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AbstractThe standard assumption that spec,CP is always an A′ position has been questioned for several languages where embedded C heads are involved in agreement and case assignment; however, the idea that no XP can be introduced in spec,CP by external merge has remained unchallenged. The article presents novel data from control phenomena in Mari (Uralic; nominative, SOV) and argues that, in this language, a particular type of C head is capable of thematically licensing an overt argument externally merged in spec,CP: the complementizer manən used in infinitival complement clauses projects a dative goal of communication. This behavior of manən follows from its dual nature: it is a semigrammaticalized verb 'say' that retains some lexical characteristics. I further suggest that the dative goal can be considered an overt realization of the addressee discourse variable, in line with the recent work on the presence of speaker, addressee, and logophoric center in syntax.

AbstractPrevious research suggests that it is difficult to maintain cooperation in a large society when there is a strong hierarchical structure. In this study, we implement online human experiments to study the effects of exogenous variation in a particular notion of hierarchy on cooperation and conflict within groups. We demonstrate how cooperation can be maintained when collective action is accompanied by dyadic conflicts whose outcome feeds back on the hierarchical rank of the contestants. We find that the majority of individuals take part in conflicts and that highly ranked individuals mostly cooperate and engage in conflicts as a way to punish noncooperators. As a consequence, stable hierarchical groups can arise and maintain high levels of cooperation. Our results are in agreement with the prediction of earlier theoretical models on hierarchical societies and are relevant to understanding the interplay of hierarchy, cooperation, and conflict.

The need to prevent the abuse of fixed-term employment contracts, having its legal basis in the framework agreement on fixed-term work, implemented by Council Directive 99/70/EC, may have been weakened by the tendency to become more flexible in the face of the socio-economic conditions related to the coronavirus pandemic. From the point of view of an employee, it is important to be employed under an employment contract, ultimately for an indefinite period. Long-term employment on a temporary contract is associated with the phenomenon of precarization of employment and leads to segmentation in the labour market. The purpose of this paper is to answer the questions of whether the state of pandemic affects in some way the possibility of concluding fixed-term employment contracts, in particular whether it can constitute an objective reason justifying the conclusion of such an employment contract.

In this paper we examine the impact that the introduction of digital technologies and artificial intelligence is having on equality and discrimination. The analysis of the existing global governance architecture and proposals for reshaping it shows that there are many aspects that are not yet sufficiently developed. This poses a risk of exacerbating inequalities and perpetuating discrimination. In this context, regulating the activities of multinational companies to anticipate and mitigate the human negative impacts they pose, and to make them accountable for potential damage is essential. It is also necessary to adopt international agreements that apply generally to technologies that, by their very nature, have the potential to jeopardize international peace and security. This process should be rooted in the objective of providing equal opportunities to citizens, the protection of shared values among States, and ultimately, the common good of mankind.

AbstractScholars have urged institutions of higher learning to include academy engagement with sexuality education in recent years. While Catholic colleges and universities specifically express the concern for whole‐person development, there has only been recent calls to include this topic when addressing student affairs. If left out of the larger curriculum, this part of the human experience can often be left unexamined. After identifying the agreement between the church and secular US national sex ed standards on developmentally appropriate sexuality education, I identify the breadth and complexity of what is meant by "sexuality" followed by the social and cognitive developmental theories that substantiate the need for sexuality information at the college level. I conclude with further support in church documents for the inclusion of sexuality education in Catholic higher learning for the more fully integrated experience of human sexuality.

Evaluation that supports social, ecological, and governance systems change and transformation raises ethical questions about what and whose worldviews do and should ground evaluative processes. This article illustrates one approach to ethical analysis within a case study of the first phase of an initiative to co-create a monitoring, evaluation, and learning system. The case drew on the principles of Blue Marble Evaluation in partnership with local staff and Indigenous leaders of the Amazon Sacred Headwaters Initiative. The approach uses critical and relational systems thinking to examine the sources of motivation, power, knowledge, and legitimacy that influence and should influence an evaluation system. Results reframe typical early phase evaluation process work from a contractual agreement to a co-created ethical space that engenders the legitimacy of the evaluation process. Contributions include a conceptual framework and process for ethical analysis that could be adapted by others.

As discussions of a 'new cold war' between China and the West intensify, it has never been more important to understand how China engages internationally. Crucially, as of 2022, China has established 110 'strategic partnerships', without stipulating any formal treaty of alliance, but we know little about strategic partnerships and how China uses them, despite their centrality as a foreign policy tool. Departing from the assumption of the state as a unitary and monolithic actor in international affairs, this article proposes a new framework of strategic partnerships which incorporates sub-state entities as well as an ideational component, highlighting the image-building purpose that these partnerships serve. Empirically, the analysis focuses on the evolution of the Sino-Italian strategic partnership, drawing on a critical discourse analysis of 1294 news articles published as part of the agreement between the Chinese and Italian news agencies Xinhua and ANSA.

AbstractWhile widespread agreement that policing in the United States needs to be reformed arose in the summer of 2020, little consensus about specific reforms was reached. A common theme that arose, however, is a general lack of trust in the police. One response has been to increase agency diversity in terms of both officer race and officer gender. However, important questions exist about when – and what type(s) of – diversity shape citizen trust in and willingness to cooperate with the police – especially when considered in conjunction with agency performance and policies. To answer these questions, we use two conjoint experiments to evaluate whether citizens consider diversity when evaluating police agencies. We find that while both racial and gender diversity can influence public evaluations sometimes, these effects tend to emerge in the context of only the most (least) diverse institutions and are muted compared to the effects of agency policies and performance.

The negotiation of the Brexit Withdrawal Agreement (2017–2020) puzzled scholars by appearing to show a weaker party (the United Kingdom) adopting a harder negotiation strategy than the stronger party (the European Union). This article attempts to explain this paradox, by combining a two-level game framework with a negotiation psychology lens. It finds that the United Kingdom's (UK) behaviour was indeed harder than the European Union's (EU) on the domestic level of the game, but, on the international level, the EU's behaviour was harder than the UK's. The article further explores the behavioural and psychological incentives behind the UK's hard behaviour, differentiating between negotiators at the political level and at the administrative level. The analysis shows that, while some aspects of the UK's hard stance were rational within the context of a two-level game, others were harmful and due to cognitive limitations.

AbstractFlexibility in administrative crisis management is a frequently reported determinant for a successful crisis response. But there is little agreement about how to conceptualize, measure, and explain flexibility. We use a three-dimensional measure of administrative flexibility, capturing employees' decision leeway, staff mobility, and organizational innovation in a crisis response. We then develop and test an explanation of variation in flexibility, focusing on the refugee crisis of 2015/16 in Germany and analyzing survey and socioeconomic data from 235 districts using linear regression analysis. The main finding is that differences in flexibility cannot be explained by the scope of the crisis in a district, but by organizational factors: Agencies with politically unconstrained leadership, with higher financial resources and more crisis-related experience, respond more flexible. These findings contribute to theorizing and explaining administrative flexibility in and beyond crisis management and have practical implications for crisis learning and preparation.

AbstractThe COVID‐19 crisis provides important examples whereby Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway (the EEA EFTA States) deemed it necessary to influence the content of EU rules. Despite participating in the internal market through the EEA Agreement, they were not initially excluded from the EU's restrictions on the export of personal protective equipment and later the export of vaccines against COVID‐19, and they sought to reverse these decisions. This article explores how the EEA EFTA States influenced EU policy in this regard and which methods proved to be most effective. Did the nature of the COVID‐19 crisis have an impact on EU decision‐making processes as well as the methods and channels used by the EEA EFTA States? The EEA EFTA States' relationship with the EU is also examined as it relates to their ability to influence EU legislation and the legitimacy of such influence.

Officially supported export credits matter greatly for private contracts: they provide the possibility of large export transactions and contracts which would otherwise not take place. It is therefore important to know how these instruments are regulated on an international level. The international regulation for public European export finance has three levels: rules set by the WTO to curb export subsidies, the Arrangement on Officially Supported Export Credits (which is a gentlemen's agreement) and the EU state aid framework. Whilst the WTO framework has an official carve-out for the Arrangement, the EU state aid regime does not. Post-Covid, this article looks at the way to proceed with regulating official export credits, and how the different levels of regulation should be applied (and when), concluding that the Arrangement should be the core text of international regulation on export credits.

In light of secluded decision-making and early agreements, a binding mandate for the European Parliament's negotiation team is essential to prevent agency loss in trilogue negotiations. In this article, I investigate the influence of the often-overlooked shadow rapporteurs on this mandate. Shadow rapporteurs are their party group's representatives and act as checks on the rapporteur. Drawing on novel insights from network analysis, I expect shadow rapporteurs and their stance on EU integration to affect the success of amendments they are sponsoring. I draw on a novel dataset of 1524 committee amendments and employ three-level multinomial logistic regression to test these expectations. I find shadow rapporteurs to be influential policy leaders who successfully shape the committee report and, therefore, mitigate the risk of agency loss in potential trilogues. Shadow rapporteurs can successfully check the rapporteur and thereby influence the content of EU legislation.

Mathematical model representing a catalytic effect of a nanocrystal mixture of metallic platinum and ruthenium dioxide for electrooxidation of methanol is established. Dependance of a current density of the methanol electrooxidation on the chemical composition and size of nanocrystals is determined in the model. A good agreement between theoretical values and experimental results corroborates that electrooxidation of methanol is guided by a bifunctional mechanism. The model is based on the fact that the catalytic effect is proportional to the length of the contact border between nanocrystals of metallic platinum and nanocrystals of ruthenium dioxide. Ru-OH particles are formed on the Ru atoms at the border of crystal grains, at potentials more negative than on platinum. These species oxidize firmly bound intermediates COad located on the adjacent Pt atoms and thus release the Pt atoms for adsorption and dehydrogenation of subsequent molecules of methanol.