Suchergebnisse

This article examines the rise of the political right and far-right in Hungarian political culture. It highlights the contribution that world-systems analysis can bring to an historical sociological understanding of the concept of political culture, with a particular focus on contemporary Hungary. Many commentators are asking: how it can be that 30 years of democratic transition has led to the dominance in Hungary of a politics of intolerance, illiberalism and ethno-Nationalism, as manifested in both the current government, Fidesz, and the neo-fascist party, Jobbik. This paper argues that the correct way to frame the question is to ask: why, given the legacy of authoritarian social and political movements that have shaped Hungary's modern history, should a stable, liberal, political culture emerge after communism? Instead what the paper shows is that the goals of classical liberalism and a liberal political culture have long been destroyed by three factors: capitalism; the nation-state; and the persistence of traditional and sometimes irrational forms of social hierarchy, prejudice and authority. Hungary's current Orbánisation reflects an on-going tension between liberal and illiberal tendencies, the latter being part of the foundations of the modern world-system. Rather than viewing Hungary as a dangerous exception to be quarantined by the European Union, it should be recognised that the political right in Hungary is linked to broader trends across the world-system that foster intolerance and other anti-enlightenment and socially divisive tendencies. Political cultures polarised by decades of neoliberal reforms and in which there is no meaningful socialist alternative have reduced Hungary's elite political debates to the choice of either neoliberalism or ethno-nationalism, neither of which is likely to generate socially progressive solutions to its current problems.

This dissertation from the qualitative research methodology and from a descriptiveperspective - historical, aims to reflect on the legal status of political partiesand their role in the Colombian state. This in order to understand the deficienciesthat these organizations have demonstrated in the context of Colombian politics.To this end, the fundamental policy framework is developed figure and thematicdiscussion principals are anticipated against that organization. ; La presente disertacion desde la metodología de investigación cualitativa y desde una perspectiva histórico-descrptiva, pretende reflexionar sobre la naturaleza jurídica de los partidos politicos y su papel en el Estado colombiano. Lo anterior con la finalidad de comprender las deficiencias que dichas organizaciones han evidenciado en el marco de la política colombiana. Para tal efecto se desarrolla el marco normativo fundamental de la figura y se preven las principales tematicas de debate frente a dicha organización.

CHINA'S RISING CONFIDENCE IN THE AREA OF HUMAN RIGHTS IS REFLECTED IN ITS SIGNING OF THE INTERNATIONAL COVENANT ON ECONOMIC, SOCIAL, AND CULTURAL RIGHTS IN 1997 AND THE INTERNATIONAL COVENANT ON CIVIL AND POLITICAL RIGHTS IN 1998. THIS PAPER EXAMINES THE EARLY INTERACTION BETWEEN BEIJING AND THE UNITED NATIONS HUMAN RIGHTS REGIME AND TRACES HOW CHINA MANAGED TO RISE FROM A PARIAH STATE IN 1989 TO BECOME TODAY'S SELF-DESIGNATED VOICE OF THE THIRD WORLD, EMPHASIZING COMMUNITY RIGHTS AND THE RIGHT TO DEVELOPMENT OVER INDIVIDUAL AND POLITICAL RIGHTS.

Most international legal scholars consider that although the inclusion of civil society in international law-making would be desirable, it is not yet legally required. In this article, I argue that civil society groups already do have a right to participate in international lawmaking. Although I believe there are various paths that can be taken to defend this idea, in this article I focus on only one. I hold that the right can be derived from Article 25(a) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which grants every citizen 'the right and the opportunity . to take part in the conduct of public affairs, directly or through freely chosen representatives'. Specifically, I interpret Article 25(a) in accordance with the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties. I argue, first, that the article can be interpreted as applying internationally (considering the ordinary meaning, the context, the subsequent practice and other rules of international law) and, second, that it should be interpreted in this way (if read in good faith and considering the object and purpose of the treaty). ; Fil: Maisley, Nahuel. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Derecho; Argentina

A large body of scholarly work has been devoted to the possible consequences of foreign military intervention for the target state. This literature, however, tends to be state-centric and mostly neglects the insight from gender-specific theoretical and empirical perspectives. The purpose of this article is to examine the extent to which military intervention affects women's rights. It is argued that unilateral interventions are prone to diminishing women's status by encouraging the persistence or creation of repressive regimes and contributing to political disorder in the target state. If the use of armed forces ever helps or causes no damage to women's well-being, it will likely be during interventions led by intergovernmental organizations (IGOs). This is because IGO interventions are unlikely to protect or support an authoritarian, patriarchal political system. Furthermore, such multilateral missions will increase international awareness of women's status along with other human rights issues in the target society, thereby creating more pressure on the government to enforce women's rights. To empirically substantiate these arguments, three different indicators that tap socio-economic and political aspects of women's status are used, including the indices of women's economic, political, and social rights from the Cingranelli-Richards database. The results indicate that while women's political and economic status suffer most during unilateral US interventions, IGO interventions are likely to have a positive influence on women's political rights. Non-US unilateral interventions, on the other hand, are unlikely to cause any major change in women's status. Finally, military interventions in general have no major statistically significant impact on women's social rights.

AbstractIn recent decades, there has been a gradual decline in working-class organisations, including social democratic parties and trade unions, and an increase in support for populist radical right parties across western democracies. These trends have a plausible common cause: an increase in labour market insecurity associated with deindustrialisation may cause disenchantment with establishment organisations and support for politicians who criticise them. In this article, I examine how individual labour market status interacts with labour market policies to affect attitudes towards trade unions and populist radical right parties. I find that individuals with insecure employment status become less likely to support trade unions and more likely to support populist radical right parties as employment protection for secure workers increases. This effect is offset somewhat by spending on active labour market policies. I find evidence for these predictions in data for 27 Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development countries from 1995 to 2009.

This paper provides the first political economy model in which self-interested natives decide when voting rights should be granted to foreign-born workers. This choice is driven by the maximization of the net gains from immigration. We focus on the provision of a public good: immigrants could enlarge the tax base by increasing the total workforce, but at the same time they influence the tax rate by eventually exerting their political rights. We find that the quantity and the quality (human capital) of per- spective immigrants, the political composition of the native population, and the sensitivity of the migration choice to voting rights, are all decisive factors in determining the political choice over the optimal timing of naturalization

Discussions of world hunger have focused on economic growth and international food aid, assuming that food supply is the critical issue. The authors show that food access rooted in social stratification and military power is the central problem. Synthesizing the entitlement and military famine approaches to hunger, the authors examine the effects of food supply, economic growth, social stratification, and military power on child hunger in less developed countries (1990-2000) using a cross-national analysis. Child hunger is largely due to gender stratification, militarization, and armed conflict. Halting wars, expanding political rights, and improving gender equity reduce child hunger. Economic growth and programmatic international food aid reduce child hunger, but there are no benefits from increased total food supply or international emergency relief. Child hunger is an access problem best addressed by expanding social and political rights, reducing armed conflict and militarization, and improving women's status. Early warning and relief efforts should focus on these concerns instead of the ``supply'' concerns traditionally emphasized.

For almost two decades, the public debate about Islam in Western Europe has been dominated by concerns about the lack of gender equality in the racialized Muslim population. There has been a tendency to victimize "the Muslim woman" rather than to encourage Muslim women's participation in the public debate about their lives. This contribution to the study of discourses on Muslim women is an analysis of arguments written by Muslims about women's rights. The data consists of 239 texts written by self-defined Muslims in major Norwegian newspapers about women's rights. I will discuss two findings from the study. The first is an appeal to be personal when discussing issues of domestic violence and racism is combined with an implicit and explicit demand to represent all Muslims in order to get published in newspapers—which creates an ethno-religious threshold for participation in the public debate. The second finding is that, across different positions and different religious affiliations, from conservative to nearly secular, and across the timeline, from 2000 to 2012, there is a dominant understanding of women's rights as individual autonomy. These findings will be discussed from different theoretical perspectives to explore how arguments for individual autonomy can both challenge and amplify neoliberal agendas.