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One should give full marks to the authors for coming up with a most unusual title for a book on economics—a title that grabs one's attention. The book was most popular having reached the Number Two rank on the New York Times bestseller list for nonfiction. It consists of a number of articles (six to be precise) authored by Levitt and addressed to a largely lay audience. Although Levitt would like to see himself as a "rogue economist", in this book he does apply "the basic microeconomic theory of rational utility-maximisation" to subjects that would not be covered in standard economic textbooks. In that sense, his rogue economist's status becomes doubtful. This apart, the book makes for some interesting reading. Chapter 1 examines the issue of cheating. One would think that students taking their examinations normally cheat. This chapter introduces the notion that teachers also cheat, if the incentives are right. So do Sumo Wrestlers, as Levitt uses statistical analyses to prove how this is done. So one should not be too surprised when people cheat. Morality has no role to play in the decision to cheat.

AbstractAfter the attacks on 9/11, Muslims in the United States were the targets of increased surveillance by law enforcement on the basis of their religious identity, often resulting in mistreatment and unjustified imprisonment. The current study examined ideologies that are associated with Islamophobia and support for police surveillance of Muslims, as well as specific types of intergroup threat perceptions that mediate these relationships. Participants (N = 603) completed a survey measuring Social Dominance Orientation (SDO), Right‐wing Authoritarianism (RWA), Nationalism, intergroup threat perceptions, Islamophobia, and support for an anti‐Muslim police surveillance policy. Results demonstrated that higher levels of SDO, RWA, and Nationalism were each independently associated with Islamophobia through increased realistic, symbolic, and terroristic threat perceptions. Further, higher levels of Islamophobia mediated the relationships between each type of perceived threat and support for a Muslim surveillance policy. This comprehensive model of anti‐Muslim bias highlights the relative, independent effects of ideology and threat perceptions on anti‐Muslim prejudice and discrimination. Findings hold implications for the use of threat‐based language and stereotyping in policy decisions, particularly among those high in SDO, RWA, and Nationalism.

AbstractThe recent Syrian uprisings have impacted all sectors of life and played a major role in redrawing internal boundaries among different groups in Syria, not only between Kurds and Arabs but also within the fabric of Kurdish life. Among Syrian Kurds, calls for militarization and separation based on national chauvinism (Qasad) are countered by more moderate voices warning of the dangers of escalation and calling for Kurdish civilian rights within the Syrian homeland. Jan Dost is a Syrian–Kurdish writer whose literary oeuvre includes poetry books, numerous translations from and to Kurdish, and twelve novels, some of which have been translated into Turkish, Arabic, Sorani, Persian, and Italian. His criticism of what he calls "Kurdish fascism" prompted this interview, which is part of my current doctoral research on internal dissent in modern Middle Eastern narratives that negotiate the failure of "nationalism" in building modern states. Dost was born in Kobani in 1966 and has been living in Germany since 2000. His novel Mokhatat Petersburg (Petersburg Manuscript, 2020) was longlisted for the Sheikh Zayed Book Award. The interview is my translation from Arabic. It has been lightly edited for clarity and concision.

Negative partisanship describes the intense disdain for a rival political party. A growing number of political scientists in the US and beyond examine the impact of negative partisanship on citizens' political behavior, asserting the notion that negative partisanship exerts a strong influence, either on its own or in combination with positive partisanship. Yet we know little about the psychological origins of negative and positive partisanship: Which personality traits are associated with high levels of negative partisanship, and do they differ from the ones that have been linked to positive partisanship? In this article, I address these questions. Utilizing a sample of US adults and a sample of Swedish adults, I examine the influence of prominent personality traits—including Authoritarianism, Social Dominance Orientation, the Need for Closure, and the Big Five—on strong negative and positive partisanship. I demonstrate that the personality origins of positive and negative partisanship differ not just across the two samples but also across partisans on the left and on the right. I conclude the article with implications for research on polarization and a plea for more comparative work on (positive and negative) partisanship.

In Reliability Demonstration Testing (RDT), finding the right sample size is very important since the cost of the prototypes is high and difficult to make. If the sample size for the RDT is test is less, the amount of information obtained from the test will be insufficient, and the conclusion will be meaningless; on contrary, if the sample size is big/huge, the amount of information obtained from the test will be in excess of what is required, resulting in unnecessary costs. Most of the time, the required sample size and test time are decided based on the RDT test design. Resources required for RDT in terms of batch size and long testing-time is practically not feasible, due to limitation of the project schedule and budget. The reliability engineers must have a sound knowledge of type challenge/risk that is allowed for conducting RDT. The research paper with a case study provides the required information about the modern techniques adopted in reducing the sample-size and testing time with the help of accelerated test models such as Arrhenius, Erying etc., for conducting accelerated life test to demonstrate the product reliability.

Online surveys are becoming the dominant form for survey data collection. This presents a problem for the measurement of political knowledge, because, according to recent scholarship, unsupervised measurement of political knowledge in web-based surveys suffers from respondent dishonesty. This study examines the validity of five possible survey proxies for political knowledge: self-assessed sophistication, political interest, internal political efficacy, accuracy of party placements on a left-right dimension and political participation. The analysis draws on a 2020 survey data (n = 1,097) and partial replications with identical measures from a 2008 survey data (n = 1,021) from Finland. Through several tests, the five proxies are assessed in terms of convergent validity, criterion validity and predictive validity. Across all tests, political interest performs best on all dimensions of validity and demonstrates largely identical relationships with political knowledge. Although the survey measurement of political interest and political knowledge may partly tap into slightly different constructs, the analysis supports the conclusion that political interest is the most suitable survey proxy for political knowledge from among the five proxy candidates included in the analysis.

AbstractWe use quasi‐experimental expansion of publicly funded childcare slots for children under the age of three from Germany and exploit regional variations of this large‐scale expansion to account for endogenous and selective fertility decisions. To account for left and right censoring, we implement this quasi‐experimental framework into the setting of the semiparametric Cox hazard model. By using spatial data on childcare provision at the level of counties and microdata from the German Socio‐Economic Panel (SOEP) from 1998 to 2012, we find a significant increase in the transition probability to first birth by 11.9% for native childless couples who were in the labor force before childbearing. With regard to transition to the second birth, however, no significant effect is found from the increase in childcare slots. With a particular focus on the transition to first birth, the effects are demonstrated not to be driven by selective residency choices and internal migration patterns. Furthermore, a large set of robustness checks is applied to show that highly educated mothers react the most, while effects are not attributable to the upper decile of income distribution.

New political cleavages are reshaping the political landscape in established democracies. The classic left-right ideological dimension that has structured politics for decades is increasingly challenged by a sociocultural value dimension. At the same time, growing opportunities for media choice open for new forms of selective news exposure along political lines. We argue that previous research has too narrowly focused on traditional ideological cleavages, neglecting the increasingly important sociocultural value dimension of politics. Using four waves of panel survey data collected in Sweden during 2020 and 2021, this study analyses ideological selective exposure, audience composition, and reinforcing spirals across a range of mainstream and alternative news outlets. Findings show (1) that the sociocultural value dimension is more important than the socioeconomic dimension for explaining news choices, (2) that it structures news audiences in uniquely distinct ways, and (3) that these relationships are highly stable over time—reflecting patterns of de facto selective exposure and ideological maintenance, rather than reinforcement. These findings bring new insights to research on selective news exposure, political polarization, and changing ideological cleavages in Western democracies.

Abstract
From the point of apprehension by U.S. Customs and Border Protection at the U.S.–Mexican border to their reunification with sponsors in U.S. communities, unaccompanied children (UC) face political, social, and economic conditions, heightening their risk for mental and physical health burdens that may be exacerbated during the COVID-19 pandemic. Such risk underscores the importance of social work practice and advocacy for the improved treatment and experiences of UC. This article uses a structural vulnerability conceptual lens to summarize the existing literature regarding UC and argues that UC's liminal immigration status, economic precarity, and lack of healthcare access place this group at high structural vulnerability during the pandemic. Further, this article identifies and describes three contexts of structural vulnerability of UC that are important points of social work intervention: (1) at the border, where migrant children are denied their legal right to seek protection; (2) in detention and shelter facilities; and (3) during reunification with sponsors. This article concludes with important practice and policy opportunities for social workers to pursue to obtain social justice for an important and highly vulnerable migrant child population.

Abstract
For over two decades, China has implemented a "legal preemption" strategy of encouraging workers to enforce their legal rights through litigation in order to preempt their tendency toward collective action. During most of this period, there was some space for unlicensed "barefoot lawyers" and labor nongovernmental organizations (ngo s) to provide meaningful assistance to workers by representing them in this litigation process. This article argues that even those limited openings for civil society participation in this area have narrowed as China's legal preemption strategy has deepened: the government has sought not only to steer workers into the litigation process but also to control who represents them in that process and which tactics they may use. Specifically, the government ramped up its own legal aid programs, in which licensed lawyers beholden to the state represent workers, in order to squeeze out unregulated barefoot lawyers and labor ngo s. The article describes how and why this was done. The article then considers the implications of this transition for workers seeking legal representation and the future of China's labor ngo s.

The government's policy for students to study from home during the Covid-19 pandemic has had a major adjustment impact for students, teachers and parents. Closer collaboration is needed to support the achievement of learning targets. The selection of the right learning method also has an important role in making it easier for students to absorb information and helping teachers and parents as facilitators. In teaching English to kindergarten students, Total Physical Response (TPR) is one method that can be applied. TPR was applied to Kindergarten (TK) Aisyiyah 101 students in class. Fifteen students became respondents in this study. Research data were collected from observations, documentation, interviews, and questionnaires. The results of the study were described using a qualitative descriptive method. From the research data, it can be concluded that TPR facilitates students, teachers, and parents in learning English during studying from home or in Indonesian called as Belajar Dari Rumah (BDR). By using TPR, students can learn with pleasure and absorb information quickly. In addition, TPR also makes it easier for parents and teachers to teach English to children.

This article reviews and compares the use of confinement and other restrictive measures against young people under 18 in child welfare and/or the criminal justice systems in Denmark, Sweden, Finland, and Norway. Young people are confined for a variety of reasons, including protection, care, treatment, and punishment. However, confinement of young people is a contested issue because it can be viewed as necessary but also potentially harmful. Comparison of legislation and practices reveals that while there are some similarities in the service provisions for young people, there are also significant disparities among the four countries regarding the organization, function, and frequency of the use of confinement and restrictive measures. While Denmark and Sweden use secure welfare institutions, Finland and Norway apply other restrictive measures. Despite the differences in approaches to confinement in the Nordic countries, the use of confinement is guided by the principle of the child's best interest, and the child welfare system is the main frame for confinement and intervention. The article discusses these disparate practices from the perspective of children's rights and identifies new avenues for research and practice. ; publishedVersion ; Peer reviewed

The COVID-19 pandemic lay bare the vulnerabilities of some countries' public health responses and praise for others. Comparative law review in public health responses may glean lessons for the United States. For example, the United States had not had a pandemic of this magnitude in over a century and was reluctant to institute early masking policies. Meanwhile, the world raced for a COVID-19 vaccine. This begs the question of who will take the vaccine. Will—or can—governments force their citizens to be inoculated? Global comparisons in personal liberty, freedom, bodily autonomy, and how to parent intersect at the right to (or not to) mask and vaccinate debate. This Comment compares laws with various countries against a cultural and political backdrop, such as masking differences in the East and West, vaccines and the resurgence of eradicated diseases in the United States, how an authoritative, military dictatorship in Argentina implemented vaccine laws on its citizens, and how the past atrocities the people of the Democratic Republic of the Congo faced is influencing their vaccination rates and subsequent measles and Ebola virus outbreaks today. These global problems require global solutions.

Teamwork is an integral part of leadership, and many teamwork skills are also leadership skills. This chapter explains how instructors can help engineering students build their capacity for leadership while working in teams. ; This is the peer reviewed version of the following article: Wolfinbarger, K. G. (2022). Team Leadership in Engineering Education. New Directions for Student Leadership, 2022(173), 53–61, which has been published in final form at https://doi.org/10.1002/yd.20479. This article may be used for non-commercial purposes in accordance with Wiley Terms and Conditions for Use of Self-Archived Versions. This article may not be enhanced, enriched or otherwise transformed into a derivative work, without express permission from Wiley or by statutory rights under applicable legislation. Copyright notices must not be removed, obscured or modified. The article must be linked to Wiley's version of record on Wiley Online Library and any embedding, framing or otherwise making available the article or pages thereof by third parties from platforms, services and websites other than Wiley Online Library must be prohibited. ; Yes ; Article published in Special Issue: Student Leadership Development in Engineering.