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Even though French as a Foreign Language was acknowledged as a science only in the late 1950's, its first fruits are to be sought in the post Second World War years, when a great renovation took place in the French cultural policy and the teaching of French. At the instigation of the Foreign Office, private protagonists of the French dissemination, international organisations for cultural cooperation (European Council and UNESCO), and newly independent francophone countries, is spread in that field the idea of an efficient, pragmatic and vivid French language, supplanting the one of a cultural language, which tended to ossify as well as the image of French civilisation itself. Nevertheless, far from opposing these two ideologies, the French as a Foreign Language field is going to try and conciliate them. Thanks to the exteritorialisation of French and to the interest for alterity that goes with it, francophony appears as the pragmatic and humanist melting-pot which revitalizes the universal messianic myth of French. ; Bien que la didactique du français langue étrangère ne soit reconnue comme telle qu'au début des années 1960, ses prémisses sont à chercher dans les années d'après-guerre, période d'une rénovation en profondeur de la politique culturelle française à l'extérieure et de l'enseignement de la langue, sous l'influence de nouvelles représentations de la langue française. À l'instigation conjointe du ministère des Affaires étrangères, des acteurs privés de la diffusion du français, des organisations de coopération culturelle internationale (Conseil de l'Europe et Unesco) et des pays francophones nouvellement indépendants, se répand dans le champ du FLE l'idéologie du français utile, pratique, courant – vivant, en somme – supplantant celle du français langue de culture qui tendait à se scléroser en même temps que l'image de la civilisation française. Pourtant, loin d'opposer ces deux idéologies linguistiques – français langue de culture / langue pratique – le champ du FLE va chercher à les concilier. Grâce à la déterritorialisation du français et à l'ouverture à l'altérité linguistique qui la caractérise, la francophonie fait figure de creuset à la fois pragmatique et humaniste qui donne un souffle nouveau au mythe messianique et universel du français.

Исследуется миф о первой русской амазонке, сложившийся вокруг личности Надежды Дуровой в первой половине XIX в. Для анализа используется конструкт гендерного беспокойства, введенный философом Дж. Батлер. При помощи данного конструкта рассматривается расщепленная на бинарные оппозиции социальная идентичность Н. А. Дуровой и офицера А. Александрова. Автор ставит перед собой вопросы, какие механизмы обусловили возможность существования индивида в русском обществе XIX в. в ситуации поло-гендерного несовпадения и что привело к полному отказу кавалерист-девицы от женской идентичности Надежды Дуровой в пользу мужской идентичности Александра Александрова даже после того, как тайна ее пола стала известной широкой общественности. ; This article covers the myth which was formed in the first half of the XIX c. around Nadezhda Durova, the first Russian amazon. To analyse Durova's biography and Russian society's attitude towards sex-gender mismatch. J. Butler's construct of gender trouble is being used. This methodology examines Durova's and Alexandrov's social identity splitted into two binary oppositions. The author distinguishes three stages in myth formation about Nadezhda Durova. The first period includes Durova's military service including the Patriotic War of 1812. This phase involves a conscious creation of male identity instead of a female one. The second period is "exposure" and it is connected with publication of "The Cavalry Maiden notes" in 1836. During this period Nadezhda Durova's image is being formed in St. Petersburg high society. The third period describes Nadezhda's secluded life in Yelabuga. It can be considered as response to provincial people reaction towards this case of sex-gender mismatch; Durova continued performing the male identity and refused to adopt a female behavior model. The article raises a question about mechanisms which provided existence of a person with sex-gender mismatch in Russian society of XIX c. Presumably, social identity of the "man at the service" who subordinated only to the Emperor played more significant role than gender hierarchy. However, the creation of a male officer identity required total and ultimate abandonment of female identity with no possibility of reconversion.

Throughout the article the philosophical assumptions necessary for the construction of a conception of law are analyzed from the work of Albert Camus. Thus two tasks: first, an approach to the concepts of philosophy and philosophy of law; second, an analysis of the stage of denial or the absurd, where special attention to the Myth of Sisyphus and The Stranger is provided. The method used in the article is documentary. The validity of Camusian thought in the field of ethics and political philosophy, to find the germ of a conception of law able to problematize around various themes of the philosophy of law. ; A lo largo del artículo se analizan los presupuestos filosóficos necesarios para la construcción de una concepción del derecho desde la obra de Albert Camus. Así, se realizan dos tareas: en primer término, una aproximación a los conceptos de filosofía y filosofía del derecho; en segundo término, un análisis de la etapa de la negación o de lo absurdo, donde se presta especial atención al Mito de Sísifo y El Extraño. El método utilizado en el artículo es documental. La vigencia del pensamiento camusiano, en el ámbito de la ética y la filosofía política, permite encontrar el germen de una concepción del derecho capaz de problematizar en torno a diversas temáticas de la filosofía del derecho. ; Tout au long de l'article, les hypothèses philosophiques nécessaires à la construction d'une conception du droit sont analysés à partir de l'œuvre d'Albert Camus. Ainsi, deux tâches: d'abord, une approche des concepts de la philosophie et de la philosophie du droit; deuxièmement, une analyse de la phase de déni ou de l'absurde, où une attention particulière au Mythe de Sisyphe et The Stranger est fourni. La méthode utilisée dans l'article est documentaire. La validité de camusien pensée dans le domaine de l'éthique et de la philosophie politique, de trouver le germe d'une conception du droit capable de problématiser autour de divers thèmes de la philosophie du droit.

Without institutional changes in the countries restructuring their political-economic and social system, it would be impossible to achieve a goal, which establishes an efficient and competitive economy. This policy requires not only the forming of financial markets and institutions, but also a deep reform of economic life. Therefore, the subject of this article are the clearly obvious transformation processes in Central and Eastern Europe after 1989, such as Ukraine after 2004. In the first part of this article, the author indicates the determinants of the transformation process in the Central and Eastern European countries, characterizing, e.g., such factors as the geopolitical location of a country, the achieved level of economic development before 1989, or the depth of the reforms and their social acceptance. However, it is the second part of the article which is its essence, as it presents how some of the elements of the transformation theory have affected different aspects of social, political and economic life of the country and at the same time allows exposure of a series of myths concerning transformation. ; Without institutional changes in the countries restructuring their political-economic and social system, it would be impossible to achieve a goal, which establishes an efficient and competitive economy. This policy requires not only the forming of financial markets and institutions, but also a deep reform of economic life. Therefore, the subject of this article are the clearly obvious transformation processes in Central and Eastern Europe after 1989, such as Ukraine after 2004. In the first part of this article, the author indicates the determinants of the transformation process in the Central and Eastern European countries, characterizing, e.g., such factors as the geopolitical location of a country, the achieved level of economic development before 1989, or the depth of the reforms and their social acceptance. However, it is the second part of the article which is its essence, as it presents how some of the elements of the transformation theory have affected different aspects of social, political and economic life of the country and at the same time allows exposure of a series of myths concerning transformation.

International audience ; A long historiography constructed for critiquing or assessing an obvious link between Rousseau and Robespierre. Undeniably "l'Incorruptible" used and explicitly referenced the writings of Jean-Jacques in many of his speeches. However, an important point is to be made in the difference of their opinions when assessing the degree of citizenship of the poor citizens. Herein is where his philosophy denounces the social scourge of the poverty as a result of poor governance, Robespierre counters inversely, endowing the poor a certain status of moral dignity that put him at the center of the civic construct. Thus, the republic is not built on the myth of small owners prospering themselves, but on the reality of the poor having only the value of his work for wealth. It is no longer the property of the land but the valuing of work that creates the ladder of appreciation for each by reformulating the idea of virtue, not as the consequence of savings transformed in goods, but rather by the results of a repeated volunteerism in daily labor without hopes of capitalizing. ; Une longue historiographie a construit, pour le critiquer ou le louer un lien d'évidence entre Rousseau et Robespierre. De fait « l'incorruptible » utilisa et se référa explicitement aux écrits de Jean-Jacques dans bien de ses discours. Pourtant, sur un point important leur opinion diffère, au moment d'apprécier le degré de citoyenneté du pauvre dans la cité. Là où le philosophe dénonce le fléau social de la pauvreté comme résultat d'une mauvaise gouvernance, Robespierre tente par un retournement de présenter la pauvreté comme un statut de dignité morale qu'il faut combattre matériellement mais placer au centre de la construction citoyenne. Ainsi, La république ne se construit pas sur le mythe du petit propriétaire de son bien, mais sur la réalité du pauvre n'ayant pour lui que la valeur de son travail à pouvoir faire fructifier. Ce n'est plus le bien foncier mais la valeur travail qui crée l'échelle d'appréciation de chacun en ...

If one reads a broad sample of interviews that have been conducted with South African filmmakers or film writers, then one might start to see a pattern in the types of complaints that emerge. Among these common complaints, one finds a widespread belief that the state is generally unwilling to fund certain types of films, and that contemporary South African audiences will avoid certain types of films. This dissertation explored whether the concept of Rainbowism could be adapted to theorise some reasons as to why the South African film industry seems to privilege certain narratives, whilst silencing others. A situation that is troubling when one considers South Africa's recent history. To accomplish this task, the author did a vast amount of reading on the subject of Rainbowism in general and on post-apartheid South African cinema in particular. From these numerous sources a way forward was synthesised. Rainbowism was defined in terms of myth and counter myth and its role in the creation of a new post-apartheid South African identity was also explored. Following this, South African cinema was historically contextualised and the state film-funding environment was explored. This was done in order to see the engagement between Rainbowism and the various funding bodies. It was shown that the emphasis on adapting to the post-apartheid state's neo-liberal economic policies had resulted in a situation in which film financing bodies such as the National Film and Video Foundation did not allow for audiences to grow in response to films. Rather, films had to be tailored to suit the preferences of existing audiences. This had a negative effect on those filmmakers that sought to try new things for which there might not yet have been an audience. Furthermore, it was also shown that South Africa's relatively peaceful transition from apartheid to democracy has become a feature of international co-productions; the desire to sell the idea of the rainbow nation has effected the types of engagements with the past that are displayed in these films.

The article investigates the features of political leadership within and at the end of «Euromaidan». The category of «sustaining myth» of society is used to describe the differences between the leaders of political parties and leaders of non-governmental organizations that took part in the «Euromaidan». Leaders of non-governmental organizations such as Dmytro Yarosh and Yegor Sobolev regard the situation so fundamentally wrong, that they see a fundamental restructuring of society, that is the change of the «supportive myth», as the only way out of the situation, while the party leaders are seeking to use it.Petro Poroshenko is considered as one of political leaders of «Euromaidan», who demonstrated excellent behavior from others and thus become the main benefiiaries eligible for the redistribution of supporters. As the President of Ukraine he has demonstrated the ability to structure cognitive space by creating mass awareness, promotion and support of social categories that is able to accommodate the largest possible number of followers and implements positive program of presidential political leadership ; В статье рассматриваются особенности политического руководства в рамках и по итогу «евромайдана». Категория «поддерживающего общественного мифа» используется, чтобы описать различия между лидерами политических партий и лидеров неправительственных организаций, принимавших участие в «евромайдане». Лидеры неправительственных организаций, такие, как Дмитрий Ярош и Егор Соболев видят ситуацию в корне неправильной, и ориентируются на коренную перестройку общества, то есть изменение «мифа», как единственного выхода из ситуации, в то время как партийные лидеры стремятся использовать его. Петр Порошенко рассматривается как один из политических лидеров «евромайдана», который продемонстрировал отличное от других поведение и стал основным бенефициаром перераспределения сторонников. Как Президент Украины реализует позитивную программу президентской политического руководства ; У статті розглядаються особливості політичного лідерства в рамках і за підсумками «євромайдану». Категорія «підтримуючий міф суспільства» використовується, щоб описати відмінності між лідерами політичних партій і лідерів неурядових організацій, що брали участь в «євромайдані». Петро Порошенко розглядається як один з політичних лідерів «євромайдану», який продемонстрував відмінну поведінку від протестних лідерів і став основним бенефіціаром при розподілі прихильників. Як Президент України він реалізує позитивну програму президентської політичного керівництва.

Saving Fish from Drowning, the most recent book of Amy Tan, once came to the 7th position as the bestseller in 2006 (Paperback, Best-Seller). 'This is the first time Ballantine published Amy Tan in trade paper first; in the past, the publisher did her books initially in mass market, then in trade. It worked – there are 290,000 copies in print after 8 printings… These brought huge turnout and great sales. While previous works of Amy Tan focus on mother and daughter relationship– issues that are more intimate and personal Saving Fish from Drowning 'branches out with a broad plot and dynamic digressions with political motifs. The broad plot itself is intriguing, for it invites readers to engage in an unforgettable experience in expedition to Burma. In the journey to Burma, digressions are dynamic. American tourists are missing one by one. They 'vanish without a trace in the Burmese jungle. What is so unique about this book is that the tone of the work is "ghostly". 'Ghosts are a dominant symbol', as stated in the news article entitled 'Bumbling down the Burma Road'. The overall style of the fiction is subversive. A novel based on real-life, this work mocks at the 'ironies of modern life. How can Amy Tan, a renowned AsianAmerican writer born in America with the Chinese descent, write the foreigners' adventure in the largest country in Mainland Southeast Asia in such an exotic way? These paradoxes: 'East and West, 'America and China, 'new and old 'memory and forgetting, 'truth and myth' intertwine, turning the story into an uncanny story. By uncanny, I mean readers will find all these - 'East and West, 'America and China, 'new and old, 'memory and forgetting, 'truth and myth', unfamiliarly familiar. Readers' attachment to the story and withdrawal from the story makes the story incredibly fascinating. It is such a marvelous journey! As Carol Memmott notes, it is 'a game of Survival Burma style conflated with adventure, humor, tragedy and politics (Memmott, Carol). This essay will discuss the representation of adventure in Burma and its possible effects upon readers to demonstrate how insightful this masterpiece is. ; published_or_final_version

Cet article propose une etude socio-historique du detournement des ceremonies memorielles du Bizkargi et de Z'Albertia Eguna au Pays basque par le nationalisme radical. A travers l'analyse detaillee de l'histoire contemporaine de l'Accion Nacionalista Vasca (ANV), ainsi que des symboles de plusieurs affiches, il souligne comment les nationalistes radicaux cherchent a detourner la signification historique originelle de ces fetes populaires, a savoir la commemoration des gudaris ('soldats') de la guerre civile espagnole, au profit de la legitimation de la violence et du culte des 'martyrs' de l'ETA. La reinvention du sens de ces ceremonies permet a la mouvance nationaliste radicale de creer et d'entretenir une memoire propre et des mythes fondateurs. En replacant la lutte des membres de l'ETA d'aujourd'hui dans une continuite historique supposee avec les gudaris d'hier, les nationalistes radicaux visent non seulement a legitimer leur lutte et l'usage de la violence, mais cherchent aussi a entretenir un lien generationnel fictif afin de renforcer la cohesion de leur groupe social et de recruter de nouveaux militants On the basis of radical nationalists' political tracts, this article proposes a socio-historical study on the misappropriation of the ceremonies of memory of the Bizkargi and the Albertia Eguna in the Basque Country. Through the detailed analysis of the contemporary history of the Basque Nationalist Action (ANV), and of the symbols of several images and tracts, it shows how radical nationalists try to change the original historical meaning of these popular celebrations, that is to say, the commemoration of the gudaris ('soldiers') of the Spanish civil war, to legitimise violence and to worship ETA's martyrs. The reinvention of the meaning of these ceremonies enables the radical nationalist movement to create and to entertain a proper memory and founding myths. By replacing the fight of ETA's current members in a supposed historical continuity with past gudaris, radical nationalists do not only seek to legitimate their fight and the usage of violence, but also try to maintain a fictitious generational link to reinforce the cohesion of their social groups and to recruit new militants. Adapted from the source document.

International audience ; A long historiography constructed for critiquing or assessing an obvious link between Rousseau and Robespierre. Undeniably "l'Incorruptible" used and explicitly referenced the writings of Jean-Jacques in many of his speeches. However, an important point is to be made in the difference of their opinions when assessing the degree of citizenship of the poor citizens. Herein is where his philosophy denounces the social scourge of the poverty as a result of poor governance, Robespierre counters inversely, endowing the poor a certain status of moral dignity that put him at the center of the civic construct. Thus, the republic is not built on the myth of small owners prospering themselves, but on the reality of the poor having only the value of his work for wealth. It is no longer the property of the land but the valuing of work that creates the ladder of appreciation for each by reformulating the idea of virtue, not as the consequence of savings transformed in goods, but rather by the results of a repeated volunteerism in daily labor without hopes of capitalizing. ; Une longue historiographie a construit, pour le critiquer ou le louer un lien d'évidence entre Rousseau et Robespierre. De fait « l'incorruptible » utilisa et se référa explicitement aux écrits de Jean-Jacques dans bien de ses discours. Pourtant, sur un point important leur opinion diffère, au moment d'apprécier le degré de citoyenneté du pauvre dans la cité. Là où le philosophe dénonce le fléau social de la pauvreté comme résultat d'une mauvaise gouvernance, Robespierre tente par un retournement de présenter la pauvreté comme un statut de dignité morale qu'il faut combattre matériellement mais placer au centre de la construction citoyenne. Ainsi, La république ne se construit pas sur le mythe du petit propriétaire de son bien, mais sur la réalité du pauvre n'ayant pour lui que la valeur de son travail à pouvoir faire fructifier. Ce n'est plus le bien foncier mais la valeur travail qui crée l'échelle d'appréciation de chacun en ...

A persistent concern of social anthropology of death has been to map dying and death within the meaningful matrices of myth, ritual actions and communitarian regeneration. This article embedded within the said legacy, departs from the convention in minor ways. It seeks to locate the agency of the dead as a specific kind of subject–object, focusing on the newly dead rather than on the dying and the fresh ancestors. The newly dead are those for whom the transition from the material–spectral state into a new embodiment must be observed through the proper processing of the dead. The article maps this realm of the newly dead in relation to the institutional practice of cremation in Denmark, Europe. The entry into the ethnographic understanding of the Danish context is informed by my previous fieldwork on the subject of cremation at Banaras, India. This article mainly borrows from my fieldwork at Aarhus, while Banaras serves as an alert backdrop. The specific object of enquiry that guided my research in Aarhus was to locate the controversial initiative to redirect the heat generated during the cremation process, for civil, municipal use. Locating the controversy, I argue, enables one to address the nature of institutional imaginaries involved in the processing of the newly dead. It further helps us to show how these imaginaries persist within a multiplicity of shifts such as new scientific inventions, Nazi use of cremation techniques, aestheticisation of funerary objects and the availability of commercial merchandise as funerary objects. In the ethnographic contextualisation of this multiplicity, the emphasis is on highlighting both the imaginaries of the proper processing of the dead and the doing of the proper. In this regard, the article poses the question: Is there any link between the myth and the proper observance of funerary procedures? It argues that the biblical version of singularity appears integral to the institutional imaginary of processing of the newly dead in Aarhus, just as scientific vision and communitarian sentiments are constitutive of it.

The purpose of my work is to analyse the comments made by Aristotle on the relationship between basileia and aristocratia and between basileia and euergesia (Policy V 10, 1310b 2-3, 9-12, 31-37). I will also try to reconstruct the image that Aristotle gives us of Codro (V 10, 1310b 36-37) and, by analysing the exemplum relating to the myth King of Athens, I will try to correct the interpretation that is generally given to lines 1310b 34-36, highlighting the complex system of relationships that Aristotle establishes between "facts" (exempla) and "concepts". ; International audience The aim of my paper is to examine the relation between basileia and aristokratia and between basileia and euergesia (Politics V 10, 1310b 2-3, 9-12, 31-37). Furthermore, I will try to reconstruct Aristotle' depiction of Codrus (V 10, 1310b 36-37) and through an analysis of the exemplum concerning the mythical king of Athens, to revise the current interpretation of V 10, 1310b 34-36 and to give an account of the complex relationship established by Aristotle between "facts" (exempla) and 'ideas'. ; The purpose of my work is to analyse the comments made by Aristotle on the relationship between basileia and aristocratia and between basileia and euergesia (Policy V 10, 1310b 2-3, 9-12, 31-37). I will also try to reconstruct the image that Aristotle gives us of Codro (V 10, 1310b 36-37) and, by analysing the exemplum relating to the myth King of Athens, I will try to correct the interpretation that is generally given to lines 1310b 34-36, highlighting the complex system of relationships that Aristotle establishes between "facts" (exempla) and "concepts". ; Scopo del mio lavoro è analizzare le considerazioni formulate da Aristotele sul rapporto tra basileia e aristocratia e tra basileia e euergesia (Politica V 10, 1310b 2-3, 9-12, 31-37). Proverò, inoltre, a ricostruire l'immagine che Aristotele ci fornisce di Codro (V 10, 1310b 36-37) e, attraverso l'analisi dell'exemplum relativo al mitico re di Atene, tenterò di rettificare ...

Ausgehend vom Slogan Wien ist anders werden Versuche der Identitäts- und Selbstbildung Österreichs thematisiert und durch die Geschichte hindurch von der römischen Provinz Pannonien über die Herrschaft der Babenberger und Habsburger bis in die Zweite Republik verfolgt. Dabei wird deutlich, dass jedes Selbst – sei es ein Individuum, eine Nation, eine Kultur etc. keine geschlossene Totalität, sondern eine Selbst-Differenz darstellt. Es zeigt sich, dass alle Versuche, Vielfalt und Fülle unter eine hegemoniale Ideologie (Gründungsmythos) stellen zu wollen, scheitern, weil letztlich wieder eine Differenz geschaffen wird. Das belegt der Mitteleuropa-Mythos – Österreich ist Mittler zwischen der lateinisch-germanischen und der slawischen Kultur – ebenso eindrucksvoll, wie aktuelle Versuche, Österreich als Avantgarde Mitteleuropas auszurufen oder den Multikulturalismus als aktuelle politische Leitidee zu etablieren. Alle Versuche, eine derartige exklusive Selbststruktur zu schaffen, generieren Figuren des Ausschlusses wie den Juden, den Migranten, den Moslem oder den anders denkenden Bürger. Sie verleugnen die Selbst-Differenz in der eigenen Selbstbildung und projizieren diese auf den bedrohlichen anderen. Anstatt partikulare Konzepte wie nationale Identität, kulturelle Essenz usw. zu universalisieren, empfiehlt es sich daher, die nie schließbare Differenz der eigenen Selbstbildung zu realisieren, um Integration, Toleranz, Partizipation, Solidarität und Demokratisierung einen neue Grundlage zu bieten. ; Based on the slogan Vienna is different Austria shall be identified in the sense of process perspectives of self-image creation and identity finding and therefore guided through – from the Roman province Pannonia, along the rule of the Babenberger and Habsburgs up to the present Second Republic. Thereby it becomes clear that every self – as an individual, a nation, a culture, etc. – presents no closed totality but a self-difference. It turns out that all attempts to place diversity under a homogeneous predominant ideology (founding myth) fail, because ultimately again a difference is produced. The Central Europe Myth (Austria as a mediator between the Latin-Germanic and Slavic culture) proves that as well as topical attempts to establish Austria as vanguard of central Europe (Centrope) or multiculturalism as today's political leading idea. All efforts to create such a self-structure produce outsider figures (shadows) such as the Jew, the migrant, the Muslim or also the dissenting citizen. They deny the self-difference in their own identity and project it on to the threatening or dissenting other. Instead of universalizing separatist concepts like national identity, cultural essence, etc., it is advisable to realise the never closing self-difference of one's own self-finding process, to offer new possibilities for integration, tolerance, participation, solidarity, and democratizing.

It is a common place of the contemporary political science that the pattern of the image of a politician contains components based on the archaic cognitive structures. First of all, to such components the archetypes belong. The archetype is in turn intimately associated with the corresponding myth and ritual. Some of the rituals that accompany the realization of an archetype have roots stretching back into the cradle of human civilization, but remain relevant in the 21st century. The paper deals with the technologies of using the mythological motif of the divine (sacred) marriage as a means of cultivation of the image of a politician. As a case studies the marriages of Corneliu Zelea Codreanu, the leader of the Rumanian extreme right-wing 'Legion of the Archangel Michael' (1926), and of the radical Yugoslav nationalist Željko Ražnatović Arkan, the commander of the 'Serb Volunteer Guard' (1995), are taken. The use of this subject has everything to do with the Jungian archetype which forms the basis of the image of the extreme right-wing politicians, namely, that of the Hero, for the motif of the 'bride acquisition' with the subsequent marriage is one of the culmination points of the corresponding mythological narrative. As the mass media render national importance to the actual marriage, not only does it activate through certain technologies the archaic layers of conscience of the target population, but it also reproduces an old behavioural pattern, i. e. participation in the mystery. In the author's opinion, the success of the activation of the divine marriage motif depends on a series of factors, such as the type of the society (agrarian or semi-agrarian), the charismatic type of the political leader, as well as certain ideology. The successful use of this motif makes it possible not only to sustain the positive image of a politician, but also to create a political myth. The author gives special consideration to the role of mass media in this process.

At a time when some people lament the loss of authority in schools, the evocation of a golden age of teachers' authority is recurrent. Everything happens as though this authority had been obvious up to the end of the 19th century so much so that it never had to be legitimated in order to exist. This doctoral thesis focuses on this myth. Tackling such a question justified an effort of comprehension for a past that, although it doesn't concern us anymore, remains the basis on which or against which the present was built. In other words, it was a matter of returning to the sources of authority that could be put forward as the elements for legitimization. That's why the studied period is a "long-spanning period" spreading from the Antiquity to the dawn of the 3rd Republic. Answering to the research question: "On what grounds did the legitimacy of the teachers' authority rest and on what external means did it rely?", this doctoral thesis demonstrates that, unlike what is often said, the authority of primary school teachers has required speeches of legitimization from the theoreticians of education whether they were religious, philosophical or political. Indeed, relying on the forms of legitimized authority, inspired by the one that was established by Max Weber, this thesis not only reveals the elements of legitimization that are characteristic of historical periods but it also enlightens the existence of three constancies for this legitimization: patriarchalism, charisma of the profession and moral codification. ; A l'heure où d'aucuns déplorent la perte d'autorité à l'école, l'évocation d'un âge d'or de l'autorité des professeurs est récurrente. Tout se passe comme si cette autorité avait été évidente jusqu'à la fin du XIXe siècle au point de n'avoir jamais eu à être légitimée pour exister. C'est à ce mythe que s'intéresse cette thèse. Aborder pareille question justifiait un effort de compréhension pour un passé qui, bien qu'il ne nous concerne plus, n'en reste pas moins la base sur laquelle, ou contre laquelle, le ...