons and theology. I don't want that. What I want is to understand the world, and understanding can be done in multiple ways: people do it through music, through art, through multiple things. The problem for me, however, is actually the elements, assumptions, predicates of studies and languages that we use in IR, the question to whom they make sense—I am talking about the types of ethnographies, the ways in which we talk about diplomatic history, and all of those things. The graduate courses that I was talking about have multiple dimensions, but there are times in my seminars here where I just take a look at events like what happened in the New World from 1492 to 1600. This allows me to talk about human encounters. The ones we have recorded, of people who are mutually unintelligible, are the ones that took place on this continent, the so-called New World. And what this does is that it allows me to talk about encounters, to talk about all of the possibilities—you know the ones most people talk about in cultural studies like creolization, hybridization, and all those things—and all of the others things that happened also which are not so helpful, such as violence, usurpation, and so forth.
What that allows me to do is to cut through all this nonsense—yes I am going to call it nonsense—that projects the image that what we do today goes back to Thucydides and has been handed down to us through history to today. There are many strands of thought like that. If you think about thought, and Western thought in general, all of those historically rooted and contingent strands of thought have something to do with how we construct social scientific fields of analysis today—realism, liberalism, etc.—so I'm not dispensing with that. What I'm saying is that history itself has very little to do with those strands of thought, and that people who came here—obviously you had scientists who came to the New World—but the policies on the ground had nothing to do with Thucydides, nothing to do with Machiavelli, etc. Their practices actually had more to do with the violence that propelled those Europeans from their own countries in seeking refuge, and how that violence shaped them, the kind of attachments they had. But it also had to do with the kind of cultural disposition here, and the manner in which people were able to cope, or not. Because that's where we are today in the post-Cold War era, the age of globalization, we must provide analyses that are germane to how the constituents (or constitutive elements) of the historically constituted 'international' are coping with our collective inheritance. For me, this approach is actually much more instructive. This has nothing to do with the Melian Dialogue and the like.
All of the stuff projected today as canonical is interesting to me but only in limited ways. I actually read the classics and have had my students read them, but try to get my students to read them as a resource for understanding where we are today and how we were led there, rather than as a resource for justifying or legitimating the manner in which European conducted their 'foreign' policies or their actions in the New World. No. I know enough to know that no action in the New World or elsewhere was pre-ordained, unavoidable, or inevitable. The resulting political entities in the West must assume the manners in which they acted. It is history, literally. And of course we know through Voltaire, we know through Montaigne, we know even through Roger Bacon, that even in those times people realized that in fact the world had not been made and hence had not been before as it would become later; that other ways were (and still) are possible; and that the pathologies of the violence of religious and civil wars in Europe conditioned some the behaviours displayed in the New World and Africa during conquest and enslavement.
For the same reason I recommend students to read Kant: I tell them to read Kant as a resource for understanding how we might think about the world today, but I am compelled to say often to my students that before Kant, hospitality, and such cultural intermediaries as theDragomans in the Ottoman Empire, the Wangara in West Africa, the Chinese Diaspora in East and Southeast Asia, and so forth, enabled commerce across continents for centuries before Europe was included into the existing trading networks. This is not to dismiss Kant, it is simply to force students to put Kant in conversation with a different trajectory of the development of commercial societies, cross-regional networks, and the movements to envisage laws, rules, and ethics to enable communications among populations and individual groups.
This approach causes many people to ask whether the IR programme at Johns Hopkins really concerns IR theory or something else. I actually often get those kinds of questions, and they are wedded to particular conceptions of IR. I am never able to give a fixed and quick answer but I often illustrate points that I wish to make. Consider how scholars and policymakers relate the question of sovereignty to Africa. Many see African sovereignty as problem, either because they think it is abused or stands in the way of humanitarian or development actions by supposed well-meaning Westerners. I attempt to have my students think twice when sovereignty is evoked in that way: 'sovereignty is a problem; the extents to which sovereignty is a problem in Africa; and why sovereignty is unproblematic in Europe or America'. This questioning and bracketing is not simply a 'postmodernist' evasion of the question.
Rather, I invite my students to reconsider the issue: if sovereignty is your problem, how do you think about the problem? For me, this is a much more interesting question; not what the problem is. For instance, if you start basing everything around a certain mythology of the Westphalia model, particularly when you begin to see everything as either conforming to it (the good) or deviating from it (the bad), then you have lost me. Because before Westphalia there were actually many ways in which sovereigns understood themselves, and therefore organized their realms, and how sovereignty was experienced and appreciated by its subjects. Westphalia is a crucial moment in Europe in these regards—I grant you that. If you want to say what is wrong with Westphalia, that's fine too. But if Westphalia is your starting point, the discussion is unlikely to be productive to me. Seriously!
In your work on political identity in Africa, such as your contribution to the 2012 volume edited by Arlene Tickner and David Blaney, the terms periphery, margin, lack of historicity recur frequently. What regional or perhaps even global representational protagonism can you envisage for IR studies emerging from Africa and its spokespeople?
The subjects of 'periphery' and 'marginalization' come into my own thinking from multiple directions. One of them has to do with the African state and the kind of subsidiarity it has assumed from the colonization onward. That's a critique of the state of affairs and a commentary on how Africa is organized and is governed. But I do also use it sometimes as a direct challenge to people who think they know the world. And my second book, Beyond Eurocentrism and Anarchy (2006), was actually about that, and that book was triggered by an account of an event in Africa, that everybody in African Studies has repeated and still continues to repeat, which is this: in June 1960, Africans went to defend France, because France asked them to. This is to say that nobody could imagine that Africans—and I am being careful here in terms of how people describe Africans—understood that they had a stake in the 'world' under assault during World War II. And so the book actually begins with a simple question: in 1940, which France would have asked Africans to defend it: Vichy France which was under German control, or the Germans who occupied half of France? But the decision to defend France actually came partly from a discussion between French colonial officers in Chad and African veterans of World War I, who decided that the world had to be restructured for Africa to find its place in it. They didn't do it for France, because it's a colonial power, they did it for the world. That's the thing. And Pétain, to his credit, is the only French official who asked the pertinent question about that, in a letter to his minister of justice (which is an irony, because justice under Pétain was a different question) he said: 'I am puzzled, that in 1918 when we were victorious, Africans rebelled; in 1940, we are defeated, and they come to our aid. Could you explain that to me?' The titular head of Vichy had the decency to ask that. By contrast, every scholar of Africa just repeated, 'Oh, the French asked Africans to go fight, and the Africans showed up'.
Our inability to understand that Africa actually sees itself as a part of the world, as a manager of the world, has so escaped us today that in the case of Libya for instance, when people were debating, you saw in every single newspaper in the world, including my beloved Guardian, that the African Union decided this, but the International Community decided that, as if Africans had surrendered their position in the international society to somebody: to the International Community. People actually said that! The AU, for all its 'wretchedness', after all represents about a quarter of the member states of the UN. And yet it was said the AU decided this and the International Community decided that. The implication is that the International Community is still the West plus Japan and maybe somebody else, and in this case it was Qatar and Saudi Arabia: "good citizens of the world", very "good democracies" etc. That's how deeply-set that is, that people don't even check themselves. Every time they talk they chuck Africa out of the World. Nobody says, America did this and the International Community decided that. All I am saying is that our mindscapes are so deeply structured that nothing about Africa can be studied on its own, can be studied as something that has universal consequence, as something that has universal value, as something that might be universalizing—that institutions in Africa might actually have some good use to think about anything. Otherwise, people would have asked them how did colonial populations—people who were colonized—overcome colonial attempts to strip them of their humanity and extend an act of humanity, of human solidarity, to go fight to defend them? And what was that about? Even many Africans fail to ask that question today!
And it could be argued that this thinking is, to some degree, down to widespread ignorance about Africa. We all are guilty of this. And oddly, especially intellectuals are guilty of this, and worse. Let me give you an example: recently I was in Tübingen in Germany, and I went into a store to buy some shoes—a very fine store, wonderful people—and I can tell you I ended up having a much more rewarding conversation with the people working in the shoe shop than I had at Tübingen University. Because there was a real curiosity. You would like to think that it is not so unusual in this day and age that a person from Guinea teaches in America, but you cannot blame them for being curious and asking many questions. At the university, in contrast, they actually are making claims, and for me that is no longer ignorance, that is hubris.
Your work presents an original take on the role of language in International Relations. How is language tied up with IR theory?
The language problem has many, many layers. The first of these is, simply, the issue of translation. If I were, for instance, to talk to someone in my father's language about Great Power Responsibility, they would look totally lost. Because in Guinea we have been what white people call stateless or acephalous societies, the notion that one power should have responsibility for another is a very difficult concept to translate, because you are running up against imaginaries of power, of authority, etc. that simply don't exist. So when you talk about such social scientific categories to those people, you have to be aware of all the colonial era enlightenment inheritances in them. When we talk about International Relations in Africa, we thus bump into a whole set of problems: the primary problem of translating ideas from here into those languages; another in capturing what kind of institutions exist in those languages; and a third issue has to do with how you translate across those languages. Consider for instance the difference between Loma stateless societies in the rain forest in Guinea, and Malinke who are very hierarchical, especially since SundiataKeita came to power in the 13th century. But the one problem most people don't talk about is the very one that is obsessing me now, is the question how I, as an African, am able to communicate with you through Kant, without you assuming that I am a bad reader of Kant.
The difference that I am trying to make here is actually what in linguistics is called vehicular language which is distinct from vernacular language. Because a lot of you assume that vehicular language is vernacular—that there is Latin and the rest is vernacular; that there is a proper reading of Kant and everything else is vernacular; or you have cosmopolitan and perhaps afropolitan and everything else is the vernacular of it. But this is not in fact always the case. The most difficult thing for linguists to understand, and for people in the social sciences to understand, is that Kant, Hegel and other thinkers can avail themselves as resources that one uses to try to convey imaginaries that are not always available to others—or to Kant himself for that matter. And it is not analogical—it is not 'this is the African Machiavelli'. It is easy to talk about power using Machiavelli, but to smuggle into Machiavelli different kind of imaginaries is more difficult. Nonetheless, I use Machiavelli because there is no other language available to me to convey that to you, because you don't speak my father's language.
Moreover, there is a danger for instance when I speak with my students that they may hear Machiavelli even when I am not speaking of him, and I warn them to be very careful. Machiavelli is a way to bring in a different stream of understanding of Realpolitik, but it's not entirely Machiavelli. If you spoke my father's language, I would tell you in my father's language, but that is not available to me here, so Machiavelli is a vehicle to talk about something else. Sometimes people might say to me 'what you are saying sounds to me like Kant but it's not really Kant' then I remind them that before Kant there were actually a lot of people who talked about the sublime, the moral, the categorical imperative, etc. in different languages; and if you are patient with me then we will get to the point when Kant belongs to a genealogy of people who talked about certain problems differently, and in that context Kant is no longer a European: I place Kant in the context of people who talk about politics, morality, etc. differently and I want to offer you a bunch of resources and please, please don't package me, because you don't own the interpretation of Kant, because even in your own context in Europe today Kant is not your contemporary, so you are making a lot of translations and I am making a lot of translations to get to something else: it is not that I am not a bad reader.
At an ISA conference I once was attacked by a senior colleague in IR for being a bad reader of Hegel, and I had to explain to him that while my using Hegel might be an act of imposition, and a result of having been colonized and given Hegel, but at this particular moment he should consider my gesture as an act of generosity, in the sense that I was reading Hegel generously to find resources that would allow him to understand things that he had no idea exist out there, and Hegel is the only tool available to me at this moment. But because all of you believe in one theology or another, he insisted that if I spoke Hegelian then I was Hegelian, and I retorted that I was not, but that deploying Hegel was merely an instance of vehicular language, allowing me to explore certain predicates, certain precepts and assumptions, and that is all. In this way, I can use Kant, or Hegel, or Hobbes, or Locke, and my problem when I do this is not with those thinkers—I can ignore the limitations of their thinking which was conditioned by the realities of their time—my problem is with those people who think they own traditions originating from long dead European thinkers. Thus, my problem today is less with Kant than with Kantians.
Or take Hobbes: Hobbes talked about the body in the way that it was understood in his time, and about human faculties in the way that they were understood at that time. Anybody who quotes Hobbes today about the faculties of human nature, I have to ask: when was the last time you read biology? I am not saying that Hobbes wasn't a very smart man; he was an erudite, and I am not joking. It is not his problem that people are still trivializing human faculties and finding issue with his view of how the body works—of course he was wrong on permeability, on cohabitation, on what organs live in us, etc.—he was giving his account of politics through metaphors and analogies that he understood at that time. When I think about it this way, my problem is not that Hobbes didn't have a modern understanding of the body, the distribution of the faculties and the extent of human capacities. Nor is my problem that Hobbes is Western. My problem is not with Hobbes himself. My problem is with all these realists who based their understanding of sovereignty or borders strictly on Hobbes' illustrations but have not opened a current book on the body that speaks of the faculties. If they did, even their own analogies may begin to resonate differently. There is new research coming out all the time on how we can understand the body, and this should have repercussions on how we read Hobbes today.
The absence of contextualization and historicization has proved a great liability for IR. Historicity allows one to receive Hobbes and all those other writers without indulging in mindless simplicities. It helps get away from simplistic divisions of the world—for instance, the West here and Africa there—from the assumptions that when I speak about postcolonialism in Africa I must be anti-Western. I am in fact growing very tired of those kinds of categories. As a parenthesis, I must ask if some of those guys in IR who speak so univocally and unidirectionally to others are even capable of opening themselves up to hearing other voices. I must also reveal that Adlai Stevenson, not some postcolonialist, alerted me to the problem of univocality when he stated in 1954 during one UN forum that 'Everybody needed aid, the West surely needs a hearing aid'. Hearing is indeed the one faculty that the West is most in need of cultivating. The same, incidentally, could be said of China nowadays.
One of the things I would like to deny Western canonist is their inclination to think of the likes of Diderot as Westerners. In his Supplément au Voyage a Bougainville (1772), Diderot presents a dialogue between himself and Orou, a native Tahitian. Voltaire wrote dialogues, some real, some imaginary, about and with China. The authors' people were reflecting on the world. It is hubris and an act of usurpation in the West today to want to lay claim to everything that is perceived to be good for the West. By the same token that which is bad must come from somewhere else. This act of usurpation has led to the appropriation—or rather internal colonization—of Diderot and Voltaire and like-minded philosophers and publicists who very much engaged the world beyond their locales. I have quarrels with this act of colonization, of the incipit parochialization of authors who ought not to be. I have quarrels with Voltaire's characterization of non-Europeans at times; but I have a greater quarrel with how he has been colonized today as distinctly European. Voltaire rejected European orthodoxies of his day and opted explicitly to enter into dialogue with Chinese and Africans as he understood them. Diderot, too, was often in dialogue with Tahitians and other non-Europeans. In fact, the relationship between Diderot and the Tahitian was exactly the same as the relationship between Socrates and Plato, in that you have an older person talking and a younger person and less wise person listening. A lot of Western philosophy and political theory was actually generated—at least in the modern period—after contact with the non-West. So how that is Western I don't know. I encounter the same problem when I am in Africa where I am accused of being Western just because I make the same literary references. It is a paradox today that even literature is assigned an identity for the purpose of hegemony and/or exclusion. Francis Galton (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Francis_Galton) travelled widely and wrote dialogues from this expedition in Africa, so how can we say to what extent the substance of such dialogues was Western or British?
So in sum you are not trying to counter Western thought, but do you feel that the African political experience and your own perspective can bring something new to IR studies?
I am going to try and express something very carefully here, because the theory of the state in Africa brought about untold horrors—in Sierra Leone, in Liberia, and so on—so I am not saying this lightly. But I have said to many people, Africans and non-Africans, that I am glad that the postcolonial African state failed, and I wish many more of them failed, and I'm sure a lot more will fail, because they correspond to nothing on the ground. The idea of constitutions and constitutionalism came with making arrangements with a lot of social elements that were generated by certain entities that aspired to go in certain directions. What happened in Africa is that somebody came and said: 'this worked there, it should work here'—and it doesn't. I'll give you three short stories to illustrate this.
One of the presidents of postcolonial Guinea, the one I despise the most, Lansana Conté (in office 1984-2008), also gave me one of my inspirational moments. Students rebelled against him and destroyed everything in town and so he went on national TV that day and said: 'You know I'm very disheartened. I am disheartened about children who have become Europeans.' Obviously the blame would be on Europe. He continued, 'They are rude, they don't respect people or property. I understand that they may have quarrels with me, but I also understand that we are Africans. And though we may no longer live in the village', and it is important for me that he said that, 'though we may no longer live in the village, when we move in the big city, the council of elders is what parliament does for us now. We don't have the council of elders, instead we have parliament. They, the students, can go to parliament and complain about their father. I am their father, my children are older than all of them. So in the village, they would have gone to the council of elders, and they could have done this and I would have given them my explanation'. And the next morning, the whole country turned against the students, because what he had succeeded in doing was to touch and move people. They went to the head of the student government, who said: 'The president was right. We had failed to understand that our ways cannot be European ways, and we can think about our modern institutions as iterations of what we had in the past, suited to our circumstances, and so we should not do politics in the same way. I agree with him, and in that spirit I want to say that among the Koranko ethnic group, fathers let their children eat meat first, because they have growing needs, and if the father doesn't take care of his children, then they take the children away from the father and give them to the uncle. Our problem at the university is that our stipends are not being paid, and father has all his mansions in France, in Spain, and elsewhere, so we want the uncle.' He was in effect asking for political transition: he was saying they were now going to the council of elders, the parliament, and demand the uncle, for father no longer merits being the father. He was able to articulate political transition and rotation in that language. It was a very clever move.
The second one was my mother who was completely unsympathetic to me when I came home one day and was upset that one of my friends who was a journalist had been arrested. She said, 'if you wish you can go back to your town but don't come here and bother me and be grumpy'. So I started an exchange with her and explained to her why it is important that we have journalists and why they should be free, until our discussion turned to the subject of speaking truth to power. At that moment she said, 'now you are talking sense' and she started to tell me how the griot functioned in West Africa for the past eight hundred years, and why truth to power is part of our institutional heritage. But that truth is not a personal truth, for there is an organic connection between reporter and the community, there is a group in which they collect information, communicate and criticize, and we began to talk about that. And since then I have stopped teaching Jefferson in my constitutional classes in Africa, as a way of talking about the free press, instead I talk about speaking truth to power. But it allows me not only to talk about the necessity of speaking truth to power, but also to criticize the organization of the media, which is so individualised, so oriented toward the people who give the money: think of the National Democratic Institute in Washington, the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung in Germany, they have no organic connection to the people. And my mother told me, 'as long as it's a battle between those who have the guns and those who have the pen, then nobody is speaking to my problems, then I have no dog in that fight'. And journalists really make a big mistake by not updating their trade and redressing it. Because speaking truth to power is not absent in our tradition, we have had it for eight hundred years, six centuries before Jefferson, but we don't think about it that way. I have to remind my friends in Guinea: 'you are vulnerable precisely because you have not understood what the profession of journalism might look like in this community, to make your message more relevant and effective'. You see the smart young guys tweeting away and how they have been replaced by the Muslim Brotherhood, because we have not made the message relevant to the community. We are communicating on media and in idioms that have no real bearing on people's lives, so we are easily dismissed. That is in fact the tragedy of what happened in Tunisia: the smart, young protesters have so easily been brushed aside for this reason.
The third story is about how we had a constitutional debate in Guinea before multipartism, and people were talking about the separation of powers. And I went to the university to talk to a group of people and I put it to them: why do you waste your time studying the American Constitution and the separation of powers in America? I grant you, it is a wonderful experiment and it has lasted two hundred years, but that would not lead you anywhere with these people. The theocratic Futa Jallon in Guinea (in the 18th and 19th centuries) had one of the most advanced systems of separation of powers: the king was in Labé, the constitution was in Dalaba, the people who interpreted the constitution were in yet another city, the army was based in Tougué. It was the most decentralised organization of government you can imagine, and all predicated on the idea that none of the nine diwés, or provinces, should actually have the monopoly of power. So those that kept the constitution were not allowed to interpret it, because the readers were somewhere else. But to make sure that what they were reading was the right document, they gave it to a different province. So the separation of powers is not new to us.
In sum, the West is a wonderful political experiment, and it has worked for them. We can actualize some of what they have instituted, but we have sources here that are more suited to the circumstances of the people in that region, without undermining the modern ideas of democratic self-governance, without undermining the idea of a republic. Without dispensing with all of those, we must not be tempted to imagine constitution in the same way, to imagine separation of powers in the same way, even to imagine and practice journalism in the same way, in this very different environment. It is going to fail. That is my third story.
Siba N. Grovogui has been teaching at Johns Hopkins University after holding the DuBois-Mandela postdoctoral fellowship of the University of Michigan-Ann Arbor in 1989-90 and teaching at Eastern Michigan University from 1993 to 1995. He is currently professor of international relations theory and law at The Johns Hopkins University. He is the author of Sovereigns, Quasi-Sovereigns, and Africans: Race and Self-determination in International Law (University of Minnesota Press, 1996) and Beyond Eurocentrism and Anarchy: Memories of International Institutions and Order (Palgrave, April 2006). He has recently completed a ten-year long study partly funded by the National Science Foundation of the rule of law in Chad as enacted under the Chad Oil and Pipeline Project.
Related links
Faculty Profile at Johns Hopkins University Read Grovogui's Postcolonial Criticism: International Reality and Modes of Inquiry (2002 book chapter) here (pdf) Read Grovogui's The Secret Lives of Sovereignty (2009 book chapter) here (pdf) Read Grovogui's Counterpoints and the Imaginaries Behind Them: Thinking Beyond North American and European Traditions (2009 contribution to International Political Sociology) here (pdf) Read Grovogui's Postcolonialism (2010 book chapter) here (pdf) Read Grovogui's Sovereignty in Africa: Quasi-statehood and Other Myths (2001 book chapter in a volume edited by Tim Shaw and Kevin Dunn) here (pdf)
The Situation In The Middle East Report Of The Secretary-General On The Implementation Of Security Council Resolutions 2139 (2014), 2165 (2014), 2191 (2014), 2258 (2015), 2332 (2016) And 2393 (2017) ; United Nations S/PV.8201 Security Council Seventy-third year 8201st meeting Monday, 12 March 2018, 11 a.m. New York Provisional President: Mr. Van Oosterom. . (Netherlands) Members: Bolivia (Plurinational State of). . Mr. Llorentty Solíz China. . Mr. Ma Zhaoxu Côte d'Ivoire. . Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue Equatorial Guinea. . Mr. Ndong Mba Ethiopia. . Mr. Alemu France. . Mr. Delattre Kazakhstan. . Mr. Umarov Kuwait. . Mr. Alotaibi Peru. . Mr. Meza-Cuadra Poland. . Ms. Wronecka Russian Federation. . Mr. Nebenzia Sweden . Mr. Skoog United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland . Mr. Allen United States of America. . Mrs. Haley Agenda The situation in the Middle East This record contains the text of speeches delivered in English and of the translation of speeches delivered in other languages. The final text will be printed in the Official Records of the Security Council. Corrections should be submitted to the original languages only. They should be incorporated in a copy of the record and sent under the signature of a member of the delegation concerned to the Chief of the Verbatim Reporting Service, room U-0506 (verbatimrecords@un.org). Corrected records will be reissued electronically on the Official Document System of the United Nations (http://documents.un.org). 18-06756 (E) *1806756* S/PV.8201 The situation in the Middle East 12/03/2018 2/23 18-06756 The meeting was called to order at 11.15 a.m. Adoption of the agenda The agenda was adopted. The situation in the Middle East The President: In accordance with rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic to participate in this meeting. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I would like to warmly welcome the Secretary- General, His Excellency Mr. António Guterres, and to give him the floor. The Secretary-General: I am here to report on the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018), which the Council adopted unanimously on 24 February. But I am keenly aware that I am doing so just as the bloodletting in Syria enters its eighth year. I would like to highlight just one stark fact on this grimmest of anniversaries, which is that in 2017, more children were killed in Syria than in any other year since the war began. I am deeply saddened by the immense loss and cascading suffering of the Syrian people. And I am deeply disappointed by all those who, year after year, by action or inaction, design or indifference, have allowed this to happen. My grief and frustration are compounded by all that I know of the people of Syria. As United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in the aftermath of the Iraq war, I saw the remarkable hospitality of the Syrian people in hosting 1.5 million Iraqi refugees — not in camps, but in their communities across the country. Syria was a place where refugees could live in security as they tried to rebuild their lives and raise their families. Today, so many of those generous Syrians who shared so much have themselves been forced from their homes, becoming refugees or internally displaced. In neighbouring countries — whose enormous hospitality I have also witnessed, but who are burdened by overwhelming needs — the vast majority of Syrian refugees live below the poverty line. Many of the Syrians who journeyed even farther from home in search of safety have found the doors that they once opened to others in need shut in their faces. A country known for its ancient civilization and a people known for their rich diversity have been betrayed, and Syria is bleeding inside and out. There should be one agenda only for all of us — ending the suffering of the Syrian people and finding a political solution to the conflict. And the Council has a particular responsibility in that regard. Let me now turn to the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018) and the issue of the compliance of all the relevant parties in Syria. I do so with a caveat. The United Nations is following developments closely, but we do not have the full picture, owing to our limited presence and restricted access on the ground. Resolution 2401 (2018) demands that all parties "cease hostilities without delay, and engage immediately to ensure full and comprehensive implementation . for a durable humanitarian pause for at least 30 consecutive days throughout Syria", while still countering Da'esh and other groups designated as terrorists by the Council. It is true that in some areas, such as Deir ez-Zor and Douma, where there has been a recent ceasefire that I will address later, the conflict is diminishing in intensity. Yet there has been no cessation of hostilities. Violence continues in eastern Ghouta and beyond, including in Afrin, parts of Idlib and into Damascus and its suburbs. In eastern Ghouta in particular, the air strikes, shelling and ground offensives have intensified since the resolution's adoption and have claimed hundreds of civilian lives. Some reports even put the toll at more than 1,000. The resolution further demands the enabling of "the safe, unimpeded and sustained delivery of humanitarian aid and services". Despite some limited convoy deliveries, the provision of humanitarian aid and services has been neither safe, unimpeded or sustained. The resolution calls on "all parties to immediately lift the sieges of populated areas, including in eastern Ghouta, Yarmouk, Fo'ah and Kafraya". No sieges have been lifted. The resolution demands medical evacuations of the critically sick and wounded. To our knowledge, not one critically sick or wounded person has so far been evacuated. But I will come back to that later in relation to a recent announcement. The resolution reiterates its demand "reminding in particular the Syrian authorities, that all parties immediately comply with their obligations under international law, including international human rights law, as applicable, and international humanitarian law, including the protection of civilians". And I remind all involved that even efforts to combat groups identified as terrorists by the Council do not supersede those obligations. Yet we 12/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8201 18-06756 3/23 see egregious violations, indiscriminate attacks and a failure to protect civilians and civilian infrastructure. Since the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), my Special Envoy Staffan de Mistura and I have been focused on helping to create the conditions for a cessation of hostilities in eastern Ghouta, where, as I said to the Council two weeks ago, people have been living in a hell on Earth (see S/PV.8185). As the Special Envoy told the Council a few days ago, eastern Ghouta is the most urgent situation, because it is where we have the clearest potential to try to support the de-escalation in concrete ways, and because we have been concretely approached. On 26 February, the Russian Federation announced a five-hour daily humanitarian pause in eastern Ghouta. I will speak to that later in my remarks. On 27 February, the President of the Security Council and I received a letter from the Syrian National Committee conveying another letter from the three armed opposition groups in eastern Ghouta — Jaysh Al-Islam, Faylaq Al-Rahman and Ahrar Al-Sham. They expressed their commitment "to the full implementation of the relevant Security Council resolutions, especially resolution 2401 (2018)", and to expelling from eastern Ghouta "the armed groups of Hayat Tahrir Al-Sham, the Al-Nusra Front and Al-Qaida and all of those belonging to them". They also promised to ensure humanitarian access and the facilitation of the work of United Nations agencies. On receiving the letter, the Office of the Special Envoy opened channels with all three groups, inside and outside the enclave. The respective commanders issued further letters, expressing the groups' readiness to negotiate with the Russian Federation in Geneva. In parallel, both I and my Special Envoy engaged with the relevant authorities of the Russian Federation. My team on the ground did likewise, and also engaged with the Government of Syria. We offered the good offices of the United Nations to facilitate and observe any meeting between the representatives of the armed opposition groups, the Syrian Government and the Russian Federation. Despite our best efforts over the course of a few days, it was not possible to schedule any meeting. Meanwhile, on 6 March, the Syrian Government addressed a letter to me and to the President of the Security Council. That letter stated that Syria positively welcomed resolution 2401 (2018), as it "stresses firm commitment to the Syrian State's sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity in accordance with the provisions of the United Nations Charter and calls for implementing a humanitarian truce across Syria to ensure a safe, sustainable and unhindered access of humanitarian aid." That same day, my Special Envoy informed the Russian Federation of his intention to invite the three armed opposition groups to a meeting with the Russian Federation in Geneva three days later. On 7 March, his interlocutors replied that they did not think a meeting in Geneva was the best option and were pursuing contacts on the ground with the relevant armed opposition groups. As those diplomatic efforts were taking place, fighting went on. The Syrian Government and its allies intensified air strikes and launched a ground offensive, progressively gaining control of parts of eastern Ghouta from about 10 per cent of the enclave on 3 March to more than 60 per cent today. The offensive initially took place in less populated areas, steadily moving to urban centres and forcing large-scale displacement. In the follow up to the efforts I have described, it was possible on 8 and 10 March to convene two meetings between Russian officials and Jaysh Al-Islam in the outskirts of eastern Ghouta, with the United Nations as an observer. In those meetings, progress was made in relation to the removal of a number of members of the Al-Nusra Front, as well as other aspects, including the potential for a ceasefire and improved humanitarian access. The first group of Al-Nusra Front fighters and their families were since evacuated from eastern Ghouta. Nevertheless, it has not been possible to facilitate contact between the Russian authorities and Faylak Al-Rahman. The group insisted that the meeting take place in Geneva. The Russian Federation insisted that the meeting take place on the ground. On 10 March, Government forces intensified their offensive, capturing the city of Misraba in a movement aiming at dividing the enclave into three separate areas. On the evening of that same day, the Russian Federation informed the United Nations that a unilateral ceasefire would take place at midnight, in relation to Jaysh Al-Islam in Douma. It was agreed that a meeting would be held on 11 March with the facilitation of the United Nations. On that day, with the ceasefire between the Government S/PV.8201 The situation in the Middle East 12/03/2018 4/23 18-06756 and Jaysh Al-Islam forces largely holding in Douma, the meeting took place, followed by a meeting today. As I speak to the Council now, I have not yet received a full report on the results of today's meeting. But I was informed by our people in Damascus as I was entering the Chamber that there has been progress with regard to civilian evacuations and humanitarian aid. Furthermore, I take note of a statement issued today by Jaysh Al-Islam: "[i] n the context of Security Council resolutions 2254 (2015) and 2401 (2018), an agreement was reached with the Russian side through the United Nations for a humanitarian medical evacuation of the wounded for treatment outside of eastern Ghouta." We are also hearing reports of tentative initiatives, both by tribal leaders and the Russian Federation, for contact with other groups on the ground. I wish to underscore the urgency of seeing medical evacuations, civilian protection and full, sustained and unimpeded humanitarian access as soon as possible. Meanwhile, attacks on other parts of eastern Ghouta continue, with the enclave now split into three separate pockets. During this whole period, the shelling from eastern Ghouta to Damascus was also ongoing, causing dozens of civilian deaths and injuries, with some reports putting the number close to 100. My Special Envoy and I have remained apprised at each step of the diplomatic engagement, offering support and guidance to ensure the implementation in letter and spirit of the resolution. In short, as my Special Envoy has said to the Council, we are leaving no stone unturned in trying to bring all major stakeholders to the table and contribute in a concrete fashion to find a sustainable solution for the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018). As the situation continues to unfold, the Turkish offensive in Afrin — pursued with armed opposition group allies — intensified with air strikes and ground advances against Partiya Yekitiya Demokrat/People's Protection Units fighters, reinforced, in turn, by elements coming from eastern Syria, where they were combating Da'esh. Pro-Syrian Government forces have also deployed inside of Afrin. The fighting resulted in significant civilian displacement, with reports of numerous casualties and damage to infrastructure. With the cooperation of Syrian armed opposition groups, Turkish forces established a so-called buffer zone inside Syrian territory, linking northern rural Aleppo and Idlib, and surrounding Afrin from three sides. The offensive is now pushing ever closer towards the city, with its large civilian population. Allow me to now turn to our efforts to address the humanitarian crisis. When resolution 2401 (2018) was adopted, the United Nations and its humanitarian partners stood ready to deliver. Plans were in place for multiple convoys each week to agreed-upon locations, in response to independently assessed needs. Unfortunately, the actual delivery did not match our plan. Let me describe what it was possible to do in the past two weeks. On 1 March, humanitarian organizations delivered assistance to some 50,000 people in the hard-to-reach areas of Afrin and Tell Rifaat, north of Aleppo. On 4 March, a convoy of 19 trucks organized by the United Nations, the Syrian Arab Red Crescent and partners reached Dar Kabira, in northern Homs. It provided assistance to 33,500 people of the requested 40,250. However, the Government of Syria did not allow the delivery of life-saving medicines, such as insulin, nor key items, including solar lamps, syringes and paediatric scales. As I mentioned earlier, in eastern Ghouta, the Russian Federation unilaterally announced a daily five-hour humanitarian pause in the fighting, starting from 27 February, to prevent civilian victims and to enable civilians to leave the enclave. In reality, few civilians left. On the one hand, sufficient protection standards were not in place for voluntary movement. Moreover, armed groups prevented others from leaving. In that context, even though the five-hour window was insufficient to enable the safe, unimpeded and sustained delivery of humanitarian aid and services, as demanded in the resolution, on 5 March the United Nations sent an inter-agency convoy of 46 trucks to Douma, in eastern Ghouta, with food for 27,500 people, along with health and nutrition supplies. Yet those 27,500 represented only a third of the requested beneficiaries, all in desperate need. And most of the health supplies were removed by the Syrian authorities, including basic medicines, dialysis treatments and trauma and surgical materials, such as burn dressings and adrenaline, despite the provisions of paragraph 8 of resolution 2401 (2018). According to the World Health Organization, only about 30 per cent of medical supplies in the convoy 12/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8201 18-06756 5/23 were allowed in. United Nations personnel from the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs accompanying the convoy were also denied access to eastern Ghouta. Violence rendered the operation extremely perilous, despite prior assurances from the parties to the conflict. The insecurity forced the team to reluctantly halt unloading and to return to Damascus with a large share of the food aid still on the trucks. On 9 March, a convoy of 13 trucks reached Douma, delivering the remaining food assistance that could not be offloaded four days earlier. Once again, shelling occurred nearby, despite assurances having been provided by all parties. In those difficult circumstances, I commend the valiant humanitarian workers risking their lives to provide assistance and protection to people in need. But we are obviously far from safe, unimpeded and sustained delivery of humanitarian aid, as demanded in resolution 2401 (2018), as well as other relevant Security Council resolutions. And so the humanitarian and human rights situation is becoming more desperate by the day. In Douma, relief workers who reached the city last week described conditions as shocking and overwhelming. People are sheltering in overcrowded basements. Access to food, water and sanitation is limited. In relation to Douma, we have a convoy ready that I hope will be allowed to proceed in the coming days, especially after the results of today's meeting. As in all conflict settings, the specific needs of women are not receiving sufficient attention, including access to safe spaces, critical health services, medicine and baby formula for their children. In eastern Ghouta, health partners on the ground advise that more than 1,000 people are in urgent need of medical evacuation. The United Nations is ready to support these medical evacuations, in cooperation with the Syrian Arab Red Crescent and other partners. A prioritized list of those in greatest need, mostly children, has been shared with the Syrian authorities. I urge a positive response, hoping that today's meeting will allow these actions to take place in the immediate future. The Syrian Arab Red Crescent has announced its intention to send a relief convoy to Afrin as soon as security conditions allows. A United Nations humanitarian mission is awaiting Government authorization to immediately deploy to Raqqa for assessments of security and needs. There are also new disturbing allegations of the use of chlorine gas. Even if we cannot verify them, we cannot ignore them. I continue to urge the Council to find unity on this issue. Having said what I said, I believe that despite all the difficulties, lack of trust, mutual suspicions and cold calculations, it should be possible to implement resolution 2401 (2018). It should be possible to have a cessation of hostilities. It should be possible to deliver aid. It should be possible to evacuate the sick and wounded. It should be possible to lift the sieges. It should be possible to accelerate humanitarian mine action throughout Syria. It should also be possible to remove Security Council-listed terrorist fighters from conflict zones without massive and indiscriminate attacks against civilians and civilian infrastructure. We cannot give up, for the sake of the Syrian people. I appeal to all parties to ensure the full implementation of resolution 2401 (2018) throughout the whole of Syrian territory. The United Nations is ready to assist in any effort to make that happen. I call on all States with influence to exercise it in support of the efforts of the United Nations and the implementation of the resolution. I hope that this week's Astana ministerial meeting, which will gather the guarantors of de-escalation, will concretely restore de-escalation arrangements, and take real steps on detainees, abductees and missing persons. The dramatic situation I have described — the calamity across the country, the rivalries, the cynicism, the cruelty — highlight the need for a political solution. My Special Envoy continues to work towards the full implementation of resolution 2254 (2015). On Thursday, the conflict will enter its eighth year. I refuse to lose my hope to see Syria rising from the ashes. To see a united, democratic Syria able to avoid fragmentation and sectarianism and with its sovereignty and territorial integrity respected, and to see a Syrian people able to freely decide their future and choose their political leadership. The President: I thank the Secretary-General for his briefing. I now give the floor to those Council members who wish to make statements. Recalling the Security Council's latest note 507 on its working methods (S/2017/507), I wish to encourage all participants, both members and non-members of the Council, to deliver their statements in five minutes or less. S/PV.8201 The situation in the Middle East 12/03/2018 6/23 18-06756 Mr. Alotaibi (Kuwait) (spoke in Arabic): I deliver this speech today on behalf of Kuwait and Sweden. At the outset I would like to thank you, Mr. President, for convening this meeting at the request of the delegations of Kuwait and Sweden, pursuant to resolution 2401 (2018). I also thank Secretary-General António Guterres for his presence here today and for his briefing about the implementation of this resolution. Fifteen days have passed since the Security Council's unanimous adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), which demands that all parties implement a 30-day ceasefire throughout Syria without delay in order to deliver humanitarian assistance to those in need and to end the siege of residential areas. It is with great regret that we continue to witness a clear failure to implement the resolution's provisions while military operations across Syria continue to prevent humanitarian and medical assistance, particularly in eastern Ghouta and specifically on the part of the Syrian authorities. This has prevented United Nations teams and their humanitarian partners from safely providing humanitarian assistance to eastern Ghouta, which has been a primary locus among Syrian areas in need of assistance ever since its siege began in 2013, and which is home to about 400,000 people. In this regard, we would like to make a number of observations, as follows. First, we have followed with deep concern the inability of the United Nations and its humanitarian partners to enter the besieged areas, and the obstacles and impediments that they have faced during their operations in some areas. In that regard, we would refer to events in Douma, eastern Ghouta, on 5 March, which proved to be the deadliest day since the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), with at least 100 people having been killed on that day alone. On that day, the hopes of civilians hinged on receiving lifesaving humanitarian aid, and we looked forward to that first positive initiative reaching 90,000 people in need of assistance in eastern Ghouta. However, what happened was that the number of beneficiaries dropped to less than half due to the Syrian authorities having removed necessary medical supplies from the convoy's load without clear justification, despite the fact that they had been given prior notification, based on standard operating procedures, of the entirety of the humanitarian convoy's content. It is also a matter of deep concern that convoys administered by the United Nations and its partners were compelled to cease their operations before completely unloading their cargo due to continued aerial bombardment on Douma. We demand that the Syrian authorities give immediate permission for two convoys per week to eastern Ghouta and other destinations, at the request of the United Nations. We call on all parties to provide appropriate security guarantees for these convoys and to permit United Nations staff to accompany the convoys. In this regard, we reaffirm the need for all parties, in particular the Syrian authorities, to assume their responsibilities to protect all humanitarian workers, including United Nations agencies and their relevant partners. We welcome the entry of the remaining humanitarian convoys provided by the Red Cross and the World Food Program into Douma on 9 March to deliver the remaining food assistance. This was the second time such convoys had been allowed to enter Douma in one week. There is a need to build on this so as to increase the number of weekly convoys to eastern Ghouta in a sustainable manner. Secondly, we reiterate the Council's demand for immediate unconditional medical evacuations based on medical need, starting this week, and we call on the Syrian authorities to give permission and work with the United Nations and its implementing partners to that end. Thirdly, the continued fighting in eastern Ghouta, particularly the incessant air strikes, prompts us to again call specifically on the Syrian authorities to comply with the provisions of the resolution and of international law in order to facilitate humanitarian assistance to reach those in need. We believe that a daily five-hour truce in eastern Ghouta does not support the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018). Fourthly, the United Nations has confirmed that the number of combatants associated with terrorist groups designated by the Security Council in eastern Ghouta does not exceed 350. We cannot accept continued military operations under the pretext of combating terrorism when they effectively prevent the delivery of humanitarian assistance, contrary to the requirements of the resolution. Resolution 2401 (2018), which was adopted unanimously, took effect immediately and is applicable to all parties. In that regard, we note the willingness of certain opposition groups in eastern Ghouta to abide by the provisions of the resolution and to expel terrorist groups designated by the Security Council. We express our support for the 12/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8201 18-06756 7/23 efforts of the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General, Mr. Staffan de Mistura, to operationalize this matter without delay. Fifthly, listening to the Secretary-General's briefing today on the status of the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018) constitutes one of the monitoring tools included in the resolution. But the main mechanisms remain the existing ceasefire agreements between the parties to the conflict, most notably the Astana accord with Russia, Turkey and Iran as its guarantors, and the agreement supervised by the United States and the Russian Federation that emanated from the International Syria Support Group. The resolution stresses the need to activate those agreements in order to reach a 30- day ceasefire aimed at allowing sustainable access to humanitarian assistance in all regions in Syria. We call again on the parties to those agreements to redouble their efforts in order to implement the provisions of resolution 2401 (2018). The unanimous position that the Security Council conveyed to the Syrian people and to the world by adopting resolution 2401 (2018) on 24 February must be built on in a speedy and effective manner, especially as the resolution is primarily of a humanitarian nature. There is a collective responsibility on us as members of the Security Council, specifically on influential parties, to maintain our credibility before the world and work to implement the provisions of resolution 2401 (2018). We would like here to stress that the provisions of the resolution are valid even after 30 days from the date of its adoption. We affirm our full commitment to continue to closely follow the status of the implementation of the resolution in the Council monthly reports. We will spare no effort to make progress on its implementation. This month marks the beginning of the eighth year of the conflict in Syria. Sadly, there is still a need for the violence to cease, for sustained humanitarian access through weekly cross-line convoys, for medical evacuations, for the protection of civilians and hospitals and for lifting the siege. We cannot let the Syrian people down, and we will continue to strive to implement the joint demands that we have set out. Finally, we recall that the lack of a political settlement to the conflict in Syria based on resolution 2254 (2015) will lead to further deterioration of the humanitarian situation. Mrs. Haley (United States of America): I would like to congratulate the Netherlands and your team, Mr. President, on having assumed the presidency of the Security Council for this month. I also want to thank Secretary-General Guterres for his briefing and for all of his efforts on behalf of peace in Syria Sixteen days ago, we sat around the negotiating table with our Security Council colleagues and agreed to a 30-day ceasefire in the brutal bombardment of civilians in Syria. The negotiations were long and difficult. Every minute we delayed meant more innocent people were killed. But the Russian delegation stalled and drew out the talks. They had conditions they insisted on before they would allow the killing to stop. The United States was reluctant to accept those conditions. But, in order to stop the killing in Syria, we accepted them. We attempted to work with Russia in good faith to end the violence in Syria. As a result, 16 days ago we came to an agreement. Russia cast its vote in favour of the agreement (see S/PV.8188). With that vote Russia promised its support for a 30-day cease-fire, as did the rest of the members of the security Council. With that vote Russia said that it too wanted to create the conditions for food and medicine to reach starving Syrian families. With that vote Russia told us it would use its influence with the Syrian regime to silence the guns in Syria. It told us that the Russians would themselves honour the ceasefire they voted to demand. With that vote Russia made a commitment to us, to the Syrian people and to the world — a commitment to stop the killing in Syria. Today we know that the Russians did not keep their commitment. Today we see their actions do not match those commitments, as bombs continue dropping on the children of eastern Ghouta. Today we must ask whether Russia can no longer influence the Al-Assad regime to stop the horrific destruction of hospitals, medical clinics and ambulances and to stop dropping chemical weapons on villages. Has the situation in Syria reversed, and Russia is now the tool of Al-Assad — or worse, Iran? We must ask those questions because we know the Russians themselves have continued their own bombing. In the first four days following the ceasefire, Russian military aircraft conducted at least 20 daily bombing missions in Damascus and eastern Ghouta. The Russians negotiated the wording of the ceasefire down to the commas and the periods. They voted for the S/PV.8201 The situation in the Middle East 12/03/2018 8/23 18-06756 ceasefire. And they immediately disregarded it. In the past 16 days, over 500 civilians have died. Some reports put the death toll even higher. That is unacceptable. Thousands of Syrians are in desperate need of medical care. But none of the United Nations list has been evacuated. We have heard the conversations are ongoing with the regime to medically evacuate 25 people in the coming weeks. While those civilians should be rushed to medical care, we ask why it took so long. When will the more than 1,000 identified medical cases be evacuated? There have been almost no deliveries of medicine or surgical equipment, because the Al-Assad regime remove them from the United Nations humanitarian convoys. The convoy that made it to eastern Ghouta on 5 March had to navigate around constant regime airstrikes. The bombing was so severe that the United Nations could barely unload the food the trucks were carrying. And in the past 16 days, there have been three separate allegations of chlorine-gas attacks. This is no ceasefire. This is the Al-Assad regime, Iran and Russia continuing to wage war against their political opponents. And there is another reason we know the Syrians and Russians never intended to implement the ceasefire: they planned for it. Over the past two weeks, the Russian and Syrian regimes have been busy labelling every opposition group in eastern Ghouta a "terrorist group". Why? So they can exploit a provision in the ceasefire resolution (resolution 2401 (2018)) that allows for military operations against the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria and Al-Qaida. There are terrorists in Syria, but the Russian and Syrian regimes label anyone as terrorists who resist their absolute control. In the eyes of Russia, Iran and Al-Assad, the neighbourhoods of eastern Ghouta are full of terrorists. The hospitals are full of terrorists. The schools are full of terrorists. The Syrian and Russian regimes insist that they are targeting terrorists, but their bombs and artillery continue to fall on hospitals and schools and on innocent civilians. They have deliberately and with premeditation exploited a loophole they negotiated in the ceasefire to continue starving and pummelling hundreds of thousands of innocent Syrian civilians. They have made a mockery of this process and this institution. For the sake of the Syrian people and the integrity of the Council, we must respond and take action. During the negotiations, the United States put all parties on notice that we needed to act if the ceasefire was not honoured. Members of the Security Council agreed. Now that day has come. The ceasefire has failed. The situation of the civilians in eastern Ghouta is dire. The United States is acting. We have drafted a new ceasefire draft resolution that provides no room for evasion. It is simple, straightforward and binding. It will take effect immediately upon adoption by the Council. It contains no counter-terrorism loopholes for Al-Assad, Iran and the Russians to hide behind. And it focuses on the area the Secretary-General has identified and that the world can see holds the greatest urgency for the lives of innocent civilians, that is, Damascus city and eastern Ghouta. If Russia, Iran and Al-Assad cannot agree to stop the bombing in that limited part of Syria for that limited amount of time, they will not agree to anything that is worthwhile. If they will not keep their word once they have agreed to a ceasefire, then how can we trust them? In the end, that is what makes the work of the Council possible: trust. If we cannot count on the members of the Council to honour their agreements, we cannot accomplish anything. If we cannot act when children are dying, we have no business being here. If we cannot save families that have not seen the sun for weeks because they have been hiding underground to escape barrel bombs, then the Security Council is as impotent as its worst critics say it is. Almost a year ago in the aftermath of the Syrian regime sarin gas attack on Khan Shaykhoun, the United States offered a warning to the Council. We said that when the international community consistently fails to act, there are times when States are compelled to take their own action. The Security Council failed to act, and the United States successfully struck the air base from which Al-Assad had launched his chemical attack. We repeat that warning today. We welcome all nations that will work together to finally provide relief for the Syrian people, and we support the United Nations political process that seeks to end the war in Syria. However, we also warn that any nation that is determined to impose its will through chemical attacks and inflicting human suffering, most especially the outlaw Syrian regime, the United States remains prepared to act if we must. It is not the path we prefer, but it is a path we have demonstrated we will take. We are prepared to take it again. 12/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8201 18-06756 9/23 Mr. Allen (United Kingdom): I thank the Secretary-General for his briefing and, through him, may I thank all of those trying to supply the desperately needed humanitarian response on the ground. They are indeed valiant. Sixteen days ago, the Security Council unanimously adopted resolution 2401 (2018). We did so because we and the world were sickened by the slaughter of innocents in Syria, particularly in eastern Ghouta. Russia used every tactic in its playbook to weaken the resolution and buy time for its ally, the Al-Assad regime, to bomb indiscriminately. But when it raises its hand in support, we hope that Russia and its clients would keep their word and implement the resolution. Sadly, as the Secretary-General's briefing has made clear, our resolution has not been implemented. What has happened? First, has there been a ceasefire? No. The violence continues and civilian deaths continue to rise. In those 16 days, 607 people have reportedly been killed, including 99 children and 79 women. The opposition armed groups committed to implementing resolution 2401 (2018) in full, but the Al-Assad regime's air strikes continue. Despite voting for a ceasefire, between 24 and 28 February, Russian military aircraft conducted 20 bombing missions in eastern Ghouta and Damascus every day. Russia has failed to confirm that it is only conducting air strikes against groups that are listed as terrorist groups by the Council. During the so-called daily humanitarian pause, over 56 air strikes hit eastern Ghouta between 27 February and 7 March, including at least six air strikes by Russian aircraft, according to monitors on the ground. Let us recall that only last year Russia declared the whole area to be a de-escalation zone. It has claimed that its bombardments are about fighting terrorists. That is manifestly not the case. There is one terrorist group recognized by the Security Council in eastern Ghouta, which accounts for less than not even 1 per cent of the population of the enclave. The other fighters are members of the opposition armed groups, which Russia has itself invited to the Astana meetings. Those groups have written stating their readiness to expel Al-Nusra Front from the enclave. Instead, Russia bombs them, undermining the political process that it is a part of. We are pleased that the members of the High Negotiations Committee of the Syrian opposition will be able to discuss the situation in Syria with Council members later today. I repeat my consistent condemnation of attacks against Damascus. What about our resolution's second demand, that is, safe, unimpeded and sustained access for humanitarian convoys, including medical and surgical supplies? Only one convoy has been able to enter besieged eastern Ghouta in the past 16 days, in two movements following shelling. They delivered supplies for 27,500 people — a fraction of the 400,000 civilians besieged in eastern Ghouta. What is stopping the aid from getting to the people that so desperately need it? Again, it is the regime. The ongoing violence that it perpetrates is an important factor, and its failure to grant access is another. On 5 March, the regime removed nearly 70 per cent of the medical supplies from a humanitarian convoy destined for 90,000 people. That happened at a time when the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs is warning that malnutrition and disease are so prevalent that people will soon die from hunger and sickness even more than from air strikes. Finally, have there been any medical evacuations for the approximately 1,000 people who need them? Not a single one. Again, it is the regime that will not permit its civilians to reach urgently needed medical care. Some may point to an aid convoy or an announced pause in air strikes as a sign of improvement, and claim that those actions implement the resolution. They do not. Our resolution was clear: a ceasefire without delay, humanitarian access and medical evacuations. None have happened. Instead, the truth is that the regime will continue to pound eastern Ghouta until it has a complete military victory there, and Russia will continue to protect its ally, whatever the cost to the people of Syria and its own reputation. As we sit here, watching Al-Assad inscribing eastern Ghouta, again, on the roll call of atrocities and war crimes that he has committed over the eight years of the bloody conflict, let me say clearly that there will be future accountability for those crimes, and Russia's role, bombing alongside him and protecting him from accountability, will never be forgotten. There is still time. If Russia is able to announce a five-hour ceasefire, it can announce a full ceasefire. If it can get one aid convoy through, it can get more through. I urge Russia to give its unconditional support to resolution 2401 (2018) and a ceasefire to enable the delivery of humanitarian S/PV.8201 The situation in the Middle East 12/03/2018 10/23 18-06756 assistance, respect international humanitarian law and protect civilians. Mr. Delattre (France) (spoke in French): I would first like to thank the Secretary-General for his strong and particularly enlightening briefing, as well as for his personal commitment, in addition to that of the staff of the Secretariat and Mr. Staffan de Mistura, to spare no effort in implementing resolution 2401 (2018). Allow me, on behalf of France, to especially commend the United Nations teams and all the humanitarian actors working under extremely difficult conditions in Syria. Two weeks ago, we unanimously adopted a text calling for an immediate cessation of hostilities of at least 30 days, sustained and unimpeded humanitarian access and medical evacuations in Syria. I would remind those present that those demands apply to the whole of Syria and all parties. We negotiated the text together for several weeks and, I repeat, unanimously adopted it. Each member of the Council around this table has therefore endorsed the content by deciding to assume responsibility. That responsibility fell particularly on Russia, as a permanent member that voted for resolution 2401 (2018), sponsor of the Astana talks and a Power engaged in the Syrian situation, as it claims to be. We had agreed to a clause to meet 15 days later to review its implementation. The Secretary-General has just provided us with a very clear picture of that. Since 24 February, civilian casualties have continued to climb into the hundreds every week. The regime is pursuing, in defiance of its people and the Council, an air and land offensive that it has never intended to halt, with the support of Russia and Iran. However, let us not be deceived that civilians are not the "collateral victims" of those military operations. Rather, they are themselves being targeted by the regime, deliberately and methodically to starve and rape, destroy their health centres, kill and sow terror and death. The hell on Earth experienced by eastern Ghouta is not just the effect of the regime's policy; it is the very purpose of the regime's murderous madness, with its daily tally of war crimes and crimes against humanity, for which the regime will have to answer. Let us call a spade a spade: Who can stop the Syrian regime? Everyone knows that, apart from a military operation, it is Russia that is in the best position to do so today. It is therefore legitimate that today, more than ever before, everyone looks expectantly towards Russia, which has so far been unwilling, or unable, to exert sufficient pressure on the regime. Two weeks after the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), we are here in the Chamber to face the facts. First, what has happened since the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018)? In the light of the inexorable worsening of the humanitarian situation in eastern Ghouta, the Security Council has rallied around a cessation of hostilities and made every effort to seek consensus, and finally did reach consensus on 24 February. We knew then, and we said so, that this result was only a precondition, and that the longest and most difficult part of the path towards a humanitarian truce was still before us. However, every day since 24 February the fighting has continued. In the days that followed, despite Russia's unilateral announcement of a daily five-hour truce — well below what resolution 2401 (2018) requires — the intensity of the fighting has increased. Since resolution 2401 (2018) was adopted, there has not been a single day when eastern Ghouta, an enclave that has been starved and besieged for months, has not been bombed by the regime and its supporters. The fight against terrorism — and this cannot be repeated enough — cannot be used as a pretext for such a bloodbath of civilians or for such contempt for international humanitarian law. Eastern Ghouta is now a textbook case of war crimes, and even of crimes against humanity. It cannot be ignored: the Syrian regime, with the support of Russia and Iran, is engaged in a war of total submission against its people. Violations of the ceasefire by the Damascus regime, with the support of Russia and Iran, have been massive and ongoing, and I would like to thank the Secretary-General for clearly exposing those violations. Let me briefly review some of these violations. Between 24 and 27 February, 72 attacks by the Syrian regime and its Russian and Iranian allies, from more than 14 locations, were reported. Between 24 and 28 February, Russian military aircraft carried out no fewer than 20 bombing missions in Damascus and eastern Ghouta. Between 27 February and 2 March, field observers documented at least 25 air strikes by the regime and Russia during the five-hour humanitarian breaks declared by Moscow. Since 18 February, more than 29 hospital have been hit, and few health facilities are still in operation. On 8 March, a health care facility in Mesraba was completely destroyed by bombardments. According to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, as of 11 March, 607 people, including 99 children and 79 women, had been killed since the adoption of resolution 12/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8201 18-06756 11/23 2401 (2018). I would repeat: 607 people have been killed. In addition to the dead, there are many injured persons, arbitrary detentions, enforced disappearances, rapes and many other intolerable violations of human rights and international humanitarian law. Finally, further credible allegations of the use of chemical weapons have been made since the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018). As the highest French authorities have pointed out, France will brook no compromise when it comes to the use of those abject weapons. The humanitarian needs are immense, yet the regime deliberately continues to block the entry of aid, despite the presence of Russian soldiers at the crossing points, as what happened to the convoy on 5 March shows. Indeed, the population continues to be deprived of relief and of any possibility of medical evacuation, even if more than 1,000 people need it. Still, we cannot give up. On behalf of France, I would like to make a new and urgent appeal to those who can make a difference on the ground, starting with Russia. France is not posing; it is taking action. My country has been and remains one of the countries most committed to the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018). Right after the resolution's adoption, France stepped up its contacts and efforts at the highest level so as to contribute to the resolution's swift implementation, so that the Astana guarantors would assume their responsibilities and so that the commitments made collectively would be respected. President Macron has met with Presidents Putin, Erdoğan and Rouhani, as well as with the Secretary-General on several occasions. Foreign Minister Jean-Yves Le Drian visited Moscow and then Tehran. To Russia, we proposed concrete measures for implementing resolution 2401 (2018). Although our efforts aimed at reaching out have been ignored, we stand by our proposals. Let us not deceive ourselves: without an immediate implementation of resolution 2401 (2018), the worst is yet to come. After the regime has conquered the rural zones of eastern Ghouta, the worst would be a conquest — street by street, house by house — in a torrent of fire, for the urban zones of the region, which are by definition the most densely populated areas. It is of the highest urgency, therefore, for us to come together to ensure that the resolution is fully implemented before the street battles promised by the regime's military planners begin. I would like to highlight three essential elements in that regard. The first is implementing a monitoring system to ensure maximum pressure on the parties. The main reason resolution 2401 (2018) has not been not implemented is that the Syrian regime has been engaged in its murderous folly and the regime's supporters have been unable or unwilling to stop it and prevent a worsening of the humanitarian situation. But the failure to implement resolution 2401 (2018) is also the result of our not being able to put in place a sufficiently targeted follow-up mechanism to the resolution in the Council. This must be our priority, and I am convinced that it is our only chance to compel the Syrian regime to comply with its international obligations. France therefore calls for appropriate decisions to be taken in the coming days. It is essential and urgent that humanitarian convoys reach eastern Ghouta in adequate security conditions and carry out their delivery of aid, and that medical evacuations be allowed. For that to happen, the truce must be sustainable and flexible in order to take into account delays in the delivery, discharge and distribution of aid. Medical authorizations must not only be delivered in an expedited manner; they must also come with all the security guarantees needed by patients, their families and the humanitarian actors who assist them. Indeed, the protection due them under international humanitarian law must be unconditionally guaranteed. The second element I would like to highlight is the departure of terrorist fighters from Ghouta as proposed by armed groups. In their letter to the Security Council, the three armed groups in eastern Ghouta, upon the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), indicated their commitment to upholding the resolution, made concrete proposals for a comprehensive cessation of hostilities and committed themselves to taking combatant members of their groups out of Ghouta. The United Nations offered its assistance in those exchanges and carried out important work along those lines, to which the Secretary General just referred. I call on Russia today to conclude and implement the relevant agreements without delay. This is one of the keys to implementing the resolution. The third element is political negotiation. A lasting cessation of hostilities in Syria requires a political process consistent with the terms of resolution 2254 (2015), our shared road map for ending the conflict. Staffan de Mistura has our full support in bringing this mission to a successful conclusion and swiftly convening negotiations in Geneva, which is the only legitimate forum for a credible solution. In order to S/PV.8201 The situation in the Middle East 12/03/2018 12/23 18-06756 achieve results, United Nations mediation requires that necessary pressure be exerted on the parties. We therefore call once again on Russia, as well as Iran, to fulfil their responsibilities, as we are fulfilling our own. Collectively we have the capacity, if we so wish, to stop the endless descent into the abyss that characterizes the Syrian tragedy, and finally create a real political dynamic. On behalf of France, I therefore call once again for all members of the Council to finally rally their words and action in the service of this shared objective, which matches to our interests and responsibilities. It is never too late to save lives, and it is our responsibility — if we accept it — to end the tragedy of Syria, on which our generation, and the credibility of the Security Council, will be judged. Mr. Nebenzia (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): We would like to thank the Secretary-General for his briefing and his detailed information on what we asked for. We particularly appreciated his words when he said that there should be only one agenda for all of us — ending this crisis. Russia supported the Security Council's adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), guided by the priority of improving the humanitarian situation in various parts of Syria. We not only believe that its effective implementation is extremely important, we have also proposed concrete ways of achieving that, something that was discussed in today's briefing. And that is unlike various capitals whose representatives have settled comfortably for doing nothing while vilifying the Syrian regime, as they call it, and making endless accusations about Russia. In out last meeting on the subject (see S/PV.8188), I promised to count the number of times that Ambassador Haley mentioned Russia in the next meeting. The answer is 22. France came second, with 16 mentions, and the United Kingdom was third, with 12. This matters not just for the record but for the context in which it occurs. What is going on is a political policy, and it does not have to do merely — indeed, not much at all — with concern for Syrians' humanitarian needs. It is important that everyone understands that resolution 2401 (2018) is not about an immediate ceasefire, which is a utopian notion, but a preliminary agreement between the parties as a condition for achieving sustainable de-escalation in all the contested areas of Syria, not just eastern Ghouta. That is the only realistic way. The resolution contains an unequivocal demand in that regard, and we are trying to make that happen. The Council has heard about that today and will hear more. The authorities in Damascus have expressed their satisfaction with the resolution and their willingness to implement its provisions. However, they have also rightly demanded an immediate cessation of attacks on the capital and of all infringements on Syria's sovereignty and territorial integrity. The counter-terrorist operation that the Syrian armed forces are conducting does not contradict resolution 2401 (2018). The Government of Syria has every right to work to end threats to its citizens' security. The Damascus suburbs cannot continue to be a breeding ground for terrorists. It is the terrorists' persistent attempts to disrupt the ceasefire that serve to maintain the tensions in Syria, and of course the most problematic area is in eastern Ghouta. The July 2017 Cairo agreements on the eastern Ghouta de-escalation zone gave the militants a chance to be included in the political settlement. They did not take advantage of it and have still not dissociated themselves from the terrorists. Even now the groups' activities are coordinated from the joint headquarters run by Jabhat Al-Nusra. We have reliable information that they are in active radio contact, discussing plans for shelling the humanitarian corridors, among other things. Why are they only now talking about being willing to drive Al-Nusra's members out of eastern Ghouta? And why are we the only ones asking that question? We have answered it a number of times ourselves when we have spoken about suspicions that Al-Nusra is being preserved for particular political purposes, in this case to maintain a dangerous hotbed of armed resistance in the immediate vicinity of Syria's capital. Even now they continue to lull us with fairy stories about how few terrorists there are in eastern Ghouta. And who is going to monitor the armed groups' implementation of the resolution? Who will be responsible for that? Just please do not keep saying the so-called regime, and Russia, and Iran. Such ideological attitudes are simply not serious in the context of the professional discussions that we conduct in the Security Council. What responsibility will the members of the Council take for the implementation of the resolution? How will they implement it? How will they influence the militias they support? 12/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8201 18-06756 13/23 Following the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), with Russia's participation, daily five-hour humanitarian pauses were established and the Muhayam-Al-Wafedin checkpoint was opened for use by both civilians and militants with families. They were guaranteed security, transportation and protection along the entire route. The Syrian authorities then opened another checkpoint, Jisreen-Mleha, in the southern area of eastern Ghouta. Medical posts have been set up, distribution points organized for hot meals, buses are standing by. However, the insurgents continued to subject the central areas of Damascus and its outskirts to massive shelling. Dozens of mines have been laid for days, resulting in deaths and injuries as well as major damage. Since the day the resolution was adopted more than 100 people have died, and many more been injured, as a result of the shelling in the capital. The Tishrin and Al-Biruni hospitals and a medical centre in Al-Rihan have been hit more than once. These are real hospitals, not the militants' field offices that are frequently disguised as hospitals. They are making active use of snipers. We know this for a fact. It is a tragedy when any civilians die during an armed conflict. But my delegation has always been interested in the origin of the statistical information being used in the United Nations. In a highly politicized situation this subject is extremely important. Frequent assessments are pronounced about civilian losses in eastern Ghouta. We hope that future reports will be required to indicate where their data is from, how reliable it is and who exactly is meant by "reliable sources on the ground". Every day that has passed, the extremists have forbidden civilians to leave the areas they have blocked and have severely suppressed attempts to resist arbitrary action, including through exemplary executions. We have reliable information about that too. Strikes on corridors and exit checkpoints are constant, including during the humanitarian pauses. On 9 March a convoy of refugees was shelled, once again disrupting an evacuation. Tunnels are being used for attacks on the Syrian army, and the exits from underground installations are located in neighbourhoods where there are public institutions, mainly mosques, hospitals and markets. They have inflated food prices and at the same time have been taking away the people's food, water, medicines and mobile phones. They are setting up firing positions in residential buildings and using people as human shields. They are laying mines in neighbourhoods that are adjacent to the line of contact. They are conducting searches and confiscating permit papers distributed by Government forces. The residents are trying to resist this repression, organizing spontaneous rallies and clashing with the militias. On 1 March, in north-eastern Douma, Al-Nusra terrorists shot four people who participated in such a demonstration. Today there was a major protest in Kafr Batna. The first major exodus of civilians took place on the night of 11 March, when 52 people, 26 of them children, left the village of Misraba with the assistance of the Russian Centre for the Reconciliation of Opposing Sides and the Syrian army. There are also militants who want to leave eastern Ghouta, but their field commanders threaten potential defectors with reprisals. For the first time, on 9 March, after long and tense negotiations, with the participation of officers from the Russian Centre for Reconciliation, 13 militants were evacuated from the enclave through the humanitarian corridor at their own request. Talks have been held with Jaysh Al-Islam on reaching an agreement on the withdrawal of a second group of fighters. A meeting was also held with the leaders of Faylaq Al-Rahman, at which it was demanded that they dissociate themselves from Jabhat Al-Nusra immediately. However, according to information received, the militants of the group decided to continue their armed resistance, forcibly recruiting ordinary citizens into their ranks. To turn to the subject of the humanitarian convoy entering Douma on 5 March, the convoy received comprehensive support from the Syrian Government and the Russian military. A humanitarian corridor was established, security ensured for its passage and the situation was monitored. However, there was a great deal of evidence of disorganized activity on the part of the humanitarian actors. According to our information, United Nations staff needlessly delayed the convoy operations, creating real security risks. While the convoy was being put together, they attempted to load it with undeclared medical supplies — and the fact that not all of them were declared was mentioned today — and wasted around two hours in a meeting with the leaders of the so-called local councils. They spread unreliable information about aerial strikes in the trucks' unloading area, and today some delegations seized on that joyfully, although what actually occurred was one instance of mortar fire from the armed groups' positions. They did not respond to local residents' S/PV.8201 The situation in the Middle East 12/03/2018 14/23 18-06756 request to help them leave the enclave. Nonetheless, 13 people, five of them children, were evacuated. Afterwards, it was curious to read a report that one of Ahrar Al-Sham's field commanders had, in a tone of irony, expressed his appreciation for the humanitarian pause on 5 March, which enabled the militias to regroup, recover their strength and a number of lost positions and prepare ambushes for the Syrian military. A 9 March action was successfully carried out with the Russian military providing a truck convoy with safe conduct. However, the scope of resolution 2401 (2018) is not limited to eastern Ghouta. We should note that in the past two weeks, the terrorists of Al-Nusra and associated militia groups have repeatedly shelled villages in Hamah province. As a result of new strikes there are been deaths and injuries in blockaded Fo'ah and Kafraya in Idlib. Armed clashes between illegal groups in that province have led to threats of a number of medical facilities being closed. Al-Nusra has become more active in the southern de-escalation zone, which could be related to the fact that they continue to be supplied with weapons from outside. The situation in Afrin remains very difficult. The Syrian authorities have given permission for humanitarian aid to be delivered to the residents of Rukban camp, in the area illegally held by the Americans around the Al-Tanf military base. We would like to know what the United Nations is doing about that. Needless to say, we assume that the distribution of humanitarian assistance will be undertaken by a trustworthy entity such as the International Committee of the Red Cross or the Syrian Arab Red Crescent. We are also awaiting the speedy dispatch of a United Nations humanitarian needs assessment mission to Raqqa, which was bombed out by the coalition. There should be no pointless delays with this, so I would like to ask the United Nations when that mission will take place. We understand very well the unspoken motives for the current disinformation campaign, whose aim is to create a public perception that the Syrian authorities use toxic substances. In fact, both we and the Syrians have well-founded fears that provocations are being planned with the aim of accusing the Syrian authorities of carrying out chemical attacks. According to information received, Al-Nusra used a chlorine-based substance in eastern Ghouta on 5 March, affecting more than 30 local residents. This is all being done in order to prepare the ground for unilateral acts of force against sovereign Syria. We heard hints of that in the statements made by some delegations today. Essentially, steps are being considered that could deliver yet another heavy blow to regional stability. Meanwhile, on territory formerly controlled by illegal armed groups, there have been more new discoveries of stores of chemicals, but the relevant bodies of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons have been very slow to react to the appeals of the Syrian authorities. Russia will continue its efforts to implement resolution 2401 (2018), but we demand that some of our colleagues do their part and exert genuine pressure on the groups that they support or sponsor, instead of constantly calling on Russia and creating the false impression that the resolution applies only to us. In conclusion, I would like to say that this afternoon four Security Council will be holding an unofficial Arria Formula meeting with the declared intention of making opposition voices heard on the humanitarian issue in Syria. This is going to be widely covered in the media. First and foremost, we want to point out the fact that is unacceptable to use United Nations resources for politicized purposes, and that is certainly not what Arria Formula meetings were conceived for. This event conceals the desire of its organizers to exert informational pressure on the Syrian Government and those who are helping it fight terrorism. In our view, to get the full picture, it would not be a bad idea to listen to the residents of Raqqa and Rukban camp, not to mention eastern Ghouta, where there are quite a few people who would be glad of the opportunity to appeal for their deliverance from the presence of extremists. Mr. Ma Zhaoxu (China) (spoke in Chinese): I should like at the outset to thank Secretary-General António Guterres for his briefing. China appreciates the positive efforts made by the United Nations and the Secretary- General to alleviate the humanitarian situation in the Syrian regions affected. China sympathizes with the suffering of the Syrian people and has consistently been working hard to help them. Last month we channelled assistance through the International Committee of the Red Cross, sending water, food, medical services and shelter to internally displaced persons in Syria. We are extremely concerned at the fact that the people of Syria are suffering from the conflict. No act 12/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8201 18-06756 15/23 of violence against innocent civilians can be tolerated. This situation must end. On 24 February, the members of the Security Council, leaving aside their differences, unanimously adopted resolution 2401 (2018). This upheld the unity of the Council and provided a rare opportunity for a ceasefire, halting the violence and easing the suffering of the Syrian people. After the resolution was adopted, we saw that United Nations humanitarian relief convoys had overcome difficulties of all kinds and entered eastern Ghouta, delivering much-needed assistance to the people there. With Russia announcing the implementation of the temporary ceasefire, a humanitarian corridor was opened for the Syrian people. We saw that some civilians, including children, had already entered the safe area through the humanitarian corridor and received relief and assistance. It has also come to our attention that the parties to the conflict continue to attack each other and that owing to the shelling the humanitarian corridor has not been able to serve its full purpose. We urge all parties concerned to make joint efforts, exert their influence and ensure that resolution 2401 (2018) is effectively and earnestly implemented. All members of the Security Council should maintain their unity and jointly stay on track to find a political solution to the Syrian issue, support the early resumption of the Geneva peace talks and urge all parties in Syria to achieve a solution acceptable to all as soon as possible, through a Syrian-led and Syrian-owned political process, in order to ease the suffering of the Syrian people. China will continue to make unremitting efforts to that end. Mr. Umarov (Kazakhstan): I join others in thanking Secretary-General António Guterres for his briefing. We welcome the efforts of the United Nations, its system and the International Committee of the Red Cross to render immediate life-saving services, conduct hundreds of medical evacuations and send convoys to the besieged and hard-to-reach areas, especially eastern Ghouta, despite the potential danger to the lives of their personnel. We therefore urge the members of the Security Council to assist the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in operationalizing those emergency programmes and to ensure the protection of medical and humanitarian workers. Likewise, we also urge the parties to support United Nations structures in fulfilling their mandates. We echo the United Nations calls to all parties to facilitate unconditional, unimpeded and sustained access to all people in need throughout the country and to take the necessary measures to protect civilians and civilian infrastructure, including schools and medical facilities, as required by international law and human rights standards. Kazakhstan considers that it is equally important to further promote the Syrian settlement and believes that the Astana process has great potential for guiding intra-Syrian talks towards long-term peace. In that context, we propose that all sides, including stakeholders, provide all-round assistance, making use of the positive developments to improve the humanitarian situation on the ground. Astana continues to support resolution 2254 (2015), as it always has, and repeatedly calls on the International Syria Support Group and other countries to help the conflicting parties to implement the measures stipulated in the Geneva communiqué (S/2012/522, annex) and the Vienna statements. We express concern over the existing difficulties in Syria, which seriously impede the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018), and we call on the international community to influence the conflicting parties to cooperate with the United Nations. The only way to truly resolve the crisis is through negotiations, predicated on mutual trust and understanding, together with confidence-building measures. In practical terms, we are convinced that expelling terrorist groups from eastern Ghouta may calm the situation in that sector. Let us be frank: removing the Al-Nusra Front and other affiliated terrorist groups from the area, as stated in a letter from three parties, must be pursued in order to end hostilities. The implementation of resolution 2401 (2018) is a collective responsibility, with each Council member playing a significant role. Finally, Kazakhstan supports solutions in Syria on the basis of resolution 2254 (2015) and the Geneva communiqué, as well as the agreements on the de-escalation zones reached during the Astana process. Mr. Meza-Cuadra (Peru) (spoke in Spanish): We would like to thank you, Mr. President, for having convened this meeting and to welcome the presence of Secretary-General António Guterres, who reminded us of the responsibilities of the international community, S/PV.8201 The situation in the Middle East 12/03/2018 16/23 18-06756 in particular the Council, given the serious and terrible developments in Syria. Peru follows with great concern the humanitarian situation in that country. We must express our sorrow and solidarity to the victims of the conflict, most of whom are children. We deeply regret that, two weeks after the ceasefire was unanimously adopted by the Council through resolution 2401 (2018), there has not been sufficient progress in its implementation. As the Secretary-General noted, a sustained cessation of hostilities has not materialized. The conflict continues to claim civilian victims. The much-needed humanitarian assistance has been provided in a very limited way. International law and international humanitarian law continue to be violated with impunity. The bleak outlook requires us to redouble our efforts. The Security Council must remain united in its responsibility to protect the Syrian population by promoting all actions conducive to ensuring the full and immediate implementation of resolution 2401 (2018). The responsibility to act is clearly greater for the countries with the greatest capacity for influence in the field, in particular the guarantors of the de-escalation zones agreed in Astana. The situation is particularly serious in eastern Ghouta, where, among other emergencies, more than 1,000 people need to be evacuated for medical reasons. It is also serious in Idlib, Afrin, Rukban and Raqqa, among other places. We need to remember that the ceasefire must cover the entire Syrian territory and allow humanitarian assistance in a sustained, safe and unhindered way. The Syrian Government must comply with the ceasefire immediately and fulfil its responsibility to protect the population and its obligation to cooperate with the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018). The fight against terrorism cannot be used as an excuse to violate human rights and international humanitarian law. Peru supports the proposal of Special Envoy Staffan de Mistura to promote dialogue with the opposition groups that have expressed their willingness to comply with the ceasefire and to expel members of terrorist organizations linked to the Al-Nusra Front from eastern Ghouta. Peru remains committed to achieving a political solution to the conflict that ends the ongoing humanitarian disaster, ensures accountability for the atrocious crimes committed in that country, including the use of chemical weapons, supports regional stability and achieves sustainable peace in Syria. We would like to conclude by expressing our support for the Secretary-General in his call for the immediate implementation of resolution 2401 (2018) and for his tireless efforts and those of his team on the ground. We also wish to highlight the professionalism, the courage and the sense of duty of the United Nations humanitarian personnel and of the humanitarian agencies such as the International Committee of the Red Cross and the Syrian Arab Red Crescent, among others deployed in Syria. Mr. Ndong Mba (Equatorial Guinea) (spoke in Spanish): At the outset, I would like to express my gratitude to Secretary-General António Guterres for his informative briefing. I also thank him for his leadership and all his support, in particular his tremendous efforts, as well as those of his Special Envoy, Mr. Staffan de Mistura, and of the entire United Nations team, to achieve the full implementation of resolution 2401 (2018) and a definitive resolution of the Syrian conflict. Today's meeting should be another milestone in the international response to the humanitarian crisis prevailing in Syria. However, unfortunately, that is not the case. As the Secretary-General underscored in his briefing, in recent weeks, the parties involved at all levels have intensified their fighting in eastern Ghouta despite the humanitarian ceasefire agreed through the unanimous adoption of resolution 2401 (2018) exactly 16 days ago. Nevertheless, we welcome with satisfaction reports that the United Nations and Syrian Arab Red Crescent convoy was finally able to reach eastern Ghouta last Friday to complete the delivery of food that could not be unloaded on 5 March for security reasons. However, the delivery of all necessary humanitarian supplies, including the medical and health-care supplies that were seized in the first attempt by convoys to the besieged areas, continues to be urgent and must be carried out without delay. We also welcome the news that the Secretary- General has just provided to us with regard to some improvements in the situation on the ground in eastern Ghouta. We hope that today's meeting will lead to greater improvement or a definitive resolution of the situation in that part of Syria. 12/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8201 18-06756 17/23 We read the letter dated 9 March that the co-penholders — France, the United Kingdom and the United States — addressed to the Secretary-General and the Council. We have also read very carefully the many letters that the Syrian Government has addressed to the members of the Security Council through its Permanent Representative. Basically, we note in those letters the repeated mutual accusations that have been a characteristic of this long conflict since its beginning. We are talking about a 30-day ceasefire, and time is gradually running out. We have had enough of mutual recrimination. The only collective task that we should focus on is finding a coherent peace mechanism to stop this endless and heinous war. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea remains deeply concerned about the developments in the situation in Syria. We reiterate the urgent need for Council members who have influence over the national parties to the conflict to redouble their diplomatic initiatives with a view to reaching a common understanding on how to find a political solution to the tragic crisis in Syria, the effects of which are a threat to the region and the international community, in particular because of the humanitarian implications posed by the millions of Syrians who are currently being displaced within the country or seeking asylum and because of the security risks caused by the expansion of Da'esh, the Al-Nusra Front and other terrorist entities. We also express our deep indignation at the continuing fighting in the province of Idlib, which, for seven consecutive days, has been subject to attacks and rocket fire from Islamic factions in areas of the cities of Kafraya and Fo'ah. Those events, like many others, demonstrate the need for a common front that will expel from Syria the Islamic State, Al-Qaida, the Al-Nusra Front and all other associated entities that threaten peace and security in the region. In conclusion, the Republic of Equatorial Guinea calls on the guarantors of the Astana process — Russia, Iran and Turkey — to ensure that the rounds of negotiations to be held on 15 and 16 March — to which the Special Envoy of the United Nations for Syria, Mr. Staffan de Mistura, was invited — serve not only to plan future actions and strategies, but also to give genuine impetus to finding a solution to the Syrian crisis once and for all. During my statement after the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), I said that we had partially spared ourselves from embarrassment (see S/PV.8188). However, since 16 days have passed since the adoption of the resolution without it being implemented. I think we remain completely shamed. Ms. Wronecka (Poland): Let me thank the SecretaryGeneral for his comprehensive, but again very worrying and alarming, update. Like many around this table, we share a sense of urgency, especially following the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018). We also see how difficult it is to implement resolution 2401 (2018) on the ground. Small steps, such as sending an aid convoy to eastern Ghouta last Monday, are still mere drops in the ocean of people's needs. Even with a unanimously adopted resolution, we are still lacking any substantial change on the ground and the fighting is far from being over. We therefore call for the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018). We understand that the solution is not entirely in our hands, but still we should try to do our utmost to find possible ways to ensure that the life-saving aid convoys might reach those in need and medical evacuations might begin. Unfortunately, the situation in eastern Ghouta, but also in Idlib and Aleppo provinces, does not allow the suffering of ordinary Syrians to be alleviated. Let me once again stress our full support for the Secretary-General, as well as his Special Envoy Staffan de Mistura, in finding a political solution to the Syrian crisis. A political solution to the conflict remains the only viable way to end the suffering of Syrian people. Let me also underline that the role of the Security Council remains crucial, but it is up to the Syrian people to decide their own future. We agree that fighting against terrorist groups designated as such by the Security Council is crucial, but, at the same time, such designations cannot justify the attacks on innocent civilians and civilian infrastructure, including health facilities. Those attacks must stop and parties to the conflict must strictly comply with their obligations under international humanitarian law. In that context, let me once again strongly underline that any response to violence should be proportionate. We need full compliance with the ceasefire agreed in resolution 2401 (2018). The Russian proposal for a daily five-hour pause is simply not enough to allow humanitarian workers to deliver aid and to evacuate those who cannot be treated on the ground. The international community, and especially the Council, S/PV.8201 The situation in the Middle East 12/03/2018 18/23 18-06756 bear a huge responsibility to protect civilians. Allow me to share a couple of concrete ideas, which I hope will be useful, on how to improve the situation on the ground. As the Security Council, we should demand United Nations access in order to monitor designated de-escalation zones to ensure the well-being of civilians. All States Members of the United Nations should fully cooperate with the International, Impartial and Independent Mechanism set up last year and facilitate its work. Parties engaged in the conflict must cease enabling the crimes on the ground and withhold all their support to armed groups that target civilians. Parties conducting air strikes against terrorist groups must ensure that all necessary precautionary measures are taken into consideration in order to avoid civilian casualties and that all military operations are fully consistent with international law. All potential violations, including possible war crimes, must be investigated, and the perpetrators must be held accountable. In conclusion, let me underline that, from our perspective, we in New York sometimes lack feedback on our actions. With regard to actions taken at Headquarters, it is for the Syrian people themselves to tell us what would be the most effective way to support them. Mr. Tanoh-Boutchoue (Côte d'Ivoire) (spoke in French): My delegation thanks the Secretary-General for his briefing on the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018), on the humanitarian situation in Syria. Two weeks after its unanimous adoption by members of the Security Council, resolution 2401 (2018), which had inspired a great deal of hope, has not been implemented as planned, much to our regret. The requirement of an immediate cessation of hostilities for a period of at least 30 days, provided for by resolution 2401 (2018), to enable the safe and unimpeded delivery of humanitarian aid and services and medical evacuation of the critically sick and wounded, in accordance with applicable international humanitarian law, has not yet gone into effect. The humanitarian and security situation remains worrisome because it is impossible for humanitarian convoys that endure indiscriminate attacks and bombings perpetrated by various hostile groups to reach besieged areas. In addition, attacks are carried out against medical and humanitarian personnel and health-care infrastructure. According to the World Health Organization, such attacks are on the rise. The deterioration of the humanitarian situation within Syria's borders due to increased fighting makes for dangerous living conditions for thousands of internally displaced persons and obliterates the hope of restoring security and dignity to millions of refugees in neighbouring countries living in extremely difficult conditions. Given the dire situation, Côte d'Ivoire hopes that the second international conference on supporting the future of Syria and the region, to be held in Brussels on 24 and 25 April at the initiative of the European Union, will result in pledges of increased humanitarian aid and development support. In accordance with the provisions of resolution 2401 (2018), Côte d'Ivoire again calls for the immediate cessation of hostilities in order to enable the safe, sustained and unimpeded access of humanitarian convoys delivering basic necessities to hundreds of people in dire need in eastern Ghouta and other areas of the country. My delegation welcomes reports that, for a few days, the International Committee of the Red Cross and the Syrian Arab Red Crescent was able once again to enter the city of Douma in eastern Ghouta to deliver the aid necessary, including food and non-food items. My delegation encourages all Syrian stakeholders to create conditions that would allow the United Nations to make scheduled deliveries in eastern Ghouta, throughout the entire country and on Syrian borders. Côte d'Ivoire reiterates its belief that the humanitarian situation will not improve without significant progress on the political landscape because the two issues are inextricably linked. Therefore, it invites hostile groups and all stakeholders to engage in political dialogue in order to achieve a peaceful solution to the crisis in Syria. In that regard, it welcomes the holding of a meeting in Geneva between the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Syria, Mr. De Mistura, and the three Astana guarantors — Iran, the Russian Federation and Turkey — with a view to relaunching the Syrian political process. The delegation of Côte d'Ivoire hopes that the next meeting to be held in Astana, at the initiative of the three guarantors of the Astana process, will enable us to reach a lasting ceasefire in Syria and to calmly resume the intra-Syrian peace talks pursuant to resolution 2254 (2015). 12/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8201 18-06756 19/23 Mr. Llorentty Solíz (Plurinational State of Bolivia) (spoke in Spanish): My delegation would like to thank the Secretary-General for his briefing on the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018). Once again we take this opportunity to pay tribute to humanitarian workers who risk their lives daily as they carry out their duties. We join other colleagues in congratulating the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Syria, Mr. Staffan de Mistura, on his efforts to find a political solution to the serious situation in Syria, which, as the Secretary-General recalled, is in its eighth year. Bolivia deplores the challenges to the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018) that the Secretary-General outlined in his briefing today. We condemn all deliberate attacks on civilians and demand respect for international humanitarian law and international human rights law. We call on the parties involved to focus primarily on protecting hospitals, medical facilities, schools and civilian residences, and the personnel of the various agencies and humanitarian assistance organizations whose employees put their own lives at risk as they carry out their work on the ground. We call on the parties to cooperate and enhance coordination efforts with the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, provide unhindered humanitarian access and allow urgent medical evacuations to be carried out, in particular in besieged and hard-to-reach areas. We call upon the parties to work together to achieve the full implementation of resolution 2401 (2018) throughout Syria as soon as possible and in accordance with agreements reached in the Astana process and on the de-escalation zones. We underscore the importance of unity within the Security Council when implementing resolution 2401 (2018). Such unity must be present if our goal is to fully implement it. We also call on the members of the Council and all parties involved to depoliticize the humanitarian situation in the Syrian Arab Republic and ensure that its actions are in line with international law. We highlight a few forums for dialogue that could assist with reaching consensus on a definitive cessation of hostilities, such as the Syrian National Dialogue Congress in Sochi, whose outcome is geared towards strengthening the political process in Geneva. We hope that that forum will allow for the full implementation of resolution 2401 (2018) as soon as possible. In conclusion, we reiterate that there is no military solution to the crisis. The only solution is through an inclusive political dialogue ordered and led by and for the Syrian people. We extend our best hopes for the outcome of the next meeting to be held in Astana. Mr. Alemu (Ethiopia): We thank the Secretary- General for his comprehensive, up-to-date and very useful briefing on the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018). Two weeks after the adoption of that resolution, the humanitarian situation in Syria continues to cause serious concern. The United Nations and its humanitarian partners have failed to ensure safe, sufficient, unimpeded and sustained humanitarian access for populations in need of life-saving assistance due ongoing fighting, in particular in eastern Ghouta. Nonetheless, we are mindful of the fact that resolution 2401 (2018) applies to all parts of Syria. We note that the Secretary-General did not overlook that aspect of the resolution in his briefing. We had all emphasized the importance of the effective implementation of the resolution in order to make positive changes on the ground and alleviate the humanitarian tragedy in Syria. Given the increasingly complex situation on the ground, we knew that it would not be an easy task. After the Council adopted resolution 2401 (2018), we recognized that the United Nations and its humanitarian partners could deliver aid to eastern Ghouta and other affected areas. No doubt, there remain serious challenges to ensuring the full implementation of the resolution. Although it demands the cessation of hostilities without delay for at least 30 consecutive days throughout Syria, with the immediate engagement of all parties to ensure safe, unimpeded and sustained delivery of humanitarian aid and medical evacuations, there have been ongoing military activities resulting in civilian casualties and the destruction of civilian facilities. Here, one should also not overlook the damage being caused by the shelling of Damascus. Therefore, it is clear that much more remains to be done and all parties should be committed to the full implementation of the resolution. As the United Nations and its humanitarian partners are ready to deliver more aid to all Syrians throughout the country, it is absolutely critical that all the parties provide them safe, unfettered and sustained humanitarian access. In that regard, all those who have influence over the parties S/PV.8201 The situation in the Middle East 12/03/2018 20/23 18-06756 should exert the necessary pressure to contribute to saving lives. It is also imperative to use all existing arrangements to facilitate the implementation of the resolution, particularly the cessation of hostilities. In that connection, we look forward to the Astana meeting, scheduled to take place on 15 and 16 March, which we hope will contribute to the full implementation of the resolution. Finally, as the Secretary-General stated, we are entering into the eighth year since the start of the Syrian crisis. While we look forward to seeing the Syrian people, as a sovereign State, find a comprehensive political solution based on resolution 2254 (2015), the Council also has a responsibility and an indispensable role in resolving the Syrian crisis. Therefore, we hope that the spirit of cooperation and consensus that the Council demonstrated during the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018) will be sustained not only to respond to the humanitarian tragedy, but also to ensure progress in the political track with a view to finding a lasting solution to the crisis. Most importantly, the cooperation of relevant countries that have influence is key. Without those countries, there will be no solution in sight. The President: I will now make a statement in my capacity as representative of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. I would like to thank Secretary-General Guterres for his briefing. Through him, I would also like to thank all United Nations and other humanitarian personnel on the ground. They work under extreme circumstances. Sixteen days ago (see S/PV.8188), the Security Council showed a rare example of unity regarding Syria when it adopted resolution 2401 (2018) . I recall the glimmer of hope that day in the Chamber. All of us agreed that all parties to the Syrian conflict must cease hostilities in order to enable the delivery of humanitarian assistance and the evacuation of the critically sick and wounded. Yet one day after the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), the Syrian regime, supported by Russia and Iran, launched a most violent ground offensive to conquer the enclave of eastern Ghouta. That offensive came on top of a relentless air campaign that had started one month ago. Resolution 2401 (2018) calls for a cessation of hostilities, without delay. Unfortunately, it is the military offensive that continues without delay. Elsewhere in Syria, including in Idlib and Afrin, violence continues to threaten the civilian population as well. The Council must do everything in its power to advance the full implementation of resolution 2401 (2018). In that regard, I would like to stress the importance of humanitarian aid, the monitoring of the cessation of hostilities and accountability. With regard to my first point, the immediate delivery of humanitarian aid, last week we were deeply shocked to hear reports that medical supplies, including surgical supplies, insulin and even trauma kits, had been removed from convoys by the Syrian regime. Medical supplies save lives and provide relief to the inhumane suffering that too many Syrians are going through. Medical supplies cannot be used as weapons by terrorists. There is no justification for denying medicine and medical supplies to the wounded and sick. The first humanitarian convoy that received authorization from the Syrian regime to deliver aid to eastern Ghouta was not able to fully unload because of resumed fighting. The convoy that arrived last Friday was finally able to deliver aid, including medical supplies, for 27,500 people. However, the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs is still waiting for authorization to complete the delivery to Douma for all 70,000 people, as initially approved by the Syrian authorities. We call on all parties to immediately allow sustained and unimpeded access to deliver supplies to people in desperate need of humanitarian assistance. That applies to eastern Ghouta and to all in need throughout the country. On my second point, the cessation of hostilities and the need for monitoring, resolution 2401 (2018) calls for an immediate nationwide cessation of hostilities. A strong monitoring mechanism is needed urgently in order to ensure implementation. We agree with the French proposal in that regard. Since the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), air strikes have continued, even increased, especially on eastern Ghouta. We hear the Russian Federation say that those strikes are targeted at terrorists. However, we underline once more that the exemption to the ceasefire for attacks directed at United Nations-listed terrorist groups does not provide an excuse to ignore the basic principles of distinction, proportionality and precaution. According to the latest report of the Commission of Inquiry, the siege of eastern Ghouta continues to be characterized by the use of prohibited weapons and attacks against civilian and protected objects, which we condemn in the strongest terms. 12/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8201 18-06756 21/23 We also condemn the shelling of Damascus from eastern Ghouta. We call upon all parties to abide by their obligations under international humanitarian law at all times. Special Envoy Staffan de Mistura should facilitate negotiations between armed opposition groups, the Syrian regime and Russia in order to advance the implementation of resolution 2401 (2018). One concrete and helpful step is to evacuate United Nations-listed terrorist groups from eastern Ghouta. A first evacuation of 13 imprisoned terrorist fighters reportedly took place last Friday. It is crucial that any evacuation of armed fighters take place in a safe and orderly fashion. We call on the United Nations to prepare for putting in place the necessary monitoring mechanisms in that regard. We call on Russia to accept the offer of the Special Envoy to facilitate further evacuation of United Nations-listed terrorist groups from eastern Ghouta. Civilians should never be forced to leave against their will. Forced displacement may constitute a war crime. On my third point, the credibility and accountability of the Council, despite the unanimous adoption of resolution 2401 (2018) we have seen no cessation of hostilities. We have seen no significant improvement in the humanitarian situation on the ground in Syria. This also has a negative impact on the credibility of the Council. It is vital for the functioning of the rules-based international order that decisions of the Council be respected and implemented. As a Council, we have a collective responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. However, we should not forget that the responsibility and, indeed, the obligation to execute its decisions lies with individual Member States. The human suffering in Syria, especially in eastern Ghouta, must end now. We need a full cessation of hostilities in all of Syria, including eastern Ghouta, Idlib and Afrin. And we call on the Russian Federation in particular to use its influence and to do its utmost to achieve that, thereby also upholding the Council's credibility. In conclusion, the siege of eastern Ghouta is entering its fifth year. The war in Syria will enter its eighth year later this week, on 15 March, as others have noted. One wonders how the Syrian regime thinks to ever achieve the legitimacy to govern the people it now pounds into submission or death. As the High Commissioner for Human Rights stated during the thirty-seventh session of the Human Rights Council, "what we are seeing in eastern Ghouta are likely war crimes and potentially crimes against humanity". The perpetrators of these crimes must know they are being identified, that dossiers are being built up with a view to their prosecution, and that they will be held accountable for what they have done. We thank the Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Syrian Arab Republic for its important work to date. We recall the resolution of the Human Rights Council of 5 March, which calls on the Commission to investigate the situation in eastern Ghouta. We call on all Council members to support the referral of the humanitarian catastrophe in Syria to the International Criminal Court. We also urge all States to increase their support for the International, Impartial and Independent Mechanism for the Syrian Arab Republic. For now, however, our common efforts should be directed at securing immediate relief for those millions in Syria in urgent need of humanitarian assistance. For that, we need the cessation of hostilities to be implemented immediately and in a sustained manner. We need a continuous pause in the fighting of 30 days, as demanded by resolution 2401 (2018). If its implementation continues to fail, that will require a response from the Council that goes beyond where we stand now. We thank the Secretary-General for his perseverance and endless efforts to uphold the norms and values of the Charter of the United Nations, international human rights law and international humanitarian law, as well as to promote compliance with resolution 2401 (2018). We call on all Council members to follow his example. I now resume my functions as President of the Council. I wish to again remind all speakers to limit their statements to no more than five minutes in order to enable the Council to carry out its work expeditiously. I now give the floor to the representative of the Syrian Arab Republic. Mr. Ja'afari (Syrian Arab Republic) (spoke in Arabic): I will not begin by commenting on the procedural point that you have raised, Mr. President, but rather I will focus on the essential issues that S/PV.8201 The situation in the Middle East 12/03/2018 22/23 18-06756 are supposed to be of interest to the members of the Security Council. I welcome the Secretary-General and note the statement at the outset of his briefing that the Secretariat does not have all the necessary information to carefully access the situation on the ground because the United Nations does not have a presence in all areas. The Secretariat humbly and politely said those words, noting that it does not have full, relevant information pertaining to the Syrian situation, although the United Nations has a branch of the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in Damascus and there are dozens of United Nations agencies operating in Syria, in addition to 13 international non-governmental organizations also operating there. However, some of our colleagues in the Security Council, who have shut down their embassies in Damascus and are now completely disconnected from credible information, instead rely on information from what is known as open sources. They have provided a vast amount of information that would never serve the interests of the Syrian people or of those present in such an important and significant discussion. That information is misleading and could poison the atmosphere and fuel sedition regarding the role of the Security Council, which is mandated to maintain international peace and security. The Syrian Government stands ready to engage seriously with positive international initiatives that serve the interests of the Syrian people, especially in ending the bloodshed throughout Syria, as stated in resolution 2401 (2018). My country has expressed its satisfaction with resolution 2401 (2018), particularly the positive provisions contained therein. In that regard, my country confirms that it has taken all the following procedures to relieve the suffering of our people in eastern Ghouta. First, immediately after the adoption of resolution 2401 (2018), hostilities were ceased on a daily basis from 9 a.m. until 2 p.m, Damascus local time, and remain so to this very moment, with the aim of delivering humanitarian aid and ensuring the unimpeded and safe exit of civilians from the areas controlled by terrorist groups. Secondly, two safe humanitarian corridors have been opened for civilians wishing to exit the area. Thirdly, two joint United Nations-International Committee of the Red Cross convoys, in collaboration with the Syrian Red Crescent, were sent to eastern Ghouta on 5 and 9 March. Notwithstanding the foregoing, all those procedures have been countered by the terror of armed organizations present in Ghouta. Incited by their masters — some of them, unfortunately, members of the Security Council — these organizations have targeted civilians in Damascus since the beginning of the year, firing more than 2,499 missiles and mortars that have claimed the lives of 70 civilian martyrs and injured 556 people. Those organizations have prevented our people in eastern Ghouta from leaving in order to continue to use them as human shields and material for humanitarian and media blackmail. They have even targeted those who managed to escape towards the two corridors by firing bullets and missiles. The latest incident in Syria occurred on 8 March, when the so-called Faylaq Al-Rahman — one of the terrorist arms of the petty State of Qatar in Syria — targeted a civilian convoy heading towards one of the corridors, leading to high casualties among civilians. By the way, that terrorist organization, Faylaq Al-Rahman, has been hailed by some of those present because of its readiness to implement resolution 2401 (2018). They presented it as a part of the moderate Syrian opposition, and distributed a letter signed by that and other terrorist organizations, addressed to the Secretary-General. That is the modus operandi of the Security Council with terrorist groups. The procedures taken by the Syrian Government are not limited to eastern Ghouta. Over the past few days, the Government has undertaken a number of other procedures. First, we have requested that the United Nations and a number of humanitarian organizations immediately send a mission to investigate the humanitarian situation in Raqqa, which was destroyed by the International Coalition led by the United States of America. Secondly, we have requested approval to send humanitarian convoys to the Rukban camp, provided that the aid is delivered and distributed by the Syrian Red Crescent and the Red Cross exclusively, and not by the United States occupation authorities or the terrorist groups in Rukban camp and Tanaf area. Thirdly, two days ago the Syrian Red Crescent obtained Government approval to send convoys to Ghouta, Raqqa, Afrin and Rukban. To date, it has not sent the convoys to Rukban and Afrin because the United Nations failed to ensure the necessary safeguards from the United States and Turkish occupation forces. That is the reason. 12/03/2018 The situation in the Middle East S/PV.8201 18-06756 23/23 With every advance by the Syrian Army against terrorist groups in any given area, the States sponsoring terrorism launch heated disinformation campaigns to distract the world from the terrorism, aggression and occupation against Syria. The inference is that those countries have never been keen to protec the lives of civilians, but prefer to protect their investments in terrorism after they have spent billions of dollars on it, as was said by the previous Prime Minister of Qatar, in order to recycle terrorism elsewhere in Syria. The behaviour that I have mentioned is not limited to State-sponsored terrorism, unfortunately. It has even been demonstrated by some senior officials of the Secretariat. We had hoped that the Secretariat, especially in the light of the second preambular paragraph of resolution 2401 (2018), would provide an unequivocal legal description of the crimes committed by the so-called International Coalition led by the United States against our Syrian people in Raqqa and other places, and the procedures to ensure the end of that aggression. We had also hoped that the Secretariat would provide us with an unequivocal legal description of the acts of invasion by Turkish forces of a precious part of our national territory, especially against our civilian people in Afrin, and the procedures to ensure the end of the Turkish aggression. We had also hoped for an unequivocal legal description of the presence of the United States forces on Syrian territory without the approval of the Syrian Government and the procedures to ensure the end of that occupation. The government of my country affirms its right to defend its citizens and combat terrorism in accordance with relevant Security Council resolutions, especially the second preambular paragraph of resolution 2401 (2018); fight all those who practice, fund and support terrorism; work towards restoring security stability and peace; and rebuild all that has been destroyed by terrorists and their masters. Finally, I have listened to my colleague the representative of the United States, who levels charges again and again against my country before all who are present and says that her country will take military actions against my country outside the legitimacy of the Council if chemical substances are used, just as its administration in Washington, D.C., did when it bombarded Al-Shayrat air base in my country last year. These irresponsible and provocative statements, which run counter to the Charter of the United Nations, are direct incitement to terrorist groups to use chemical weapons and fabricate anew all the evidence needed to accuse the Syrian Army, as they have done in previous times. I remind the representative of the United States that the former Joint Investigative Mechanism refused to take samples from Al-Shayrat air base because if it had done so it would have been categorically proved that the Syrian Government is not responsible for the incident in Khan Shaykhun. In fact, what the United States perpetrated against that Syrian air base was a full-fledged aggression. I call on the representatives of the United States, the United Kingdom and France to put an end to their violations of Security Council resolutions related to fighting terrorism, and on their Governments to stop supporting the terrorist groups in my country and cease providing them with a political umbrella to pursue their crimes against the Syrian people. It is high time that the United States Administration learn from its mistakes and stop repeating them. Is it not enough what they have done in Viet Nam, Iraq, Libya, Somalia and Yemen, invoking very cheap lies that have already been condemned and denounced by international public opinion? In this regard, I recall the words of Naguib Mahfouz, the Nobel laureate: "They are liars, they know they are liars, and they know that we know that they are liars. However, they still lie, and very loudly so." In conclusion, the Russian Centre for Reconciliation of Opposing Sides in the Syrian Arab Republic issued a statement a few minutes ago that street battles have begun in Ghouta, following the demands for the separation of the aforementioned Faylaq Al-Rahman and Jabhat Al-Nusra. This current street fighting impedes the evacuation of civilians who are forced to find safe haven underground in Ghouta. The President: There are no more names inscribed on the list of speakers. I now invite Council members to informal consultations to continue our discussion on the subject. The meeting rose at 1.20 p.m.
In the 15-years I have served in the United States Army, the focal point of my tactical and academic study has been almost entirely centered on the Middle East and its unique cultural complexities. As an Infantryman, I was embroiled in the early efforts to prevent a Sunni-Shia civil war in post-invasion Iraq, while also hunting down al-Qaeda operatives under the leadership of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi. A year later, during General Patraeus's troop surge, I was in the urban sprawl of Northwest Baghdad fighting not only a Sunni insurgency, but also the Iranian-backed Jaysh al-Mahdi, comprised of local Shia militia groups. In 2010, I led a battalion reconnaissance team in the Arghandab River Valley of Afghanistan against the Taliban near the very birthplace of their Salafi-jihadist movement. In subsequent years, following my graduation from the Special Forces Qualification Course, I served in the 5th Special Forces Group (SFG) on a variety of missions in support of Operation Inherent Resolve in Turkey and Syria. As a fluent Arabic speaker, I was heavily involved in early efforts to train and equip the Free Syrian Army for its fight against the Islamic State. Following this deployment, I served as a liaison officer to the United States Embassy and Turkish General Staff in Ankara, having daily interaction with foreign dignitaries, defense attachés, and military officials in strategic level planning and coordination efforts. I culminated my time with 5th SFG as the assistant operations sergeant of a detachment fighting the Islamic State in Syria. My understanding of the culture of jihad, the various jihadist groups operating throughout the Central Command (CENTCOM) area of responsibility, and the intricacy of Middle Eastern problem sets as a whole, has come from years of dedicated cultural analysis, in-depth study of Sunni and Shia Islam, and field experience from the strategic to the tactical level. It is because of this experience that I am compelled to discuss the culture of jihad in the 21st Century. ; Winner of the 2020 Friends of the Kreitzberg Library Award for Outstanding Research in the College of Graduate and Continuing Studies Degree Completion category. ; 1 The Culture of Jihad in the 21st Century Michael J. Bearden Norwich University SOCI401: Cultural and Anthropology Studies Dr. Timothy Maynard April 30, 2020 2 The Culture of Jihad in the 21st Century In the 15-years I have served in the United States Army, the focal point of my tactical and academic study has been almost entirely centered on the Middle East and its unique cultural complexities. As an Infantryman, I was embroiled in the early efforts to prevent a Sunni-Shia civil war in post-invasion Iraq, while also hunting down al-Qaeda operatives under the leadership of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi. A year later, during General Patraeus's troop surge, I was in the urban sprawl of Northwest Baghdad fighting not only a Sunni insurgency, but also the Iranian-backed Jaysh al-Mahdi, comprised of local Shia militia groups. In 2010, I led a battalion reconnaissance team in the Arghandab River Valley of Afghanistan against the Taliban near the very birthplace of their Salafi-jihadist movement. In subsequent years, following my graduation from the Special Forces Qualification Course, I served in the 5th Special Forces Group (SFG) on a variety of missions in support of Operation Inherent Resolve in Turkey and Syria. As a fluent Arabic speaker, I was heavily involved in early efforts to train and equip the Free Syrian Army for its fight against the Islamic State. Following this deployment, I served as a liaison officer to the United States Embassy and Turkish General Staff in Ankara, having daily interaction with foreign dignitaries, defense attachés, and military officials in strategic level planning and coordination efforts. I culminated my time with 5th SFG as the assistant operations sergeant of a detachment fighting the Islamic State in Syria. My understanding of the culture of jihad, the various jihadist groups operating throughout the Central Command (CENTCOM) area of responsibility, and the intricacy of Middle Eastern problem sets as a whole, has come from years of dedicated cultural analysis, in-depth study of Sunni and Shia Islam, and field experience from the strategic to the tactical level. It is because of this experience that I am compelled to discuss the culture of jihad in the 21st Century. 3 Since its beginning in circa 610 CE, when the prophet Muhammad ibn Abdullah was visited by the angel Gabriel in a cave near Mecca, Islam has shaken the foundations of the Middle East and remained in a state of near-perpetual conflict with the Western world. Islam is an Arabic term most closely relating to the English words submission or surrender. Mujahedeen, or holy warriors, spread this new religion by the sword throughout Asia, forcing the "submission" of thousands, and have hardly been at peace with their neighbors since. Centuries later, in the two decades following the attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon in the United States, radical Islam's stance against the West has altered the diplomatic landscape between the world's great powers, fundamentally changed the United States' national strategic direction, and caused youth from all walks of life to sacrifice the best years of their lives in holy war to protect the supra-national community of Islam. From the invasion of Afghanistan to the subsequent invasions of Iraq and Syria to the ongoing peace talks with the Taliban, diplomatic and military efforts to eradicate jihadists from the Middle East have to-date been nearly ineffectual. Not only have these efforts failed to contain or defeat jihad, but at times have served to strengthen Islamic extremists' resolve in their call to arms against the West. Because jihad is such a fundamental part of the Islamic faith, it can never be "defeated" in the sense of traditional military eradication of an enemy force, but it can be confronted, contained, or refocused, as this paper will address. I argue that enabling local solutions and promoting education, alongside tailored surgical strike and security cooperation operations where necessary, are the keys to confronting, containing, and countering jihad. 4 Background Defining Jihad and Salafism Jihad is a transliterated form of the Arabic word meaning to struggle or to strive. In the traditional teachings of the Islamic faith, jihad is broken into two distinct categories: Greater jihad and lesser jihad. Greater jihad includes the personal struggle against selfish desires, emphasizing discipline and morality, as well as the struggle against Satan and the forces of evil. It includes jihad of the heart, jihad of the mind, and jihad of the tongue, involving praise for those who follow the will of Allah and correction for those who have gone astray (Gorka, 2016). The second category, lesser jihad, is viewed as the struggle against the enemies of Islam and the defense of its people. Lesser jihad is commonly referred to as Jihad of the Sword. Gorka (p. 60) reveals that, over time, this category of jihad has been used as justification for at least seven different subsets of holy war: 1. Using holy war to build an empire 2. Going after apostate regimes or individuals 3. Revolting against non-pious Muslim leaders 4. Fighting against the forces of imperialism in Muslim lands 5. Countering the West's pagan influence 6. Guerrilla warfare against a foreign invader 7. Using jihad as justification for terrorist attacks against civilian targets In a broad sense, lesser jihad can be viewed as offensive or defensive martial action. On the offensive side, jihadists use religion to justify building an empire, such as the Islamic State, attack apostate regimes, like those of the Taliban against Afghan government forces, and use terrorism against civilians, like the attacks on the World Trade Center. This offensive action 5 often takes jihadists beyond the borders of the ummah, or the people of Islam, striking fear into hearts of unbelievers around the globe. The defensive variety, especially in recent history, has most often correlated directly with the use of guerrilla warfare against foreign invaders, such as al-Qaeda's attacks on the international military coalitions that invaded Afghanistan and Iraq. This radical view of Islam is mostly practiced by those who follow the way of the Salafi, or the pious predecessors from the time of Muhammad, who experienced Islam in its purest form. It is believed that the first three generations who practiced the teachings of the prophet Muhammad are the ones who all Muslims thereafter should try to emulate. Themes of Salafism focus on complete adherence to sharia law, the fight against apostate Muslim regimes, and the spread and protection of Islam and its followers. At its core, Salafism is a very traditionalist view of Islam and has been practiced by multiple 21st Century terrorist organizations. The terms jihad and Salafi have shared such a close relationship in the last few decades that they have become nearly synonymous, at times described as Salafi-Jihadism or Jihadi-Salafism (Gorka, 2016; Nilsson, 2019) What Cultural Influences Lead One to the Path of Jihad? Before the attacks on 9/11, the largest call to jihad answered by the international Muslim community was in response to the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979. Stopping the spread of communism and defending the ummah against the atrocities of Russian ground forces was seen as a noble and just cause for young Muslim men, and not just among Muslims (Gorka, 2016; Nilsson, 2019). Many nations, including the United States, funded, equipped, and trained the Afghan mujahedeen (those who conduct jihad) for the fight against the Soviet empire. Jihad in the 21st Century has been viewed in a much different light, as it is most closely associated with acts of extreme violence against Western nations. While the piles of rubble that used to be the 6 World Trade Center smoldered, and a gaping hole scarred the wall of the Pentagon, people of the world were forced to ask themselves, "How could a person do this? Why would someone take their own lives and thousands of others in the name of Allah?" Religious Justification for Jihad. Though jihad has become almost entirely associated with Islamic holy war, the term itself is still simply the Arabic word for striving. Struggling against one's selfish desires, striving to maintain traditional values, and defending a community against a common enemy are not just Islamic concepts, they are universal to most tightly-knit cultures. Similarly, Christians and Jews are taught self-discipline, adherence to moral codes, and defending their belief against enemies of their faith. So, why has the Islamic flavor of this common cultural theme become so violent, causing deep unrest around the world in our modern era? Verses from the Qur'an can begin to unpack why horrific public executions, suicide bombings, and advocating for generalized violence against non-Muslims may be justifiable in jihadist culture. The Qur'an (2015) lays out the following decree in chapter 9, verse 29: Fight those from among the People of the Book who believe not in Allah, nor in the Last Day, nor hold as unlawful what Allah and His Messenger have declared to be unlawful, nor follow the true religion, until they pay the tax with their own hand and acknowledge their subjection (p. 208). My personal study of Islam and conversations with Muslims in the field revealed that this bit of prose has been used as motivation and justification for jihad by groups like al-Qaeda, the Taliban, the Islamic State, and Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham of our modern age. Some of the following themes are evident in the translation: 7 • Jews and Christians are recognized as People of the Book, but are required to accept the following—Allah as the one true god, sharia as the acceptable law, and Islam as the one true religion. • If Jews and Christians refuse to accept these statutes, they must pay a tax called the jizyah to show their subjugation. • If they refuse to do either of these, they are to be put to the sword (p. 208). Salafi-jihadist groups such as the Taliban and Islamic State have tried to revive the jizyah tax in areas under their control. Likewise, hundreds of Christians, Jews, and even Muslims who refuse to adhere to strict sharia law have been publicly executed. This vehement enforcement of arcane Islamic law is seen as a return to the purest form of Islam, as pious as the first few generations who followed the Prophet Muhammad. Another common religious cultural theme that ties these jihadist organizations together is a message of religious oppression. They preach to young Muslims that the Islamic world is under siege by the West and that their god, their value systems, and their way of life are being threatened by the evils of capitalism and democracy (Venhaus, 2010). In joining organizations like al-Qaeda or the Islamic State, young men from across the globe find a sense of purpose and direction in their cause to protect the ummah. This theme is manifested in the teachings of Anwar al-Awlaki, the spiritual leader of al-Qaeda and the father of home-grown terrorism in the United States. He calls on Muslims living among those in the West: How can your conscience allow you to live in peaceful coexistence with a nation that is responsible for the tyranny and crimes committed against your own brothers and sisters? How can you have your loyalty to a government that is leading the war against Islam and Muslims? Hence, my advice to you is this, you have two choices: either hijra [migration 8 to an Islamic land] or jihad. You either leave or you fight. You leave and live among Muslims or you stay behind and fight with your hand, your wealth, and your word. I specifically invite the youth to either fight in the West or join their brothers on the fronts of jihad: Afghanistan, Iraq, and Somalia (as cited in Gorka, 2016). This way of thinking is also captured in chapter 9, verse 5 of the Qur'an (2015): Kill the idolaters wherever you find them and take them prisoners, and beleaguer them, and lie in wait for them at every place of ambush. But if they repent and observe Prayer and pay the Zakat, then leave their way free (p. 204). When taken literally, as they are by followers of Salafi-jihad, scriptures such as these leave no choice. To these men who have committed themselves fully to the ways of the pious ones, they are compelled to become shahid, or martyrs in the protection of the ummah. The Qur'an promises paradise for those who do: Surely, Allah has purchased of the believers their persons and their property in return for the Garden they shall have; they fight in the cause of Allah, and they slay and are slain—a promise the He has made incumbent on Himself in the Torah, and the Gospel, and the Qur'an. And who is more faithful to his promise than Allah? Rejoice, then, in your bargain which you have made with Him; and that it is which is the supreme triumph (p. 222). The concept of becoming a martyr in the struggle for Islam is romanticized by jihadist groups, like al-Qaeda and the Islamic State, and even state governments in local programming. In Lebanon, Mothers of Martyrs are interviewed to share the stories of their sons' glorious end while fighting abroad against the infidels (Venhaus, 2010). The Qur'an itself calls this sacrifice the supreme triumph for a jihadist, striving for the glory of Allah. 9 Though enforcing the jizyah, publicly executing those who do not follow sharia law, and seeking opportunities to kill infidels through suicide attacks represent a very small, extremist cultural sect of Islam, each of these practices is still justifiable if one looks to the Qur'an. This could be viewed as no different than a rural Pentecostal church in the Deep South who maintains strict standards for how women must dress and act: it all comes down to interpretation and a community's willingness to subjugate themselves to these standards. Spiritual leaders of jihadist groups in the 21st Century have used the Qur'an as continued justification for a variety of cruel, inhumane, and brutal actions that served to shock the West. The holy book of Islam acts as the essential glue, binding together all facets of Arab and Islamic culture. Artistic Inspiration for Jihad. A far cry from the harsh proclamations of the Qur'an, Arabic poetry predates Islam by centuries and serves as a bedrock of Arabic culture across the Middle East. Early desert nomads composed poems mostly in mono-rhyme and in one of sixteen standard canonical measures, which made them easy to commit to memory (Creswell & Haykel, 2015). Naturally, this beautiful form of cultural expression has found a home in the modern jihadist movement, where it has become an inspiration for new recruits to join the cause and crucial in the sustainment of those already fighting infidels abroad. Creswell and Haykel assert that although analysts have generally ignored this facet of jihadist culture, it is woven deeply into the fabric of modern Islamic extremism. Osama bin Laden, most recognized as the former head of al-Qaeda, was also a highly-celebrated jihadist poet. Without question, his lyrical genius inspired young Arabs with stories of a return to the heroic and chivalrous past of Islam. One of his most famous works celebrates the martyrdom of the 9/11 hijackers. This is a theme among modern jihadist poetry, which preserves the tales of suicide bombers, the conquered apostate regimes of Iraq and Syria, and the glories of jihadist heroes (Creswell & Haykel). Likewise, in a 10 group of individuals who have each traveled far from home to defend Islam against the kuffar, these poems help to establish a sense of cultural identity, strengthening their wartime bond and solidifying their resolve. In seeing the videos of the Islamic State as they carved a path of destruction across large swathes of Iraq in early 2014, it may be difficult for one to believe that its members were motivated by the rhythmic lines of jihadist poetry. It is hard to accept that the same young fighter who is willing to behead an infidel for all the free world to see, could also be found passionately reciting lines celebrating the glorious return of an Islamic caliphate. During its rise, the Islamic State capitalized on the lyrical talent of a Damascus-born woman named Ahlam al-Nasr. In her first broadcast, called the Blaze of Truth, she sang each one of her 107 works a cappella, in accordance with the Islamic State's ban on musical instruments. The video was uploaded to Youtube, receiving thousands of views and further shares on multiple social media platforms (Creswell & Haykel, 2015). In the early days of the group's brutal campaign in Iraq, al-Nasr celebrated victory in Mosul as a new dawn for the country: "Ask Mosul, city of Islam, about the lions— how their fierce struggle brought liberation. The land of glory has shed its humiliation and defeat and put on the raiment of splendor" (as cited in Creswell & Haykel, 2015). Her choice of words helps one sense her deep passion for jihad, hidden within the lines. Mujahedeen are called lions and liberators. Mosul is called both a city of Islam and a land of 11 glory that, because of its liberation, has been released from the chains of shame and can now live in the splendor and pride of its former renown. Poetry has succored those serving in times of war for hundreds, even thousands of years. In the same manner, this key element of artistic cultural expression has helped bind together the modern jihadi movement, capturing the heroic deeds of martyrs who would otherwise remain nameless and unrecognized by the outside world. Serving in lands far away from home, young jihadists find inspiration, strength, and a renewed sense of identity in these haunting bits of rhyme. Social Pressure to Join Jihad. Abdullah Anas was an Algerian who served as one of the mujahedeen in Afghanistan in the 1980s and spent several years studying under Abdullah Azzam, the Palestinian "Father of Resistance to the Soviets" (Gall, 2020). Working to help Algerians achieve nonviolent change in their government, Anas, now in his 60s, has spent a life living and working among jihadists. To Anas, jihad is a fundamental principle of Muslim culture through which mujahedeen receive rewards in heaven: "I will never denounce jihad. As a Muslim, I know this to be a noble deed—where man can be the most beastly" (Gall). In a study of three Swedish jihadists, with experiences ranging from 1980s Afghanistan to the modern fight in Syria, Nilsson (2019) suggests that one of the fundamental social justifications for joining jihad is the sense that Islam and Muslims are collectively under attack. This, again, is a theme that applies to more than just the modern jihadist movement: Americans lined up in droves outside recruiting stations following the attacks on Pearl Harbor and decades later after September 11, 2001. Following the invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq, many Muslims from around the world began to see this not as just the West going after the 9/11 conspirators, but as a global attack on Islam. Each day, fresh news stories of coalition soldiers' crimes against 12 Muslim civilians and pictures of burning villages continued to motivate men to join the fight to protect the ummah from the foreign invaders. Nilsson contends that since most jihadists are very young, in their teens and early twenties, they are very susceptible to the influences of close friends and social groups. Safet, a young Muslim living in Sweden, was pressured by a friend to join the Islamic State in Syria, saying that he became convinced by his friend Ahmed that the group was fighting to protect Muslims (Nilsson). However, after realizing that the Islamic State was actually killing other Muslims in a practice called takfir, or excommunication, Safet became disillusioned and returned to Sweden (Nilsson). From the fight against the foreign invaders in the early 2000s in Afghanistan and Iraq, to the struggle for the establishment of an Islamic caliphate in 2015, it seems jihadists have most often been motivated by the need to protect the international Muslim community. Aside from the social responsibility of defending their faith and people, the need for adventure also seems to permeate the ideations of young men seeking to join a jihadist group. One of Nilsson's (2019) most interesting theories is that jihad is not the radicalization of Islam, but rather the Islamization of radicalism. Individuals who are already naturally predisposed to such adventurous or nihilistic behavior get caught up in the social dynamics of their time, ending up in a jihadist movement. Venhaus (2010) explains that in interviews with over 2,000 al-Qaeda prisoners from Iraq to Guantanamo Bay, he found that young Muslim men sought the cause of jihad for a number of normal social pressures felt by normal teens worldwide: "Revenge seekers need an outlet for their frustration, status seekers need recognition, identity seekers need a group to join, and thrill seekers need adventure" (Venhaus). The Effects of Social Media and Technology on Jihad. In the modern era, news is no longer bound by the time it takes for an article to be published, printed, and distributed across 13 great distance in a community. Social media platforms like Facebook, Youtube, Twitter, and Instagram have made sharing news instantaneous. Additionally, the advent of the smartphone, which acts simultaneously as a hand-held computer, high definition camera, and telephone with nearly world-wide coverage has forever changed the media landscape. In the era of modern jihad, one can post a single video that moves the minds of thousands in a matter of seconds. Following the 2003 invasion of Iraq to topple Saddam Hussein's regime, news stories of atrocity among the efforts of coalition troops over the next decade served to further the cause of local and foreign jihadists to protect the ummah from these invaders. Accidental bombing of civilians, mistreatment of the prisoners at Abu Ghraib, and a general ignorance toward Muslim culture were fueled by social media and smartphone technology. Venhaus (2010) claims that throughout this early phase of the war in Iraq, al-Qaeda very rarely had to actively recruit, their global brand was aggressively promoted through satellite television, internet chat rooms, and social media platforms; willing candidates sought them out. This use of media continued to be perfected by jihadist organizations like the Islamic State, who published a digital magazine called Dabiq, named for the ideological capital of the proposed caliphate, which rallied Muslims to jihad through stories of glory and heroism in the cause for Islam. The Islamic State also posted grisly execution videos, with stunning music and production value, including super high-definition shots of their brutality. Publications and videos such as these could be copied, saved, shared, and re-shared before any sort of government intervention could stop them. Creswell and Haykel (2015) reveal that jihadists were running a massive, secret network of social media websites and fake accounts that could be rapidly assembled and dissembled by hackers. The effects of social media and technology on modern jihadist culture are easy to understand, but challenging to measure in scope and reach. Just as easily as videos of Islamic 14 State propaganda or poetry can be shared, so too can stories of coalition force atrocities in Afghanistan and Iraq. This has put strategists in a unique position, where it is nearly impossible to control the narrative. Unfortunately, the story that breaks first is still the one that is liked and shared the most, even if the truth comes out after. Effects of Western Culture on Jihad. Rapid globalization, including the widespread diffusion of the internet and technology into the Middle East in the last two decades has continued to foment jihadist hatred for the West. Personal conversations with multiple Muslims in Iraq and Afghanistan revealed that the decadence, lavish richness, and sinful lifestyles portrayed by Western movies and media served to fuel the fires of disdain among the pious Salafi-jihadists. Additionally, Muslim men living in Western nations following the attacks on the World Trade Center were ostracized and feared by society, often leading them to an eventual radicalization process. Being denied a peaceful coexistence because of continued Western misperception, caused many young Muslims to become angry and seek community and brotherhood among other Muslims experiencing the same problems. Venhaus (2010) notes that out of the over 2,000 captured jihadists interviewed, more than 30 per cent of them sought al-Qaeda because they were angry. Under the tutelage of local al-Qaeda mentors, the frustrations of these young men were then turned upon their neighbors through careful instruction and manipulation. They were taught to see the West as the enemy of Islam, with hundreds of the ummah being harmed by their military coalitions in Afghanistan and Iraq each day. They were instructed in the ways of the pious ones who came before them, inspiring them to turn from the sinfulness of their Western neighbors and take pride in their newfound self-discipline and righteousness in the eyes of Allah. Eventually, many of these young men would travel to their 15 ancestral homelands to join the struggle, or conduct terrorist attacks on their own Western communities. Analysis A Unique Challenge Given the litany of reasons one might join jihad, the incredibly complex cultural and social environment, and the fluidity of the modern jihadist movement, how can the United States begin to contain this problem? The reasons one individual might join a jihadist cause are as various and sundry as why one might choose to join any movement or profession over another. As Nilsson (2019) and Venhaus (2010) have detailed, there appears to be no singular marker: one could be an extremely religious or a passive Muslim, rich or poor, single or married with a family, have a completely stable social life or be isolated with no friends. Jihadists can be from any country, any walk of life, and usually do not widely broadcast their intentions prior to taking part in acts of violence for the cause of Islam. It is because of the near-impossibility of clearly identifying a pattern of distinguishable cultural markers that make it such a challenge for the United States government and its allies to address the threat of jihad. Targeting an individual before they become a jihadist or before they commit a terrorist act has been one of the most formidable challenges of our time for military and law enforcement professionals alike. Usually, the much simpler job is finding a jihadist who has allowed their communications discipline to slip before an act, or catching them in a pitched battle on foreign soil. In order to protect citizens of the West and East alike against jihadists' aims, the United States Government must be prepared to confront, contain, and counter the jihadist narrative "left of bang," before an attack occurs. 16 The Global War on Terrorism: Taking the Fight to the Jihadists. In the months that followed September 11, 2001, President George W. Bush deployed Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) paramilitary officers and US Special Operations Forces (SOF) to find, fix, and finish pockets of al-Qaeda militants being harbored by the Taliban in Afghanistan. A fierce campaign of relentless aerial bombardment and mounted assaults by the forces of the Afghan Northern Alliance led to a swift and decisive defeat of al-Qaeda and the Taliban. With Kabul and Kandahar in allied hands, and an interim government established under the leadership of the Pashtun Hamid Karzai, the future of a free and prosperous Afghanistan seemed assured, but what came to be known as The Long War had only just begun. Trillions of dollars, thousands of lives, and 19 years later, the United States and its allies have been forced to the negotiating table with the Salafi-jihadist Taliban. Likewise, after Saddam Hussein's continued disregard for international law, threats against the United States, and open violence against his own people, the administration of President Bush decided again to pursue a military option. Much like Afghanistan, the coalition was led by CIA operatives and SOF operators, coordinating airstrikes on key positions in a tactical display of American firepower affectionately titled Shock and Awe. However, unlike Afghanistan, a massive conventional invasion followed the bombing campaign, bent on toppling the Baathist regime and finding Saddam's chemical weapons stockpiles. What followed was a series of policy failures, leading to a steady influx of jihadists partnering with local insurgents seeking to oust the foreign invaders and protect the ummah from the atrocities of the kuffar. In my professional opinion, Iraq is still recovering from the decade-long military occupation, cleaning up the destruction left by the Islamic State, and on the brink of civil war due to concerns about being an Iranian puppet state. 17 Ineffective Military Methods to Combat Jihad Operation Iraqi Freedom. During my first combat rotation as an Infantryman in the Triangle of Death in southern Iraq in 2005-2006, I experienced the initial rumblings of a civil war between the Sunni and Shia Muslims in Iraq, each wrestling for power in a post-Saddam world. I was also witness to the inundation of foreign jihadists, joining the ranks of al-Qaeda in Iraq under the leadership of Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, who at times headquartered in my area of operations. As I analyze our highly-kinetic and aggressive initial campaigns years later, I can see that the coalition's fight, first against Saddam, then against al-Qaeda, only bolstered jihadist motivation. In being a foreign invader, we inadvertently created a jihadist resistance movement, bent on the removal of their occupiers. Kilcullen (2010) explains this dilemma by explaining that focusing on the wrong metrics in a fight against insurgents can be deceptive: If you kill 20 insurgents, they may have 40 relatives who are now in a blood feud with your unit and are compelled to take revenge. Again in 2007-2008, I was deployed to Iraq as an Infantry squad leader to the sacred city of Khadimiyah in Northwest Baghadad. This was during the famous troop surge, meant to fix the ongoing problems with stability throughout the country. Being in the home of the beautiful Shrine of the Seventh Imam, it was a predominantly Shia area. Over the course of 15 months, my unit fought several engagements against Iranian-backed Shia militias and worked on project after project to strengthen local civil infrastructure, all while maintaining the utmost discretion against damaging homes or creating civilian casualties. Yet again, although we had conducted a nearly perfect counterinsurgency fight, it seemed that Kilcullen's insurgent math still applied: Fighting the jihadists only served to create more unrest within the population, no matter if we were restoring essential services and reducing damage to homes or not. 18 Operation Enduring Freedom. Nearly a decade after the fall of al-Qaeda and its Taliban hosts, I was deployed to the mountains of Afghanistan from 2010-2011. Stationed along the Arghandab River, just north of Kandahar, we were in the heart of the Pashtun Taliban. Again, the same story remained true: We fought the Taliban jihadists almost daily, but could not seem to win over the true key terrain in a counterinsurgency fight: The hearts and minds of the people. The Taliban would harass our unit's base of operations with a few pop shots as we called them, which would unleash a massive response in firepower and resources. Thousands of rounds of machine gun ammunition would be fired into the farm fields surrounding our Combat Out Post (COP), squads would be sent in pursuit of the attackers, and helicopters would spend hours scouring the terrain in an attempt to heap justice on the insurgents. This massive effort against so few served to erode the unit's motivation, exhaust our supplies, and alienate the civilian population whose homes and fields had been damaged in the process. Reflections on Personal Combat Experience. After years of combat experience and deeply studying Muslim culture, I can now see how the mistakes the coalitions made early-on in both operations only fueled the fires of insurgency, resistance to foreign occupiers, and generalized hatred for the West. Porch (2013) argues brilliantly that US counterinsurgency doctrine made the same mistake as its imperialistic predecessors of centuries before: Believing that military action was a proper vehicle for providing Middle Easterners with Western values, as well as a foundation for governance, social programs, and economic transformation in a region. This became evident in my own experience, realizing that no matter what sort of social, infrastructure, or economic programs ran alongside our military efforts, the people of both Afghanistan and Iraq felt the enormous social weight of being occupied by a foreign power, rendering these efforts nearly ineffectual. On the contrary, local and foreign jihadist movements 19 capitalized on each and every mistake of coalition forces, increasing their recruitment and resolve against the West. Though our military may have been winning every major battle against the jihadists, our policy makers and field commanders made the fundamental mistake of believing that these non-Western nations lived in some sort of time-warp, in which the adoption of Western democracy, rule of law, and capitalism would allow them to thrive as a nation (Porch). Effective Military Methods to Combat Jihad Surgical Strike and Precision Targeting. A unique feature of the Global War on Terrorism was the US military's continued perfection of covert strike operations with surgical precision deep into enemy safe havens. This was put on display in the rout of al-Qaeda by CIA and SOF in Afghanistan, in the kill/capture missions against the Baathists in the deck of cards in Iraq, and later in the killing of Osama bin Laden in Pakistan and Sheik Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi in Iraq. Having the ability to appear out of nowhere in the middle of the night, kill or capture an intended target with zero damage to infrastructure or civilian casualties, and leave within minutes of arrival struck fear into the hearts and minds of jihadists across the globe. The success and efficacy of this type of operation was acknowledged in the 2015 National Military Strategy, which stated: "The best way to counter VEOs [violent extremist organizations] is by way of.military strengths such as ISR, precision strike [emphasis added], training, and logistical support" (p.11). Likewise, President Obama's massive expansion of the use of drones, which could watch individuals for days and execute a precise strike that only touched the intended target, has continued to sow fear and deny jihadists' freedom of maneuver on a global scale. The US military and its allies have only continued to master these types of operations throughout the 20 fights in Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, and other locations. The jihadists know this, and realize that one wrong move at any time could mean disaster. Security Cooperation. An additional theme that has spelled the end for jihadists throughout the globe has been the training, advising, and equipping of security forces and partners within Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, and other nations. Enabling the host-nation military to handle jihadist movements on their own helps the United States military work itself out of a job. US Army Special Forces are uniquely suited to accomplish this mission: With specialized training, language capability, and cultural understanding, they are able to train foreign security forces through a variety of Principle Tasks. These tasks include Foreign Internal Defense, which focuses on a holistic approach to internal security and protection of citizens against lawlessness and insurgency, and Security Force Assistance, which can be focused internally or externally against threats to a nation's stability and security. The success of these mission sets was evident in 2014, during my own experience with the Afghan Commando Kandaks' continued fight against the Taliban and in closely following the Iraqi Counterterrorism Service's efforts against the Islamic State. Both of these forces, built from the ground-up by US Army Special Forces have continually fortified weak conventional military force operations against jihadist groups in their respective nations. Muslim Youth Efforts Against Jihad Globalization, though it has been proven to bolster the jihadists' narrative against the West, has also been beneficial to the movement against jihad itself. Because youth of the world have access to technology that allows them to see the atrocities and lies associated with global jihadist organizations, they are beginning to turn the tide. During the Islamic State's rise to power in Iraq and Syria, Muslim youth from across Europe travelled to join the jihadists in their 21 fight against the West. However, groups of Muslim youth also spoke up to counter this narrative. In 2015 the Muslim Youth League, an anti-Islamic State cultural movement, declared a holy war against all extremist organizations (Dearden, 2015). The group called on all Muslims to stand united against those who have hijacked Islam and misrepresented the faith. Through engagement work in schools and communities, as well as a robust online campaign, the Muslim Youth League is fighting back against jihadist propaganda that bids young Muslims join the Islamic State and other extremist groups (Dearden). Since the time of this publication, the Muslim Youth League has spread to several countries throughout the Middle East, Asia, and Europe, each with their own social media presence, outreach programs, community events, and websites. Local Government Efforts Against Jihad In the years following the Islamic State's spread across Iraq and Syria, the United Kingdom has developed a robust strategy to help at-risk Muslims avoid the radicalization process. The program itself is called Contest, and includes four distinct categories: Prevent, Prepare, Protect, and Pursue (British Broadcasting Corporation [BBC], 2017). Police departments and social organizations have built relationships with doctors, faith leaders, teachers and others, who are required to report suspicious persons to the proper authorities. In response to these reporting requirements and recommendations, over 7,500 reports were filed between 2015-2016, with one in 10 being actionable intelligence for government and police forces (BBC). In 2015 alone, over 150 people, including 50 children, were kept from traveling to conflict zones in Iraq and Syria (BBC). The strategy has of course drawn criticism, for fear that it will further alienate Muslims from their local communities, but it presents as an excellent plan of action for identifying individuals who are at risk beyond just using traditional signals intelligence and 22 surveillance techniques. It does more than just target the individual, it also seeks to reform them through education, outreach, and community programs. Counterarguments You Can Kill an Idea. I have heard the opinion throughout my time in the military that jihad and the idea of Islamic supremacy can be completely eradicated. The example most often given is that Nazism, including the idea that the Aryan race was superior to all others, was effectively destroyed by a global military campaign. This argument is weak. The Nazis represented a very small portion of German culture, including among those serving in the military, so it was relatively easy to contain once there was an overwhelming military victory by the Allies. However, although the German Army of the 1940s was defeated militarily, the idea of white supremacy lives on in small social groups throughout the world to this day. The Ongoing Taliban Peace Talks. I have colleagues throughout the military who are convinced that the current negotiations with the Taliban are a key indicator of success in our two decades at war against the Salafi-jihadist group. The issue with this is that temporary cease fires have already been violated several times, leading one to believe that the strategic level leadership's messages are simply not reaching their subordinates or that local factions are not adhering to the agreement. Trusting that radical Muslim extremists will not allow Afghanistan to become a future safe haven for other jihadists, as it has in the past, is simply unrealistic. Believing some sort of quasi peace deal is going to miraculously pacify an organization that hates everything the West stands for is misguided. My own experiences throughout the Middle East have proven that the spirit of jihad and hatred will live on in Afghanistan. The Islamic State is Nearly Defeated. Multiple global media outlets continue to run stories about the dismantling of the Islamic State, as though the battle is won. Though Sheik Abu 23 Bakr al-Baghdadi has been killed, and the proposed Islamic caliphate was never fully realized, it would be naïve to think that the Islamic State's jihad is over. The movement will metastasize and take on new forms in other parts of the globe: It is already happening. Jihadists are continually leaving the battlefields of Iraq and Syria, headed back to their former homes in mainland Europe. As these individuals reenter the diaspora, the concern is that they will radicalize other individuals and conduct terrorist attacks within the continent. Conclusion The reasons an individual seeks to join a jihadist movement are deeply rooted in personal social dynamics, the security situation of their country, and a multitude of other religious, cultural, and economic factors. I agree with Venhaus (2010) and Gorka (2016) who assert that there is no singular military operation or strategy that can bring about a decisive victory against something so intangible as why one might join the modern jihadist movement. Use of the US military as a vehicle for the establishment of Western democracy and nation-building efforts in tribal nations like Afghanistan and Iraq only served to invigorate the jihadists' call to arms. Jihad is not something that can be eradicated completely by military force. Jihad must be confronted, contained, and countered through a comprehensive approach that empowers state and non-state actors to develop local solutions and directs expeditious military applications only where completely necessary. Recommendations Promote and Protect the Muslim Youth Leagues In order to truly create a cultural paradigm shift in Muslim youth at risk of radicalization, groups like the Muslim Youth League (BBC, 2017) should be promoted by governments worldwide as a bastion of true and peaceful Islam. While they should no doubt be supported, 24 governments must also protect these organizations from becoming targets for violent acts of terrorism or influence operations by jihadists. Through a combination of deep cultural understanding and positive messaging, the Muslim Youth League has already shown its effectiveness in the United Kingdom and beyond. Because the youth of each nation understand the social pressures and cultural influences that may lead one to seek jihad, they can effectively develop tailored, local solutions to persuade at-risk individuals. The Muslim Youth Leagues are on the front lines of countering the jihadist worldview, taking a stand and declaring war on jihad and its misrepresentations of Islam. Enable Local Solutions for Local Problems This should be accomplished through unified government action that involves all the United States' instruments of national power including diplomacy, information sharing, military action where necessary, and economic stimulus as needed. The specific issue with efforts like these, is that they cannot be accomplished during what is perceived by locals as a military occupation. This was proven true in Afghanistan and later in Iraq. Despite massive efforts to rebuild infrastructure, aid in agricultural processes, build schools, and organize community projects, the United States and its allies were still viewed as pushing Western values and democracy on nations through military occupation. As much as possible, we must limit our military presence in areas that are ripe for developing a jihadist movement, or in ones that are recovering. I have seen firsthand that government efforts against jihadist organizations or at-risk communities have often been fragmented, poorly staffed, and uncoordinated. Venhaus (2010) suggests the creation of an agency that is staffed, trained, funded, enabled, and equipped for strategic communications, calling it the United States Strategic Communications Agency. An 25 agency like this could ensure that a comprehensive national communications strategy is developed and achieved, with a focus on enabling local community efforts to counter the jihadist narrative. By promoting social outreach, religious education, and community programs, this agency could bolster the efforts of community leaders and stifle jihadist aims in their areas. Support Religious Education and Reintegration Reintegration programs in Saudi Arabia, Indonesia, Singapore and elsewhere have successfully rehabilitated former jihadists through religious education (Venhaus, 2010). Countering the apocalyptic world view of jihadist groups like al-Qaeda and the Islamic State requires local religious leaders who understand their community's issues to band together and refute the extremist narrative. Through careful, patient, and individually-tailored instruction, Muslim religious leaders can invalidate each and every one of the extremists' claims. Individuals who turn to jihad are often seeking this type of direction, they just find it in the wrong places. Counter Threats with Tailored Military Force Packages Continued themes among the military failures in counterinsurgency and counterterrorism operations during the early years of the Global War on Terrorism are indiscriminate use of force, lack of cultural understanding, and hyper-focus on tactical gains while failing at the strategic level. US government nation-building efforts on the backs of the military cost our country trillions of dollars, thousands of lives, and years of frustration, bogged-down in an endless quagmire of misunderstanding. US Army Special Forces are selected, trained, equipped, and enabled to clandestinely handle complex problem sets in denied or politically-sensitive environments. Each Special Forces Group is regionally-aligned, with Operational Detachments developing deep cultural understanding through Area Studies and continuous relationship-building with regional state and 26 non-state actors. Special Forces operators understand the complex cultural and security situations in their areas of responsibility and have the language capability and strategic understanding to operate with complete independence of outside support. Frankly, if given the authority and autonomy to do their jobs, Special Forces can coerce, disrupt, or overthrow jihadist organizations unilaterally, or train, advise, and equip foreign security forces to accomplish this task on their own. This can all be done independent of a large, slow, and expensive conventional military occupation. Organizations like al-Qaeda must be kept in a state of constant fear and uncertainty. US Special Operations Forces are uniquely suited to this task. Through structured, rapid application of military force, SOF can find, fix, and finish intended targets with surgical precision. This has proven true in the capture of Saddam Hussein and the elimination of Osama bin Laden and Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, among numerous other targets throughout the Global War on Terrorism. Continuing to deny safe havens through short, precise applications of combat power is crucial and does not rely on a conventional military occupation of the target area. Operations such as these, characterized by discriminate use of force and strategic impact, should be the main avenue for denying the relative safety, security, and freedom of maneuver of jihadist organizations. 27 References British Broadcasting Corporation (2017, June 4). Reality check: What is the prevent strategy? Reality Check. https://www.bbc.com/news/election-2017-40151991. Creswell, R., & Haykel, B. (2015, June 1). Battle lines: Want to understand the jihadis? Read their poetry. The New Yorker. https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2015/06/08/battle-lines-jihad-creswell-and-haykel. Dearden, L. (2015, March 21). Young British Muslims declare own jihad against ISIS and other terrorists who 'hijack' Islam. Independent. https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/young-british-muslims-declare-own-jihad-against-isis-and-other-terrorists-who-hijack-islam-10146534.html. Dempsey, M. (2015). The national military strategy of the United States of America 2015: The United States military's contribution to national security. The Joint Staff. https://www.jcs.mil/Portals/36/Documents/Publications/UNCLASS_2018_National_Military_Strategy_Description.pdf. Gall, C. (2020, January 31). From armed struggle to peaceful protest, a road still to travel: A veteran of the Afghan jihad working for nonviolent change in Algeria. The New York Times. https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/31/world/middleeast/from-armed-struggle-to-peaceful-protest-a-road-still-to-travel.html. Gorka, S. L. (2016). Defeating jihad: The winnable war. Regnery Publishing. Kilcullen, D. J. (2010). Counterinsurgency. Oxford University Press. Nilsson, M. (2019, 18 June) Motivations for jihad and cognitive dissonance: A qualitative analysis of former Swedish jihadists. Studies in Conflict and Terrorism. https://doi.org/10.1080/1057610X.2019.1626091. 28 Porch, D. (2013). Counterinsurgency: Exposing the myths of the new way of war. Cambridge University Press. Qur'an (M. Ali, Trans.; 7th ed.) (2015). Islam International Publications. (Original work published ca. 1537). Venhaus, J. (2010). Why youth join al-Qaeda. Special Report, 236(1), 1-12. https://www.usip. org/sites/default/files/SR236Venhaus.pdf.
Backed by sound economic policies and until the global crisis, a buoyant global economy, many developing countries made significant movement toward achieving the 2015millennium Development Goals (MDGs), particularly those for poverty reduction, gender parity in education, and reliable access to safe water. But even before the global economic crisis, progress in achieving some MDGs, especially those on child and maternal mortality, primary school completion, hunger, and sanitation, was lagging. The global food, fuel and economic crises have set back progress to the MDGs. An estimated 64 million more people are living on less than $1.25/day than there would have been without the crisis. The challenges ahead are achieving the MDGs requires a vibrant global economy, powered by strong, sustainable, multi-polar growth, underpinned by sound policies and reform at the country level; improving access for the poor to health, education, affordable food, trade, finance, and basic infrastructure is key to accelerating progress to the MDGs; developing countries need to continue to strengthen resilience to global volatility in order to protect gains and sustain progress toward the MDGs; the international community must renew its commitment to reach the 'bottom billion', particularly those in fragile and conflict-affected countries; and global support for a comprehensive development agenda including through the G20 process is critical. In the wake of recent global crises, and with the 2015 deadline approaching, business as usual is not enough to meet the MDGs.