Suchergebnisse

Preface : Anna and ʻAbed -- Glossary -- Suicide terrorism revisited : introductory notes -- Accidental monsters, unlikely heroes (A) -- Accidental monsters, unlikely heroes (B) -- Anatomy of suicide operation -- Passing : overlooked aspect of suicide terrorism -- Middle Eastern twist -- Ritual coproduction : victimizer, victim and sacrifice -- Research strategy -- Concluding analytical notes -- Afterword : two attacks on our moral order

Contents: Referendum to be held in East Timor -- The army's dirty war in East Timor -- Indonesian police, the prodigal son -- Free election after 44 years -- Turmoil in Aceh escalates -- Truth about Biak atrocity revealed -- Joint SAS-Kopassus hostage operation -- Pramoedya warmly welcomed everywhere -- 1965 massacre: Suharto must be indicted -- Police opens fire on demonstrators

Urgency of the research. The authors solve the following praxeological questions: How do we perceive a dangerous flight situation, a flight incident and an air accident? Which basic stages of the investigation do we use? How to implement a situational management methodology for investigating the circumstances of an air accident? Target setting. The article presents the analysis of the current state of information issues in the investigation of air accident circumstances in the military and civil aviation by using the methodology of situational management of forensic investigation processes. Actual scientific researches and issues analysis. An integral part of this development is also the tackling the concept of development of the Air Force, with an emphasis on the training of personnel and the level of the flight operations and the flight safety. Uninvestigated parts of general matters defining. The forensic investigation of air accidents and incidents is perceived as the specific application area of the Forensic Engineering. The research objective. The core output of article is in the proposal of the investigation of air accident circumstances in the military and civil aviation. The statement of basic materials. We use the tools of analysis and synthesis, the expert method with the inductive method based on the close observations and experimentation/investigation in the terrain, in the aviation practice. Conclusions. It is therefore necessary to subject on the permanent pay attention to the theoretical and practical level. Some specific issues addressed in the monograph can be extended with the further proposals and selected issues to address within the scope of research and scientific base of the armed forces. ; Актуальність теми дослідження. Автори вирішують наступні праксеологічні питання: Як ми сприймаємо небезпечну ситуацію в польоті, польот і авіаційну аварію? Які основні етапи дослідження ми використовуємо? Як застосувати методологію ситуативного управління для розслідування обставин авіаційної аварії? Постановка проблеми. У статті проаналізовано сучасний стан інформаційних питань при розслідуванні повітряних аварій у військовій та цивільній авіації з використанням методології ситуаційного управління криміналістичними процесами. Аналіз останніх досліджень і публікацій. Невід'ємною частиною цього розвитку є також розробка концепції розвитку ВПС з акцентом на підготовку персоналу та рівень польотних операцій та безпеку польотів. Виділення недосліджених частин загальної проблеми. Судово-медичне розслідування авіаційних подій та інцидентів сприймається як специфічна область застосування судової інженерії. Постановка завдання. Основним результатом статті є пропозиція розслідування обставин авіаційних аварій у військовій та цивільній авіації. Виклад основного матеріалу. Ми використовуємо засоби аналізу та синтезу, експертний метод з індуктивним методом, заснований на тісних спостереженнях і експериментах / дослідженні на місцевості, в авіаційній практиці. Висновки. Тому необхідно підпорядкувати постійній увазі теоретичний і практичний рівень. Деякі конкретні питання, що розглядаються в монографії, можуть бути розширені з подальшими пропозиціями та окремими питаннями для розгляду в рамках наукової бази збройних сил.

This book examines hybrid tribunals created in Sierra Leone, Kosovo, Cambodia, East Timor, and Lebanon, in terms of their origins (the political and social forces that led to their creation), the legal regimes that they used, their various institutional structures, and the challenges that they faced during their operations. Through this study, the author looks at both their successes and their shortcomings, and presents recommendations for the formation of future hybrid tribunals. Hybrid tribunals are a form of the international justice where the judicial responsibility is shared between the international community and the local state where they function. These tribunals represent an important bridge between traditional international courts like the International Criminal Court (ICC), the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY), the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) and various local justice systems. Because hybrid tribunals are developed in response to large-scale atrocities, these courts are properly considered part of the international criminal justice system. This feature gives hybrid tribunals the accountability and legitimacy often lost in local justice systems; however, by including regional courtroom procedures and personnel, they are integrated into the local justice system in a way that allows a society to deal with its criminals on its own terms, at least in part. This unique volume combines historical and legal analyses of these hybrid tribunals, placing them within a larger historical, political, and legal context. It will be of interest to researchers in Criminal Justice, International Studies, International Law, and related fields.

Maurice Duverger is arguably the most distinguished French political scientist of the last century, but his major impact has, strangely enough, been largely in the English-speaking world. His book, Political Parties, first translated into English in 1954, has been very influential in both the party politics literature (which continues to make use of his typology of party organization) and in the electoral systems literature. His chief contributions there deal with what have come to be called in his honor Duverger's Law and Duverger's Hypothesis. The first argues that countries with plurality-based electoral methods will tend to become two-party systems, the second argues that countries using proportional representation (PR) methods will tend to become multi-party systems. Duverger also identifies specific mechanisms that will produce these effects, conventionally referred to as ""mechanical effects"", and ""psychological effects"". However, while Duverger's Hypothesis concerning the link between PR and multipartism is now widely accepted, the empirical evidence that plurality voting results in two-party systems is remarkably weak—with the U.S. the most notable exception. The chapters in this volume consider national-level evidence for the operation of Duverger's law in the world's largest, longest-lived and most successful democracies of Britain, Canada, India and the United States. One set of papers involves looking at the overall evidence for Duverger's Law in these countries, the other set deals with evidence for the mechanical and incentive effects predicted by Duverger. The result is an incisive analysis of electoral and party dynamics.

The notion that we can learn from experiments is topical in current discussions on societal transitions for combating climate change. Within a socio-technical transitions approach, strategic niche management (SNM) conceives of local experiments within protected spaces as important initiators of learning and empowerment of new technologies. Transition management –a governance approach– views "local experiments" as central in a societal learning process for sustainability. Several countries – among them Finland – aim to develop a culture of experimentation in order to meet the sustainability and climate challenges of the future. This paper presents a new perspective on experiments and learning. Analytical studies on experiments, pilots, demonstrations and living labs show that experimental uses of new technologies can reveal missing competences. For example, demonstrations of building-applied solar energy technologies show how commissioning, maintenance, operation and use can be problematic due to missing services and missing competences in existing firms and among users (Janda and Parag 2013; Killip 2013; Janda et al. 2014; Heiskanen et al. 2015).We demonstrate our approach with Finnish examples from pilots, demonstrations and experiments in embedding smart energy - solar power and other intermittent energy sources, energy management, smart metering and grids – into real-life environments. Our data consist of 8 case studies, and workshops with the users of research results (public authorities, educational bodies, interaction designers). We show how such experiments can be used to identify missing competences and anticipate future education and usability needs, i.e., how to co-adapt technologies and users to a climate-constrained future world.

"Under certain circumstances, this outcome would be plausible. According to Donald Horowitz, certain preconditions make partition involving ethnic segregation more likely to successfully decrease violent interactions between ethnic groups. He cites three primary factors that particularly impact the likelihood that partition would succeed: (1) the regions being created already experience a high degree of ethnic homogeneity; (2) there is a wholesale defection of forces formerly committed to a unified government, now willing to support partition; and (3) there is external foreign support for the movement (Horowitz 266). My research suggests that none of these conditions is currently present in Iraq. In this paper, I will argue that the policy of partition is problematic generally because it necessitates a conception of ethnic groups as more cohesive than they are, and specifically because of the current conditions in Iraq. While a policy of soft partition may be different from that of strict partition in certain respects, it would still facilitate the imposition of ethnic separation, the policy's most problematic component. Furthermore, drawing on the research of Nicholas Sambanis, I will show that, from a historical-statistical perspective, partition has had an insignificant effect on preventing the recurrence of violence in post-ethnic civil war societies. Considering the high costs of implementing a partition in Iraq—both in terms of the operation and its potential negative effects, this paper suggests that the burden of proof is on the advocates of partition to prove its effectiveness in the country."--from pages 144-145

The USAID-funded FRONTIERS Program of the Population Council, in collaboration with the Department of Health & Family Welfare, Government of Gujarat, and the Center for Operations Research and Training, Vadodara, conducted an operations research study in India to test the hypothesis that by improving the demand for the IUD and simultaneously strengthening the technical competencies and counseling skills of the providers, use of the IUD use would increase. The findings show that demand-generation activities and provision of good-quality IUD services, together with a supportive programmatic environment, when carried out simultaneously showed increased acceptance of the IUD. The intervention could be easily integrated into the existing system. A sustained and coherent IEC campaign is required to remove myths; the IEC and counseling aids developed for the study have been well accepted by healthcare providers, clients, and national and state government officials.

"I don't think that [the war] is a stalemate," Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelensky told NBC News' Meet the Press on Sunday."They thought they would checkmate us, but," he insisted, "this didn't happen." According to recent interviews, his military leadership disagrees. His political inner circle thinks his insistence is delusional.Zelensky is facing pressure both from within Ukraine and from without. Growing pressure from within is coming from both the political and military leadership; growing pressure from without is coming from Ukraine's key partners.The battle is largely being played out in the Western media. Most intimately, Zelensky has faced criticism from his political inner circle. TIME magazine reports that some of the president's advisors have become worried that his "belief in Ukraine's ultimate victory over Russia . . . "verg[es] on the messianic." One of Zelensky's "closest aides" said that Zelensky "deludes himself." The aide complained, "We're out of options. We're not winning. But try telling him that."Some Zelensky aides say his intransigence hampers Ukraine's ability to adapt to the changed reality on the battlefield and worry that negotiating a settlement with Russia remains "taboo."Domestic criticism is also coming from the top levels of the military. Zelensky is reportedly in conflict with his generals over the conduct of the counteroffensive and over his demands to defend Bakhmut and Avdiivka at any cost, which the military leadership sees as a strategic mistake that is already hurting Ukraine dearly in soldiers and equipment. A senior Ukrainian military officer said that orders from the president's office are, at times, disconnected from the battlefield reality and defended some front-line commanders who have begun second-guessing and refusing "orders from the top."Zelensky's struggle with his generals intensified on November 3 when Zelensky fired General Viktor Khorenko, the commander of Ukraine's special operations forces. The commander-in-chief of the Ukrainian army, General Valery Zaluzhny, did not request his dismissal. The New York Times reports that "It was unclear whether General Zaluzhny, the overall commander of Ukraine's forces, knew in advance of the planned dismissal" and that "[t]he firing appeared to undercut General Zaluzhny's authority."The firing took U.S. military officers, who "described a close and effective working relationship with" Khorenko, by surprise. Khorenko's special operations forces had had some success with long-range strikes and sabotage operations behind Russian lines. But the NYT reports that there had been tension over what the military had "perceived as politically guided decisions on strategy" that had been ineffective and costly.Zelensky's tensions with his generals reached a peak with Zaluzhny's November 1 interview with The Economist. He asserted that the war had reached a "stalemate." He conceded that "There will most likely be no deep and beautiful breakthrough."What's worse is that Zaluzhny implied that the stalemate would evolve into defeat for Ukraine. A stalemate entails a long war of attrition. In a companion essay published simultaneously by The Economist, he explained that a long war "as a rule, in most cases, is beneficial to one of the parties to the conflict. In our particular case, it is the russian [sic] federation, as it gives it the opportunity to reconstitute and build up its military power."Zaluzhny said that in a prolonged war, Ukraine will run out of the "required volume" of missiles and ammunition while Russia, despite sanctions, is increasing its production capabilities. And even if it didn't run out of weapons, he added, it will run out of men: a war of attrition "leads to the lack of Ukraine's ability to achieve superiority over the enemy in reserves by increasing their number." A close Zelensky aide told TIME that, even if the United States gave Ukraine all the weapons it needed, Kyiv doesn't "have the men to use them."Zelensky's office censured Zaluzhny, saying it "eases the work" of Russia and stirs "panic" among Ukraine's Western partners. The New York Times calls the censure "a striking public rebuke that signaled an emerging rift between the military and civilian leadership."In addition to the pressure coming from within Zelensky's inner political and military circle, diplomatic pressure is also coming from Zelensky's international partners. A November 3 NBC News article reported that "U.S. and European officials have begun quietly talking to the Ukrainian government about what possible peace negotiations with Russia might entail to end the war." The article went on to say, citing one current and one former senior U.S. official familiar with the discussions, that "the conversations have included very broad outlines of what Ukraine might need to give up to reach a deal."The quiet talks suggest agreement by the U.S. and its European allies with Zaluzhny that Ukraine may not achieve its goals on the battlefield, that the realization of their aspirations may continue to dim with prolonged battle, and that some concessions may need to be made.There is a remarkable convergence in the language used by the U.S. and European officials and the language used by Zaluzhny and Zelensky's aides. NBC reports that the conversations "began amid concerns among U.S. and European officials that the war has reached a stalemate." NBC reports that, like Zaluzhny, "[s]ome U.S. military officials have privately begun using the term 'stalemate' to describe the current battle in Ukraine."Like Zaluzhny and Zelensky's aides, "Biden administration officials also are worried that Ukraine is running out of forces." According to "people familiar with the matter," NBC reported, "President Joe Biden has been intensely focused on Ukraine's depleting military forces." "Manpower," one of those sources is quoted as saying, "is at the top of the administration's concerns right now." Echoing the "close Zelensky aide" quoted in TIME, the same source said, "The U.S. and its allies can provide Ukraine with weaponry, but if they don't have competent forces to use them it doesn't do a lot of good."These concerns, NBC reported, have led U.S. officials to concede privately that "Ukraine likely only has until the end of the year or shortly thereafter before more urgent discussions about peace negotiations should begin."That leaves only a couple of months. With the battlefield turning against Ukraine despite Zelensky's intransigent "belief in Ukraine's ultimate victory over Russia," the pressure targeted at Zelensky seems to be building, from both within and without,, to turn to the diplomatic front and face the beginning of the end of the war.

Climate change is a defining issue in contemporary life. Since the Industrial Revolution, heavy reliance on carbon-based sources for energy in industry and society has contributed to substantial changes in the climate, indicated by increases in temperature and sea level rise. In the last three decades, concerns regarding human contributions to climate change have moved from obscure scientific inquiries to the fore of science, politics, policy and practices at many levels. From local adaptation strategies to international treaty negotiation, 'the politics of climate change' is as pervasive, vital and contested as it has ever been. On the cusp of a new commitment to international co-operation to rein in greenhouse gas emissions, this essential book intervenes to help understand and engage with the dynamic and compelling 'Politics of Climate Change'. This edited collection draws on a vast array of experience, expertise and perspectives, with authors with backgrounds in climate science, geography, environmental studies, biology, sociology, political science, psychology and philosophy. This reflects the contemporary conditions where the politics of climate change permeates and penetrates all facets of our shared lives and livelihoods. Chapters include the Politics of Climate Science, History of Climate Policy, the Cultural Politics of Climate Change: Interactions in the Spaces of Everyday, the Politics of Interstate Climate Negotiations, the Politics of the Carbon Economy, and Addressing Inequality. An A - Z glossary of key terms offers additional information in dictionary format, with entries on topics including Carbon tax, Stabilization, Renewable technologies and the World Meteorological Organization. A section of Maps offers a visual overview of the effects of environmental change.

BiblioEstructura of BiblioMadSalud was proposed as a work-group to develop a structure, organization and performance of health libraries to be acknowledged by Community of Madrid administration. Start of your work with an internal analysis which result was presented at BiblioSalud 2019, XVI Jornada Nacional de Información y Documentación en Ciencias de la Salud with the title "Institutional status of health science libraries in the public hospitals of the community of Madrid". In this work we propose to carry out an external analysis with the objective of knowing the legal structure in which the Health Sciences Libraries are framed within the institutions at the national level. Methods: A telephone survey is made to the coordinators of the Virtual Libraries of the 17 Autonomous Communities of Spain. with 4 questions, 2 basic and other two conditioned to the previous answers. Result: This study shows that only three Autonomous Communities have organized and regulated a system that establishes the mode of operation, structure and organization of their Health Sciences Libraries of their Public Hospitals. In the rest of the Communities, in the best of cases, there is a Virtual Library that acts as a working link between the rest of the libraries in your Community and coordinates some of the functions and services. Conclusions: It is essential to carry out a consensus work in which a legal document is formalized, suppervised and approved by the Autonomous Administration, which defines the organization, structure and functioning of the Health Sciences Libraries in Public Hospitals, which It would provide stability to the system and a reference to the workers of the system.

BiblioEstructura of BiblioMadSalud was proposed as a work-group to develop a structure, organization and performance of health libraries to be acknowledged by Community of Madrid administration. Start of your work with an internal analysis which result was presented at BiblioSalud 2019, XVI Jornada Nacional de Información y Documentación en Ciencias de la Salud with the title "Institutional status of health science libraries in the public hospitals of the community of Madrid". In this work we propose to carry out an external analysis with the objective of knowing the legal structure in which the Health Sciences Libraries are framed within the institutions at the national level. Methods: A telephone survey is made to the coordinators of the Virtual Libraries of the 17 Autonomous Communities of Spain. with 4 questions, 2 basic and other two conditioned to the previous answers. Result: This study shows that only three Autonomous Communities have organized and regulated a system that establishes the mode of operation, structure and organization of their Health Sciences Libraries of their Public Hospitals. In the rest of the Communities, in the best of cases, there is a Virtual Library that acts as a working link between the rest of the libraries in your Community and coordinates some functions and services. Conclusions: It is essential to carry out a consensus work in which a legal document is formalized, supervised and approved by the Autonomous Administration, which defines the organization, structure and functioning of the Health Sciences Libraries in Public Hospitals, which It would provide stability to the system and a reference to the workers of the system.

SETTING: The World Health Organization Commission on the Social Determinants of Health (SDoH) observes that building political will is central to all its recommendations, because governments respond to those who organize and show up. Since younger Canadians are less likely to vote or to organize in between elections, they are less effective at building political will than their older counterparts. This results in an age gap between SDoH research and government budget priorities. Whereas Global AgeWatch ranks Canada among the top countries for aging, UNICEF ranks Canada among the least generous OECD (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development) countries for the generations raising young children. INTERVENTION: A surgical intervention into the body politic. Guided by the "health political science" literature, the intervention builds a non-profit coalition to perform science-based, non-partisan democratic engagement to increase incentives for policy-makers to translate SDoH research about younger generations into government budget investments. OUTCOMES: All four national parties integrated policy recommendations from the intervention into their 2015 election platforms. Three referred to, or consulted with, the intervention during the election. The intervention coincided with all parties committing to the single largest annual increase in spending on families with children in over a decade. IMPLICATIONS: Since many population-level decisions are made in political venues, the concept of population health interventions should be broadened to include activities designed to mobilize SDoH science in the world of politics. Such interventions must engage with the power dynamics, values, interests and institutional factors that mediate the path by which science shapes government budgets.

THIS ARTICLE EXAMINES THE PROBLEM OF TERRORISM IN CENTRAL AMERICA. IT OUTLINES THE VARIOUS FORMS IN WHICH TERRORISM APPEARS IN THE REGION, RANGING FROM ACTIVITIES OF LEFTIST GUERRILLAS TO THE ACTIONS OF MAJOR STATE ACTORS. IT FOCUSES ON GUATEMALA, NICARAGUA, AND EL SALVADOR AND EMPHASIZES THE ROLE OF THE UNITED STATES IN TERRORIST ACTIVITIES IN THESE COUNTRIES. IT CONCLUDES THAT TERRORISM HAS BECOME A CONSISTENT POLICY TOOL FOR THE U.S.-SUPPORTED REGIMES IN GUATEMALA AND EL SALVADOR AND WAS MOST FREQUENTLY EMPLOYED TO PROTECT THE INTERESTS OF THE RICH AND POWERFUL. IT ALSO BECAME ONE OF THE PRINCIPAL METHODS OF OPERATION FOR THE MAIN CONTRA FORCE OPERATING OUT OF HONDURAS.